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POLITICAL REGISTER, 



^SETTING FORTH THE PRINCPLES„OF THE WHIG AND 
LOCOFOCO PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES, 



WITH THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
, OF 

HENRY CLAY. 

ALSO 

IN APPENDIX PERSONAL TO THE AUTHOR j 

AND 
A GENERAL INDEX. 



SY WILLIAM G/BROWNL0W 

Editor of the Jonesboro' Whig. 



JONESBOROUGH, TENN. 



.1844. 






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DEDICATION. 



TO HIS 
EXCELLENCY JAMES C. JONES. 

Sir : I DEDICATE to you this volume on National Politics, as ai^ 

acknowledgment oC youf untiring zeal for the cause of truth — your 
distinguished services in the Whig cause in Tennessee— and your friendly 
and gratifying attention to me for the last several years, during which 
time we have been n:iembersof the same great party, and fellow -laborers 
and fellow-sufferersjin the same glorious cause—the cause of the people, 
the cause of the country, and the cause of eedigion ! 

In dedicating to you this volume, which has for its objects, the defence 
.of sound principles, the refutation of certain destructive errors, and the 
advocacy of HENRY CLAY, the greatest man now living — I have 
,been induced to shelter it under your patronage, by considerations of a 
:5aiuch higher nature than the formal and customary honor of addressing 
men in this way. To whom, as a tribute of respect, could this honor 
:be more appropriately paid, than to one, who, among all the candidates 
in this State, in 1839, alone openly, boldly, and triumphantly advocated 
Henry Clay upon the stump ? Not only so, but you have twice 
since then, in two hard fought battles, carried this State for Clay and 
the Whig cause, against the most fearful odds. But having enlarged on 
these topics in a separate chapter in this work, I will not repeat what is 
there stated. 

With a contempt of pleasure, rest, and ease, when called to fight the 
battles of your party, you have lived in a familiarity with dangers and 
difficulties, wholly disregarding personal sacrifices, or what might befall 
you in the discharge of duty. Long rid es,^ and b,ad roads, throu ;, v.- r 
and dry, heat and cold, with the addition of hunger and Uiirst, industry, 
yigilance and patience of labor, have constituted ycur enjoymcjits for 
;thc last four year?. Your warfare lias also been with the indescribable 



DEDICATION, 



l^eiTors of those powers cf darkness which invariably rally to the support 
of FALSEHOOD, aiid whicli never foil to assail those who are engaged 
jn the defence of truth. Yet, though yon have been assailed, and 
slandered, you have not yielded ; yet, thougli you have been compassed 
with political enemies, from the deeps you have called upon the 
PEOPLE ; and their eyes, from "the midst of the valley and shadow 
of deatli," have been bent on you ! 

Governor, I admire some politicians of my acquaintance, for their 
dignity, others for their sociability,' and warm attachments to a 
friend ; — some for their popular talents, others for the correctness of 
their behavior; — some for their soundness of judgment, others for their 
happiness of expression ; — some for their talents in laying schemes, 
others for their art of putting them into successful eperation; — 
and some for one thing, and some another. But, sir, I admire you for 
all these qualities, and for j^our honesty, independence, candor, and 
openness of heart, which shine in your actions, and which have won 
for you the esteem of all who have had the pleasure to know you 
personally, and of multiplied thousands who never beheld your face- 

Finally, my dear sir, that your journey through life may be as sweet 
.as it is necessarily shoit ; that poverty and want, may always be a year's 
inarch behind you ; that you may be happy, and highly honored of 
men, and your enemies know it ; that your career of honor and usefulnesa 
may be onward and upwards ; that while you travel through life, you 
may live well on the road ; and, that while you do hve, you may live 
tinder the guidance of the five greatest and best of generals— Gcnejal 
Providence, General Peace, General Plenty, General Satisfaciion^aml 
'General Whi^'^cry, isthemost ardent desire of one, who in all the noble 
enthusiasm of love and friendship, begs permission to subscribe himself, 
Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient, 

And most humble servant, 

W. G. BROWNLOW, 



TO THE READER. 

In submitting tliis work to the reading piiblic,it is not done,Ifrankljr 
confess, without a goott degree of solicitude and anxiety. The subjeccts 
embraced in it, and the objects had in vie-v, are of inexpressible 
magnitude. The subjects d>xe principles dividing the two great pohtical 
parties in the United States, and the present critical situation of the 
Union, with the causes that have led to those differences of opinion and 
to that situation ; the objects, the restoration of sound principles — the 
overthrow of inad party rage and rancour — and the elevation to the 
Presidency, of HENRY CLAY of Kentucky, the master spirit of the 
age, and the only man living, as I believe, who can restore this 
Government to that dignity and s:anding it has forfeited under the 
control of the " Rogues and Royalists." 

I know the men and measures I have advocated,are very unpopular 
■with my political opponents; and will subject me to the reproach of 
many: but the dye is cast, and the ordeal 1 am more than willing to 
encounter. From the conviction, that though I may have made "a 
perfect failure," the cause I have advocated, is worthy, and susceptible 
of defence, not to say progressive elevation, I shall desire a solace which 
cannot be taken away. The prospects of ultimate success, with the 
great Whig party, of which I have the honor to be an humble member, 
and the view of conferring future and lasting benefits on our country, 
fortify my mind against the danger of many evils, and the apprehension 
of the bitterness of party censure. It blunts the keen edge' of sarcasm, 
and defeats the base purposes of malignity, lo know that one serves the 
cause of humanity, of truth, and of his country. The epithets of scorn- 
and party hatred, are a heavy burden to bear ; as men instinctively love 
fame, and desire the good opinions of their countrymen ; yet, there is 
a higher source of happiness than the applause of men, and especially 
those who are opposed to all we say or write. 1 am not indifferent (o 
the sensibility which generally falls to the lot of mortals, "and yet, I 
fear nothing but (he reproaches of my oion conscience. Grant me but 



vij TO Tlir. READER. 

the approbation of that invisible monitor, and I feel as secure from all 
the pointed darts of Locofoco malice, as the Grecian warrior did under 
the shield and armor of Achilles ! 

Those politicians, and other individuals, cf whom I was obliged to 
speak in this work, I have mentioned with candor as well as severity- 
I have treated them with much more deference, as 1 believe, than their 
principles and acts^ iiave even warranted. To reflect on a whole party, 
and to assail a succession of leaders, from Gen. JACKSON down to 
coL haynes^ might appear to the moderate man, or inconsiderate reader, 
as the height of madne&d and folly. And so it was said, when the 
celebrated Philosopher, Bacon, attacked the system of Aristotle. Great 
names may give splendor to falsehood, but cannot transform it into 
truth. Beside, an illiterate truths is preferable to a learned lie. 

Finally, in the Whig cause I have now been laboring for years, and 

to this end I have directed ray feeble efforts— with what success, I leave 

others to say. In this same cause I expect to continue'to labor, and to 

this same end I hope to direct my humble efforts— with what success 

time will testify. I now bid the reader farewell — with this one assurance, 

that if I have erred in any thing, or have been mistaken or misled,or I 

have set down ought of malice, let it be sliov/n ; let even an enemy 

point it ovit with fairness and candor, and, 

" I'll vex my honest soul no more 
By scolding, as I've done before. 
liCt each our proper task attend — 
For-rive the past, an.d try to mend." 

^ THE AUTHOR 



■ -9 
INTRODUCTION 



Every goyemment in the civilized world is at present tottering ; and' 
society, like a ship in a dark tempest is torn and tossed by contending 
elements — the power of political leaders at the helm sinks into the weak- 
ness of infancy — the shattered faijrics of State are no longer managablc," 
and the People, the innocent suiiorer.?, are evidently drifdng towards 
some unknown destination. 

In Europe, the sea of political contention runs high, and the waves 
of oppression are roaring. The relati ve sif nation of America, and indeed 
of the whole world, at tlie prc;-:cnt juncture, appears to the attentive 
observer so extraordinaiy — so replete with incongruities — that if the 
most acute and experienced Statesman v>-ere to guide his judgment of the' 
fiiiure by the rule of vrccedeiiis, he would be at a loss to llnd any thing 
Bordering on analogy. Every thing ibtcbodes a crisis and a' speedy so- 
lution of the problem. The least spark— a sudden death—an ill judged 
law — a spontaneous popular movement — a trifle indeed may bring on a 
general, as well as ruinous conflagration. 

Mobs, riots, rebellion and violence, have never been Icnown in this 
countn/, to the extent which they have been \,\^ne:^s;^(l wkiiin ten years^ 
past, and especially the last three years. How fur tliis ^:pirit of violence 
may be considered poitentious of the final overthrow and destruction of 
^ world of wickedness, by a jusdy offended God, every one of course 
will be left to foiTO his own opinion. But that the introduction of 
Jacksonism in the halls of Legislation, has mainly contributed to the 
desperate state of things which now exists, and has for years existed, no- 
unprejudiced man vvill deny. The elevation to tlie Presidency, of this 
wicked man, and vulgar Hero, was the greatest curse that ever befell 
this great and growing Republic. Caprice oi fortune, v/hy didst thou 
place such a man at the head of aflliirs in this nation? If'any doubt the 
truth of this position, let the melancholly histeiy of Gen. Jackson's most 
disastrous dynasty, and that of his successor whom his D^.^nof'sm in- 
stalled, array the evidence. — The destructive vicisitudes of commerce— 
the prostration of the mercantile cia3s, as neccssaiy to the body politic, 
a^ the hands and feet to the body corporeal — the ruin of the currency 
of the country — the inroads of faction — the tendency of modern Demo- 
cratic principles — their countenance of thefts, perjuries, forgeries and 
counterfeiting — the loner sway of the gros?c.=;t and vilciJt demaeogucisrrv; 



10 I^'TRODT;CTION 

the fatal tendency to array (iic igTiOranl against the intelligent, the poor 
against the rich, the Avickcd against the pious, the vulgar against the 
decent, the worthless against (he worthy, and thieves against honest men; 
beside the most deadly inroads upon tlie Constitution, all too in the name 
of Democracy ! Are w^e not indebted for all these curses, or rather for 
their having been lirought into life, togedier wdth all the mischiefs in 
existence, and all the ills which nov/ be£el us, as a Nation, to this mob 
Hero, A%^DREW Jackson, a seliish, corrupt, and designing man, who 
neither deserved tlie elevation v.'hic]i he attained, nor knew how to cm- 
ploy it, when attained, either to promote his country's good, or preserve 
his own reputation? Verily Jac/csonism has been the scourge, as well 
as the disgrace of this entire country. And what else could have been 
expected from the elevation of a man, to the highest office within a 
nation's gift, whose far.ie rests upon no solid benefactions to mankind, 
whose abilities, and wiios(; opportunities, have alike been misdirected, 
and perverted to advance the tlecting interests of iwrties, and of indi- 
TiDUALs, and his ow.\, instead of the general good ? 

In Tennessee.— our ovv-n beloved Tennessee, within the last eighteen 
months, mobs and :•■■.. 'iutionary spirit, have taken the place of the con- 
stituted authorities of the State. In tiic Legislature, a large portion of 
one of the political parties, and all at once, during the sitting of that 
body, and in the name of Democracy , left their seats abruptly, leaving 
less than enoug;h to form a quom-ii for doing business, and without the 
power in those vvho remained, eitiier to proceed in business or to adjourn 
—before they would go into an election of United States Senators, be- 
cause, forsooth, their party were in a minority, and not able to elect 
men of their o-wn choice ! 

In Rhode Island, the mob spirit of Democracy, and the insurrection 
of out-laws has been more general, more formal and more forniidable, 
and according to present appearances, is not yet over — a miumuring un- 
dertone is heard from various quarters, portending a renewal of hostilities 
in Bome new shape, as soon as an opportunity shall ofier. These out- 
laws, were the Democrats of that State, and Avere not only backed by 
the Locofoco Governors of adjoining States, but likewise openly advoca- 
ted b}' grave Senators in Congress, of the same political School ! 

In New York, a Locofoco Legislature, took the School Funds of the 
State from the Protestant Churches, and gave them to the Roman 
Catholics, because their Jesuits, known by the more imposing titles of 
Bishops and Priests, openly advocated tlic election of Mr. Van Buron, 
8Jid absolutely compelled their loafering thousands who had enlisted in 
the ser\'ice of papal Rome, to vote for Democratic candidates generally. 
la that State, too, <r» tbs- di«r-Tr of Iscr constituted authorities. Catholic 



INTRODUCTION IL 

emigrants were naturalized by thousands, «on the day of the laie SiaU 
elections, that they might vote the Democratic ticket. Not only so, but 
more tlian all, and worse than al), convicts, i)y scores, were taken from 
the State prision, and warmed and fed, while they voted for Demo- 
cratic candidates ! 

In Arkansas, a State which has always been Locofoco, during th# 
past year, through its Democratic head, Gov. Yell, issued a message to 
the Legislature, advising a speedy winding up cf the Banks, — a recog- 
nition of the validity of a portion of the State Bonds, and a repudiating 
of the rest — on the ground that the State treasuiy was not in a condition 
to pay the interest on them, and would not be for some time to come I 

In South Carolina, xmder the reign of Jackrcniai Democracy, a few 
years ago, the civil authorities, as well as the Chmches, were all envel- 
oped in the smoko of political faction. Men who had taken an oath to 
support the Laws and Constitution of the United States, nuUififdxhof 
laws — took up anns against their own coimtrj'mcn — assumed a hostiU 
attitude towards the General Government — and as a band of disorgani- 
zers, distinguished themselves from all peaceable subjects, by wearing 
cockades on their hats, made of blue ribbon! And yet, strange to relat«, 
the great leader of these violaters of law and order, John C. Calhoun, 
for twelve m^onths past, has been urged upon the country, by a portion 
of the misnamed Democratic party, as a suitalile man to elect to the 
Presidency in 1S44! 

In Mississippi, mobs have taken the place of the constituted authori- 
ties in many instances, and murders, in the name and under the cloak 
of Democracy, have been numerous and frequent. Sometimes on« 
neighborhood' or party has met, and then the strongest party has mur- 
dered the weakest, and burned, plundered, or carried oti' their property 
unmolested, under a pretence of collecting their debts. And to these 
disgraceful crimes, the constituted authorities of the State, have added 
the" foul stain of repudiating the debts contracted by the sales of State 
Bonds, upon the proceeds of which they have been living and legislating 
for years. All this too is Democracy ! 

In Baltimore, our readers will recollect, that the Democratic Roman 
Catholic mob, raged with sr.ch violence, in the palmy days of Jackson- 
ism, that the civil authorities could not quell its rage, and the Priests were 
call upon to restore order. But before this could be done, some fine 
buildings were torn to the ground, and many useful lives vccre lost. — ■ 
But this too, was all done in the name of Democracy, and it was tole- 
rated upon the principle that the end sanctified the means ! 

In Philidelphia, the general riot, which not long since occurred, and 
which was a foul blot on that great city, was likewiBe the work of tlxe 



12 tN-TROrsVCTIOSf 

Democratic Irisli Catholics. And strange as it may Eccm, this shame- 
ful conduct was spoken of in terms of appiobation, by some few Locofoco 
Journals ! 

in Cincinnati, more recently, the same kind of Republican violence 
was manifested, though directed against a different object, and in each of 
those cities, these outbreaks are only repetitions of former ones, perpetra- 
ted by the under-strappers of this misnamed democratic part}', and in the 
true spirit of Jacksonis^n ! 

In Congress, at the veiy* seat of our Government, and among the law- 
makers themselves, for the last ten or twelve j'-ears, the aspect of affairs, 
has been but little, if any more amicable. Threats of violence, of re- 
pealing existing laws, challenges to mortal combat, and resolutions of 
censure, of impeachment — Presidential vetoes, plundering the Public 
Treasury, and personal abuse, have been the order of the day, wdiile the 
peipctralcrs of these crime:;, have been censured or praised, according to 
the ascendency or decline of tiieir respective parties. How" long will this 
slate of things last ? Who are justly chargeable with their existence ?— 
Whose principles lead to and encourage such a state of things ? Are 
they indicative of National prosperity ? Or are they forerunners of po- 
litical destrujction ? The proper answers to the anxious interrogatories, 
will be found in die following pages. 

The object of the following pages is to show the Democracy of Num- 
bers, who constitute the bulk of the busy, bustling, business-teaming 
vporld, that a blind devotion to men, who conceal their trea^-on and vill- 
siny, under the revered ancient symbols of Liberty and Democracy, that 
ihey are warring against the interests of their country, by aiding their 
designing and treaclici^ous leaders, who are under the evil instigation 
of human passion and human crime, in the overthrow of this Republic. 
The more effectually to accomplish our object, we will unmask the 
occult cabalic arts by which political systems, good and bad, are contin- 
ually revolutionized, and the malign incentives, nurtured and kept in 
countenance by the triple alliance of Democracy, Nullification and 
Abolitionism. In other words, we will endeavor to tell men where they 
Are, and what they are; whether they are democrats, or republicans, or 
democratic-republicans, or federalists, or nuUifiers, or conservatives, or 
whiga; whether tliey go for a bank, or for the banks, against a bank, or 
ogainst the banks, for hard money or against liard money, for a tariff, or 
against a tariff; and whetircr they ought to abuse Mr. Clay, or Mr. Van 
Burcn, Mr. Calhoun, or CJcn. Cass, Dick Johnson, or some body else! 

A paramount object in the publication of this w^ork, is to set forth in 
fin epitomized form, so as to be acccssable by all, the poor as w^cll as the 
rich, the life, services and character of Ilnxr.Y Clay— a distinguished 



t2« T Ro D V c vioy 13 

American Statesman, whose lalenLs. genius, paLrioti&m and public servi- 
ces, we are happy to slate, the piibHc mind is now able to estimate the 
value of — \o fully appreciate. Mr. Clay will he, and indeed now is, 
the Whig candidate for the Presidency in 1S44. His principles are well 
understood, and by a very large majority of the American people, they 
are decidedly approved. Tlte ground, then, on whicli he will be assailed 
with most violence, by his political enemies, will be the sttile and 
malicious charge of '■'■baj'gainand inirigue,^\ in the election of John 
Q,uiNCY Adams, to the Presidency, in 1828. To refute this charge, and 
to satisfy every unprejudiced mind, of its utter want of foundation in 
truth, will be a leading object in the publication of the following pages. 

Ix coxcLusiox — The foregoing summary of what is intended in this 
work, is far from being even a brief sketch of the crimes, tendencies, and 
party prepossessions — not to say intolerant spirit of that notorious band 
of political robbers, known. as the 'Democratic Parly.' The reader, 
however, from what lias been said, will be enabled, in some degree, to 
guess at the skinning we will give the phantom of "Jacksonian 
democracy." ^ THE AUTHOR. 

Jontsboroughj 1843. 



IS 



CHAPTER I. 



PREDICTIONS OF EMINENT STATESMEN— STATE BANKS WHO CII.^R- 

TERED THEM ASCENDENCY OF PARTIES IN THE SEVERAL STATE 

LEGISLATURES HARD MONEY PRICES OF ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUN- 
DRED AND FORTY THREE POPULATION AND PUBLIC DEBTS Or THE 

STATES IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF SPECIE FACTS TO BE REMEM- 
BERED, 4.C.. *C. 

For the last ten vf ars, of upv/ards, as our readers well recoH'cct, the 
Locofocos have very unjusdy charged the Whig party vvich being the 
Ban/c part!/ — wherca?, they (the Locos) created most of die B-anka 
whose frauds ond failures have, of late, produced such general distress 
ond suffering. We might refer to the speeches of eminent Wing States- 
men, predicting, ten and twelve years ago, the very dis^asters (ha-t have 
now fallen upon the country, from overbankirig,^ and trading, as v.i'h 
the unerring finger of propliecy, the disastrous effects of the measures of 
the Jackson and Van Burcn administrations. Wc say we might refer to 
Uic speeches of many distinguished Statesmen, but wc corrtcnt oursclveg 
with extracts from but a few. We begin with an extract from a speech 
delivered by the distinguished Orator and Statesman of Kentucky. In 
1835, Mr. Clay, in the Senate of the United States, uttered the fol- 
lowing memorable v.'aming. Tell ns ye Locofocos, was this not proph- 
ecy, and has not the prediction been fulfulcd to the very letter? 

" There l:reing no longer any sentinel at the head of our Banking 
establishments to warn them by its information and operations of 
approaching danger, the local institiUloJis:^ already multiplied to an 
alarming extent, and almost daily multiplying in seasons of prosperity, 
will make free and unrest rained cniissions ! AH the channels of 
circulation will be gorged ! Property will rise e.vtrava^anili/ high, and 
constantly looking up — the temptation will be irresistible! Liordinate 
speculation will ensue, debla tcill be freely contracted^ and when the 
season of adversity comes, as come it niiist^ the Banks acting without 
concert^ and without guide, obeying the law of self preservation, will all, 
at the same time, call in their issues ; the vast number will exaggerate 
the alarm, and general distress, wide-spread ruin, and an explo- 
sion OF the general banking system, or, the establishment of a 
nev,- Bank of the United States, will be the ultimate effects." 

We add one more extract, and that i? from a speech delivcrd in the 
Senate of the United States, by Judge Porter, the present able Whig 
Senator from IiOui?iana. on Tuesday, the 29nd of March, 1836. That 



fjKH^h wi's in cpposition to the motion ruade by Mr. Be.nto:^, to 
rxpunge from tlu/journal of ihc Senate, the Resolution of the 24th of 
March, 1834, disapproving of the Removal of the Deposites by Prcidcnt 
f ACKSON. In the mKlst pf the delusions of the reign of Jac!csG?iis7}i, in 
^S3G. it will l>e !=ecn, that tlils sagacious Statesman, from the proud 
rmiu-ince on wluoh he stood, looked at the full extent of the evils which 
were to befall this coiirstry in lS42'-'3. Ho drew from the past, and the 
then presenf, salutary lessons fof the future, v/hich we arc now realizing 
the truth of.' Only look at what he predicted would accom.pany and 
follow the destruction of a United States Bank ! Will not his prediction 
be found coriipletc ? He says :— 

''•In IKiO, our circulation was sixty-one niilliGiis of dollars. In Jan- 
uary iS35, or rather hi June 1834, it was one hundred and three nnt- 
lions of dollnrs. In 1836 it cannot be less than one hundred ami 
hrentyrnUlions. An increase oi sixty miUhns of dollars m six years. 
1 give the facts from the oilicial returns made by the Secretary of the 
Trea-airy. They com.e, sir, it is true, no lower down than 18o4. tJul 
if we take the average increase for two or three years before that tmie 
and reflect on the enormous rise of- property since (a sure mchcation of 
an unhealtliy circulation,) we must be satisfied that there has been more 
than 'seventeen millions added to the circulation withm the last sixteeii 
months, and that one himdred and twenty mUiions is below rather than 
above the retd estimate. - . 

You see, sir, therefo"te, at a glance, the causes of the present stat.- of 
lliin-s ; and who cannot also, sir, see at a glance how it is to end .'_ 
If the evil could be checked now, and the reduction be slow and gradu- 
n1 we mi-ht escape the consequences whiclrrime has ineyitabiy in 
st'ore for us^mder another policy. But, sh, far from expecting this, I 
look to an increase of the disease. It appears to me "^^^^i'"';^- A 
universal madness ha,s taken possession of the public mmd Withm he 
last four months I have heard of ^'K?nrcritations of bankmg cap tal 
proposed or passed, to the amount of iiity millions of dollars and mor. 
iTtoldarJproje'cting; so that we may expect to see this system 
rontinuino- un il it breaks and fails from its own weight and magnitude. 
In the p^cnt state of thinners, the States are all interested to increase the 
chcukdon of their own ' kmks, and prevent that of ihm neighbors 
indeed, we already see symptoms of a war of legislation the resuU of 
Jealousy,) by whidi they are attempting to restram the notes of banks 
in other States from passing Avithin their limits. 

This deplorable state of things must yet get worse • and ^^f^]^ 
the Senator from Missouri depict it in the colors he did a few days ago. 
H:Snot overcharge thh pict^^c-a jncXuro, "^^^I'lli^X 
painful to contemplate, by the recollection of our conduion before the 
C^ as w:u.ed on^the Bank of the United States. For ->^teen years 
it re.ulated'the currency of the country with a ^^i^dom and siicces. ofi 
which there is no parallel. Wc threw it away, and we see ^hat we 
S got in Its plaL. Sir, all the projects of regulating -^ checking 
th« exrc53 of l4nk emir-ion. by law. refusing to receive at your Irea 



PP.EDICTIONS OF EMINENT MEN. 17 

sury their notes of a less sum than $20, will have no more effect than 
would have a bucket full of earth thrown into the Mississippi river to 
stop its current. And as to pushing gold and silver into circulation 
when you have five hundred and fifry banks interested in gatlicring it 
all up, and supplying its place with their notes, i.hut is equally imprac- 
ticable ; a cheap and a dear currency never can exist together; the 
former always destroys the latte. Having no power by the Constitution 
to interfere directly with the State Legislation in this matter, I see that 
the country is destined to go through the same scenes of agitation and 
suflTcring which it did previous to the ruin of the late Bank of the United 
States. Aftci the evils have come to a height when they can no longer 
be endured, we shall have anothor National Bank, and not until then. 
But I submit if it would not have been as well to have prevented this 
state of things two years ago ? I enquire, what good has been, or can 
be attained, by putting the People through this fearful trial ? Five on 
SIX YEARS HEXCF. wUJ bc th'= timc to get an caiswcr to these questions" 
The Hon. Mr. Binney, of the House of RepresenUitives, in 'the 
Congressional debates which occuired in 1834, only nine years 
ago, and in reply to James K. Polk of Tennessee, utteied the follow- 
ing memorable prediction, which, though disregarded then, has since 
beenf ulfilled to a letter: 

" If the Secretary's plan was carried into eOect there would be a 
hundriid banks starting vi io take the p/ace of the proscribed United 
States BanK\ Tliey would have them shooting out their paper mis- 
siles in all directions. They would come from the four quarters of the 
Union." 

Again: Mr. McDuffie, of the House of Representatives, at page 
27 of his able Report, made oii the 13th of April, and thirteen years 
ago says: 

"If the Bank of the United States were des roved, and the local 
institutions left without its restraining influence, i/w currericy would 
almost certainhj relapSe into a state of unsoundness. The very pres- 
sure which the present Bank, in winding up of its concerns, would 
make upon ih ) local institutions, would compel them eilher to curtail 
tlieir discounts when most needed or to suspend specie payments. It is 
not difficult to predict which of these alternatives they would adopt 
under the circumstances in which they would be placed. The impe- 
rious v/ants of a suffering, community would call for discounts in 
language which could not be disregarded. The public necessities 

Vv^OULD DEMAND AND PUBLIC OPINION WOULD SANCTION THE 
SUSPENSION OR AT LEAST AN EVASION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS." 

Now, we ask the candid reader, if this., prediction has not also been 
fulfilled, and with an exactness^ only surpassed by the fulfillment of 
prophecy in Holy Writ? Has not the cunency relapsed into a state 
of unsoundness, since the Jackson dynasty prostrated the United States 
Bank? Did not the State Banks curtail their discounts when they 
were most needed? Did they not suspend specie payments again anA 

3 



'i S PHEBICTIOXS OF KMINKXT MEN. 

again? Have not the Locofocos proved to be false prophets in predic- 
ting that g-old and sillver would supply die place of Bank issues? And 
)in-. c ihr:y not proved to he fal-e prcipheN in saying that we conld get 
along witliont a United Stafes Bank, and that the Slate. Banks would 
supply its place? 

Thia iaine Mr. McDrFriE, is now a Loccfoco Senator in Congress 
from Souih Carolina, and is Mr. Camioun's lieutenant and right 
hand man. In a speech in (lie Senate, ?he past winter to his great 
credit, as a consistent man, he made the following important admission 
vhich we be.-5cecli on.r Locofuco friends to read and reflect upon. He 
said, 

'* Prcoident Jack?on hod c^riainly committed a very great error in 
removing the depo.<it'\-'. and in selecting certain State Banks as the 
depositories of the p>M;;'ii- money's with injunctions almost amomrting 
to a law, to furnish l!:of^c acccmmodaticns \\hich (he United States 
Bank hati been in (he habit of doing. Under (hat system every one- 
was av. are of wliat took place. AH iliat had been prf dieted by the jjiosI 
sasioxioi's, aetiiaUtj o^'^i'rre!- ^ and ths currency ■•■ the couvtry vas 
€Xi}andedtoadr^rret^,at Lad 710 paraleU in the' tide of time. Such 
was the wild deliviT:;: in <>very possible species of speculation, (hat 
penniless iidven(urerb * rUad into it (o (ho (ime of hundreds of (liCii- 
g'-.nds, on the p;>.rer ;';;rii:'-;ir'd rhem by the Banks; and as was iht 
^i^vitable cotSf r-'' ■■r-u '^ :^ri:crai i:u:fp(ii:n(,n follcwcdy 

Now, when i!;-- ■>^''>'::- h-\\c (■hT\i-r--\ fhc Dank suspensions, and alt 
thnl train of cvi:- w; ' 'lave resii!(«-d tliiMvlrom, to (he weakness^ 
misnianagemenr, v-m\ cidpflJe rcmi^-nc-v > f ihe federal administration 
during Gen. Jackpon'.s Prcsidcnty, ii;e < ' ^rgc hay been repelled by 
Locofeco cralora and riev>rpancis, as a k .:■ • r.d atticcicus calumny, 
Biithisre the allegation is boklly set forth iy a Lcccfcco Senator in- 
Cengres3, who thirteen years ago predicted just-suth rcsidts. rrd wi;o 
HOW heads (he Locofoco party, as a truth about wliich there cr.n be no- 
eontroversy — as, indeed, (here is not a shadow of dfubt.. 

W* cam^.ot conclude this branch of our subject, without adding still 
other extrac(s. The ibliowing is from a published Addiets of the 
Hon. James Bucijanax, at present a Locofcco Senator in Ccrgrrss, 
from Pennsylvania, and one of a half dozen Locofcco aspirants for (he 
Preeidency. This /iddrcss was delivered so long ago as i£15, and' 
phows (hat the old federal orator, who (hen boasted of n?.t having a 
drop of d^.mocratlc blood in his veins, was not (lie aident friend of ihe 
l»<-e War, nor yet (he opposcr of .1 National Bank : 

" Time irill net alloir ni.c to enumerate all the other uildand uicked 
frnjects of the democratic administration. Suffice it to say, (hat af(er 
tliey had deprived us of (he means of defence, by des(rt)ying cur navy 
fO^A dw*b3L.rrdi!3g our army; after (hey had taken away from ue Iha 



PttEDlCTIOXS OP EMTNENT MEN'. 



19 



power of recreating- them, by ruining cornjiierce, tlic great source of our 
natiotuil and individual wealih; ofter (hey had, hj refusing the Bank 
of the United Slates a conii/fuatiun of her charter, embarrassed (he 
ftnaiicial concerni of the Gjvernineut. and witiidrawntlie only luiiversnl 
paper median of the country from circulari«u ; after the peojde had 
bsco.ne unaccusfonied to, and, of course, uuxvilling lo bear (axalicn ; 
and withaut money in the Treasury, they rashly p[uniz:ed us into a war 
with a nation more able .to do u^ iiiJii'T than any oilier in (he 
v/orJd. W/Hci was the dreaoful necessitt/for this desperate jjteasure."^ 

We next select Mr. E\v(ng, of Ohio, and Mu. Clayton, of Dela- 
vv-are, not as more clearly predicting than those aheady named, v.'hat 
v/a3 to foiiov/ the destruction of tiic United States Bank, but os mere 
condensed. Mr. Ewing was then a Scna!i^r in Congret.-, (1834) and 
hag since been President Harrisou'a Secifviaiy of ihc Treasury. lie 
said, on the lioor of the Senate : 

'• But this is not all. You sap the morals at the same time yen 
ghiis ritdehi shake the prosocrit^i of the -eoph. Their fust reeort will 
be-to- legislative aid, and RELIEF LAWS follow, or, in other words, 
laws to prevent the coiicction of debts, (for what Legislature ca_n ^yi!h- 
s!:aad the appeals of a w'lole people suffering under a general visitation 
or. li not that, the creation of a host of batiks with fictitious capital, 
which may seem for a time to suspend the blow, but will make it fmi 
the heavier at last. And tiieu. instead of the safe andso^ind currency 
which we now en'pn, xce shall again hare a de ircdatcd and worthless 
m%ssof trash, which mil pass into the hands of ihe 2)"op!s, and there 
sink into nothing, leaving tJienito bear the loss.'- 

M^. Clayton, then as now, an able Senator in Congress, held 
language prophetic and impressive. He said : 

'' T i> fd-Vn^r m-HL a^iin S3ll his <r-x.a to t!i3 coa.ifry merchant for 
Stite b-inkpaoer atadi^connt of from ten to tiventi/ or thirty per cent., 
in the nearest comncrcial city, " etc. " T^ie lo^i of couiidence among 
men, the. total derangement of that admirable system, of exchanges 
w'lich is now acknowledged to be beiter than exists in any other country 
ontiie Globe, oveiirading and- speculation on false ca|>ilal in every part 
that ra rid fluctuation in the standard of value for money, v-hich.hhe 
the unseen oestU.enre, nut hers all the e forts of industry, while the sidjcrer 
is in utter ignorance of the cvjse of his distruction; bankruptcies end 
Riin, at the anticipation of which the heart sickens, must follow ni the 
long train of evils whic'i are assuredly before us. " 

Thus the reader will sec wliat was Whig Prophecy nine and a dozen 
years ago, is History now. And never did the " facts of real life '' j^iore 
triumphantly demonstrate the sagacity of any set of men, than do the 
exisdiig evils of the country demonvLrate the .-'agacity of these eminent 
Statesmen. Li;piration fro.n oa hig'i, could scarcely have more lumln- 
«r«3!v foretold the nilssrablc future, fh in did th? sagA^ity of these S:*t»*- 



20 PREDICTIONS OF EMIInE^T MEN. 

men forcece and predict the ruinous tendency of Gen. Jackson's war 
upon a National Bank. 

LocoFOCo PROPHECY VS. WtiiG PROPHECY. — Wc HOW prcpcse, by 
way of contVcist, to show what ccntempornnecu^ly was Locofcco Proph- 
ecy! Listen to its great expounder The Washington G/cie. which, for 
eo many yeais has commanded the confidence of (he eatiic Jackson 
Van Buren Benton Locofoco party, and which is still the acknowledged 
orjan.of that party : 

" While every pari of AiTierica rejoices — while every heart not en- 
slaved to the scrub-aristocracy of the paper system — v. iiile e\cry inde- 
pend-'nt and patriotic citizen exults m theaecovciy and restoraiicn of 
the long-lost gold-currency— rthe West, and all Vvestern citizens, have 
ihe deepest and greatest cause for proud- exidtaticn and manly rejoicing 
at this propitious event. For, of ail America, the West is the part 
wiiich needed most, and will profit most, from the circulation of gold. 
Happily, they have but few banks in the West, and therefore need 
gold 'to carry about and to travel upon. Happily, again ihe greatest 
supply of gold will go to the West. The emigrants rtmcviiig to that 
great region will all cany geld in preference to eiilier silver or paper, for 
it is lighter than silver alid safer than paper. The land offices will 
hscome receptacles and reservoirs of gold : whence it will be distribu- 
ted to the coun'ry tlirough the Government disbursments. through 
ihe military, the surveying, and tlie Indian departments ; and wo to the 
officer, who liaving received gold from the Government, shall presum.e 
or diirc to oHbr papor to the soldiers or citizens. Then a great streajii 
of gold vjUI fiow up th.s Mississippi from New Orleans, and diffuse itself 
alt over tJte great VVtst. Nearly all gold coinage of the New World 
v.'ii come to the United States ; for, all the coinage of the new Govern- 
ments of Mexico and South America, being the coinage of rebel prov- 
inces, cannot go to- old Spain, or to ;\ny of her dependencies, and, 
th.erefore, will come to the United States as its natural and best market. 
Tiiis v^ill fill the West with Doubloons and half joes ; and, in eight or 
m-Cirt months from this time, every substantial citizen will have a long 
silken purse, of fine open net work, through the interstices of which the 
yellow gold will shine and glittler. Then travellers will be free from 
the pestilence of nigged, filthy, and counterfeit notes. Every substan- 
tia.! nian, and every substantial man's wife and diiughter, wnll travel 
\v^on gold. The satellites of the liank alone, to sliow their survile sub- 
i^^ction to their leigue monarch, will repine at the loss of paper, '• — Glcle 

'of Jidy' 16, IS'M. 

In lS3'h the American People were not prepared to judge who were 
true and who false Proplrcts.as men having equal claims to great 
sagacity differed so materially, but they are prepared to judge ?icw .'-^ 
Vv''c recollect that a learned Pagan Philosopher (Porpyry) contended that 
!h« Prophecies of Daniel, in the Old Testament, after their fulfihnent, 
were forgeries, because they had been so literally and exactly fulfilled ! 
And if those of us living, had n«t lived ten and tweve years ago, and 



r.KEClCTIONS OF EMINENT MEN. 21 

did noi pcrsonaily know that Messrs. Clay, Porter, McDufne, Binney, 
Ewing, Clayton, and many others — incUidinj even iJia Editor of 
the Globe, thus prophecied, we too migh.t stigmatise their predictions as 
naratives of past events, not prophecies of what was to come — so hter- 
ally and completely has tinie fulfilled those of the former, and~stamped 
with the brand oi falsehood the latter. 

But the '• Doubloons and Half Joes" have never arrived -, though the 
ruin of the currency, the desolation of commerce, the prostration of 
home industry, and the demand for Relief Laws have ! We have not 
yet heard of any " stream of gold," great or small, llov.'ing up the Mis- 
sissippi ; but we daily hear of wide-spread ruin and bankruptcy — of a 
Nation once " prosperous and happy," but now '• wretched and misera- 
ble, and poor, and blind, and naked !" Wc but the other day, ac it were, 
enquired of a clever Democrat on our pavements, why this gold had 
not ascended the Mississippi, according to proinise ? His reply was, 
that it w^as a heavy metal, and that the fide had never been high enough ! 
No, the tide has never been great enough yet, and never will be for the 
" fine, open, net. work silk purses, through the interstices of w^hich the 
yellow gold will shine and glitter." 

Even the Richmond Enquirer, the second best great organ of Loco- 
focoism, and the uncompromising champion of Jackson Van Buren 
misrule, furnishes the strongest possible evidence of the truth of Mr. 
Ewang's prophecy, and the falsehood of the Globe's prediction. The 
Enquirer of December, 1842, says in reference to some proposed mea- 
sure of Relief, in the Virjiginia liCgislature : 

" YVhy should the Assembly be disputing about a junto, when ruin 
and devastation are pervading our whole country ? A negro man sold 
in the county of Amelia, the day before yesterdaj', aged about forty, 
at the price of $S0 — a good cart and young yoke of oxen at the sum 
of $7 — and, on yesterday, a young man at the sum of S186 — and the 
same man's crop of tobacco, as it hung, at the pitiful sum of thirty-five 
cents per hundred. The sheriff of that cjunty has upwards of a hun- 
dred negroes encamped under bush huts waiting the day for sacrafice. 
Whom should your Assembly aid, if it be not the weak and helpless 
portion of the constituent body, with crying waves and'children? The 
last barrel of corn, bed, and plough-horse gone for almost nothing, 
making the rich richer,, and the poor poorer, when a little time, under 
the blessing of Providence, would bring in another crop." 

Without intending to weary the reader's patience, by multiplying 
extracts, we will conteiit ourselves with rcfering to the following tables 
of FACTS, drawn from official documents, and which will place the 
responsibility of creating the State institutions, with the right party : 
*'A statement showing the ascendency of party, from 1830 to 1836, in 
die several State Legislatures, Territories, &c. 



2.2 



grl-ATE BAXKS-— %VI.IO CJ^AftTEaED TUSM. 





.-J 


r^ GVl CO ->?^ la 




CO 


CO CO CO ro CO 

QO <JJ GO <x> Oi 




C/i 


Msinc 


Jackson 


■Jackson iJackeon Jackson Jackson Jackson 


N. Hamphire 


do 


do 


do 1 do [ do 


1 do 


Veraiont 


An i J. 


Ami J. 


Anti J. Anti J. Anti J. 


lAnti J. 


Mai^sachusctU 


do 


do 


do do 1 do 


{ do 


K. Island 


'Jackson 


do 


do do j do 


Jackson 


Connecticut 


Anti J. 


Jackson 


1 Jackson j do i do 


do 


New Yodc 


Jackson 


do 


do iJackson Jackson 


do 


Pennsylvania 


do 


do 


do 


do 


do 


do 


New Jersey 


do 


d.> 


do 


Anti J. 


do 


do 


Delav/are 


}AaU J. 
Jackson 


iAnti J. 


Anti J. 


do 


do 


do 


Maryland 


do 


do 


do 


do 


Anti J. 


D. of Columbia 


do 


Jackson 


Jackson j Jackson 


do 


Jackson 


3^irgi>iia 


do 


do 


do do 


do ^ 


do 


N. Carolina 


do 


do 


do do 


do 


do 


S. Carolina 


do 


do 


Calhoun Calhoun^ Calhoun Calhoun 


Georgia 


do 


do 


Jackson 


Jackson Jackson ■Jackson 


Florida 


do 


do 


do 


do do 


do 


Alabama 


do 


do 


do i do {do 


do 


Louisiana 


do 


do 


do 


do ! do 


do 


Mississippi 


do 


do 


do 


do 1 do 


do 


Tennessee 


do 


do 


do 


do i do 1 do 


Kentucky 


do 


Anit J. 


Anti J. 


Ami J. 'Ami J. Ami J. 


Missouri 


do 


Jackson 


Jackson 


Jackson Jackson Jackson 


Illinois 


do 


do 


do 


do 


do ! do 


Indiana 


do 


Ami J. 


Anti J. 


do 


Anti J. Anti J. 


Ohio 


do 


Jackson 


do 


do 


Jackson do 


Michigan 


do 


do 


Jacicfion ! do i 


do Jackson 


Of the fore^oii 


ig Lcgisl 


itures, 16 v/erc Jackeon and Van Buren 
4 Calhoun, 






41 


) A 


mi Jacka 


on or Whig. 



Total, - 162 

0- We have above shown, that all who desire to continue on the 
right side of gcnuuie Locofoco Democracy, should continue the advo- 
cates of State Baidis— an increase of their numbers in ever}^ State, and 
of their depreciated isssucs. F'or if there is any dependence to be 
placed upon hiswrical records, official documents, and contemporane- 
ous recollections, the Jackson Van Buren party in the United States, 
ore alone responsible for an over-banking by the Slate institutions, and 
for the ruined currency of the land. The extension of Bank Issues, 
set forth in these tables, is the work of what is erroneously, called 
Democracy; and when puldic sentiment comes to be fully cxpresced 
vo. this sui^ect^ its verdict will b« «ff^in*i that narty. 



STATE BA^•R:3— "WJIO CITAItTSREI) TIIE?.f. 



23 



Of the 343 banks chartered from Jamraiy 1st, ISSOio January 1st, 1S37 
the followinjr number with capital annexed, were chartered by the 
Locofoco party. 





Jackson Lr.gi=?Iaturcs. 


Whig Legislatures, 


States 


■s-l 5,-1 


Capital 


^ 


Capita.1 


and Territories 


^ 


authorised. 


3 


authorised. 







41 




^K 




Maine 


^^3,480 000 




New Hampshire . 


5 


871.638 


i 




Rhode Island 




9 


1,500 000 


9 


2,482,584 


Connecticut 




9 


1,100,495 


9 




New York 




61 


17.229,107 




Pennsylvania 




17 


44:048.149 




New Jersey 




8 ■ 5.458 000 




13,339005 


Maryland 




3 


4.5S4.900 


12 




Virginia 






1, '140.909 






Georgia 




5 


4 006^838 


• 




Florida 




8 


9,725 000 






Louisiana 




a 


47.334:009 






Mi'3sissippi . 




10 


20,450 000 






Alabama 




1 


13,815.406 






Tennessee , 




2 


4,863 000 






Illinois 




2 


2,800,000 






Michigan 




15 


7,400 000 






Ohio 




12 


6,245:614 


9 


5,200^000 


Arkansas 




2 


3.500:900 






South Carolina 




3 


4,332,408 






Vermont 










9 


1.767 375 


Massaehusetis 










71 


20,410 000 


Kentuky 










4 


9 264 640 


Indiana 




— 


~ 


1 


1,980 000 




224 • 205,650,615 124 


62,478,285 


RECAPITULATION. 




No of Banks increased by I<ocofoco lA'gislaturce 224 




Capital increased by ditto . . . 


$205,65a,615 


No of Banks increased by Whig Legislatures 124 




Capital increased by ditto . . . 


62,478,825 


Total increase, 348 


$268,123,900 



Now, we are aware how very sore the Loco Foco leaders arc, at an 
exhibition of the hypocracy of their out-cry against Banks and paper 
money — but " the hour is coming, and now is, " when their shallow 
device of raising the crj- of Democracy^ as an appologj* for their errors, 
crimes — aye, thefts and villainica, will b« m well understood by tke 



2.1 STATE BANKS WHO ClIAKTERED THEM. 

People, wliom they have so long and sliamefiilly deceived. £s their 
assumed anlipnthy to Banks p.nd paper money. 

One veiy remarkable fact v/ill be seen ou Jooking over the foregoing' 
table — and that is, that tiiose States in which the banking, capital was 
increased by Vv'hig Legislatures, Avith the exception of Indiana, contain 
the soundest Banks in the Union, and have suffered the least by the 
failure of those institutions.. and the fraudulent conduct of their managers. 
On the other hand, in the Slates where Banks Avere multiplied through 
the weakness, mismanagement, and culpable depravity of Locofoco 
liCgislatures, tlie cun-ency is of the very worst description, Bank frauds 
and failures, the most numerous and slarding. and the trade, commerce, 
and «;.m:-iil b:H;iiv- of tii- canntry depressed beyond any similar 
example in our hi3:ory as a nation, or in the history of the Slates. — 
We refer pari ioularlv to Pennsylvania, where Locofocoi-^mia responsible 
for FORTY-FOuk MIT. [JONS INCREASE OF BANK CAPI- 
TAL — to AlaV)ama, o\\y-nu\ v. iih ghin-plastei-s, change-tickets, and 
paper money deprecia^tcd FORTY-i^ER CENT, below its par value 
— to Mississippi, the model State of Locofocoism — where the " Hard 
"Money Party," created TWENTY MILLIONS of Bank capital in 
seven years — a State now, and forever hereafter dishonored by the fotii 
and infamous blot of REPUDIATION, which stains her assumed 
Democratic escutcheon ! 

These, reader, arc samples only, of the gold and silver currency, 
promised the country, for the last twelve years, by the Jackson Van 
Buren Democratic R-publican Buck-tail party, uho aie such haters of 
Banks! What Democracy ! And what a currency ! Yerily the Loco- 
focos are a hard money people ! Their money is hard every way- 
hard to get, and hard to get ridofJ—li is hard for an East Tennessee 
farmer, at least, to have to boat his Floin, Iron, Bacon, and other 
produce, and articles of trade to Alabmna— and when he gets them 
there, to have to take the depreciated p;iper of that State, and of Geor- 
gia—selling at half price, and then being shaved FORTY PER 
CENT on his return, in the payment of debts contracted yeais ago, 
with a belief that the country would be flooded with gold and silver, as 
promised by the Jackson and Van Buren administrations ! Tliis kind 
of " Hard Money, " has been furnished in abundance, by the Locofocos, 
in Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Arkansasand several 
other States, " of like precious faith ; " and if the Locofocos should 
succeed in electing (heir candidate to the Presidency-, in 1S44, we shall 
have a still more general out-pouring of this hard currency, of glorious 

memory ! . 

For once, at least, the Locofocos have been equal to then promisc«. 



HARD MONEY PSICKS &C. 25 

They have given the country a hard currency. May fortune, with the 
same blessed prefix (hard) to her name, for this " labor of love, " attend 
them through life, collectively and individually ! But, before we 
dismiss this subject altogether, we design to show, that the American 
people are reaping the harvest sown of a hard money cuiTcncy. The 
fruits of the miserable " experiment " of '32— '33 are yet upon us. — 
The good people of Missouri, for instance, as will appear from the 
National Intelligencer, are now enjoying a few of the comforts and 
luxuries of a hard money Government, of which their illustrious Senator, 
Mr. Bentox, is the champion. In Missouri, as also in France, there 
is but one Bank, with a ver}- restricted currency, and in both, as also in 
most parts of the United States, the people are about as well off as 
they arc in Naples, or Sicily or Turkey, pure hard money Governments, 
where there is no credit. And v/ith nothing but hard m.oney, hard 
money prices must continue. See a sample of them : 

In January, 1813, at a constable's sale in Pike county, Missouri, (says 
the Hanibal Joumal) the following named articles were sole at the priceg 
annexed: 

3 good horses each - $1 oOjl large ox - ^00 \2\ 

5 cows, 2 small steers, 1 calf 25120 sheep, each - ISi 

1 Dining table - 50124 hogs, lot 75 

1 eight day clock - 2 50|l lot of tobacco T or 8 cv/t 5 00 

3 stacks of hay, each - 25 1 stajk of fodder - 25 

"Truly," adds that paper, "we are begining to feel the benefits v.'hich 
flowed from the destruction of the old United States bank; the consequent 
influx of worthless paper, and tjie ultimate return to purely specie cur- 
rency. The rich may well rejoice at a policy that more" than trebles 
their v.-calth — but as for the poor, God help them !" 

The times have not yet arrived to such an extremity as this in Ten- 
nessee, but they will reach it before the close of 1843. The existence 
of the Bankrupt Law, has kept men from tyranizing over their fellow- 
men, but since the repeal of that law, they will cut loose upon the debtor 
portion without any mixture of mercy. Mark what wc sav. And 
when that countless multitude of suits for debts, which arc now being 
instituted, arc ripened into jiidgment and execution.^ as they will be ere 
the close of this year, we shall then see all these articles selling under 
the hammer for such prices as the foregoing — prices that will practic&Uy 
illustrate the beauties of modem Democracy ! 

In this connexion, moreover, we deem it important to exhibit a 
table of the Population and Public Debt of the States, drawn from 
oflicial documents, and setting forth the indebtedness of the States, for 

4 



26 PCPCLATION— STATE DEBTS AC. 

banking capital, internal improvements and other objects, and also the 
rate to each person under the census of 1840 : 



States. 


Population, 


Pennsylvania, 


1,724 033 


Louisiana, 


352,411 


New York, 


2,428.921 


Maryland, 


470 019 


Ohio, 


1,519,467 


Illinois, 


476.183 


Indiana, 


6S5.866 


Alabama, 


590,756 


Mississippi, 


375.651 


8outh Carolina, 


594.398 


Michigan, 
Massachusetts, 


212.267 
737.699 


Virginia, 


1,239,797 


Florida Territor}% 


54.477 


Kentucky, 


779:828 


Arkansas, 


97.574 


Georgia, 


691.392 


Tennessee, 


829.210 


Missouri, 


383.702 


Maine, 


501,793 



Public debt. 


Rate. 


$33,016,149 


$19 


19,735.000 


56 


17.0.54.976 


7 


15,000.000 


32 


12,019,850 


8 


11,772.550 


25 


10.064.000 


15 


9,834.005 


16 


7.000 000 


18 


5,753,770 


9 


5,340 000 


25 


5.000 000 


6 


4129.700 


3 


3,950,000 


72 


3,765.000 


4 


3.100 000 


32 


3,000 000 


5 


2.600 000 


3 


2,500 000 


6 


554,976 


X 


$175,189,976 





City Dtbts separate. 
New York, ^12,000,000 

Boston, 1,698.232 

Philadelphia, 1,000,000 

Albany, 388,175 15,086,319 

$190,276,395 
The States of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont, Connecticut, 
Delaware, New Jersey, and North Carolina, appear to have no bonds 
in circidation. The amount set down to Mississippi in this table, is less, 
by $5,000 000 than that commonly reported against her. Exclusive 
of the ,$5,000,000 bonds sold the late United States Bank, and which 
have been " repudiated" to European holders, the State is said to owb 
but $2,000,000, and that for slock in the Planters' Bank at Natches. 
Once more : there is about as much hard money in (he country 
now ;is there is bank paper, and there is not the one icnth part of either 
imperiously demanded by the wants of the country. Gold and silver,, 
however, is as plenty as it ever will be in a country where gold or silver 
*Ione is to constitute the currency. The Jack'^on Van Buren party 
hRVc now been trying for years to make about S80,000,000 of specie 
represent all tht>, property, all the labor, and all the energy and capacity 
of Hi'Vi'.vTP.F.x MiLi^ioNS of pcople. Dividiiig these eighty million? of 



m^ORTS — EXPORTS — RELIEF ' LAWS. 8? 

dollars among these seventeen millions of people, it gives ub a fraction 
less than five dollars to a person, to represent id\ we have, or all we earn, 
or all we expect to have and cam ! See the following statement, taken 
from official documents, for particulars, as to tlie import* and exports 
of specie ; 

On the 17th ult., (January- 1S43) the President of the Senate laid 
before that body a conmnmication from the Treasury Department, in 
compliance with a resolution of the 5th instant, calling for the export« 
and imports of gold and silver coin and bullion since 30th June, 1832. 

This document states, in separate columns the gold coin and bullion 
and silver coin and bullion : 

Years. Imports Exportg. 

1834 8,190,272 519,576 

1835 13,131,447 6,477,773 

1836 13,400,881 4,324,346 

1837 10,516.414 5.970,249 

1838 17,784,116 4,508,046 

1839 5,574,263 8,776,443 

1840 8,882,813 8,417,014 

1841 4.988,633 40 034.231 

1842 3,848,290 4,056,694 

7Vb/e. — The collectors are not able to designate, in many instances, th« 
foreign from the American coinage. 

We next proceed to show the state of things to which Locofoco misrule 
in several of the States of this Union, has brought their inhabitants, 
within the past year. We will give brief samples only, by the intro- 
duction of six members of the Confederacy, by name, whose affairs 
have fallen into the hands of Locofoco liCgislatures. They are, how- 
ever, fair illustrations of the tendency of all those wild and visionary 
schemes, which have for their object the breaking down of all protection 
to our own Industry, our Currency, Credit and Commerce ! 

Illinois.— rThe Legislature of this State has passed what it errone 
ously styles, a Relief Law. The Illinois Register represents tlie act 
as providing that all property undei execution shall be appraised by 
three persons, and on being thereafter offered for sale, if it fail to bring 
three foiirtfis of its appraised value, no sals shall take place. The 
law is to continue in force for three long years! 

In this section, we would all be willing to give up &!1 we have to 
pay our debts, if our creditors would take our property at three fourths 
of its appraised value. What shifts the enemies of a National Bank, 
Land Distribution and a Protective Tariff arc driven to! Better eup- 
port proper men and measures in the National Legislature. 

Obio,^ — The "Blackguard Legislature of Ohio," as it i? termed \rf 



2fi - KEI.IEF LAtVS &C. 

the Cadiz Republican, has also passed a Relief Law, providing that 
property taken under execution, shall not be disposed of at public sale 
for less than two thirds of its appraised value. Tliis law continues in 
operation in the Buckeye State, till the first of March 1845. 

Indiana. — In this State, too, the Locofocos have passed a Relief 
Law, which provides tiiat property taken under execution shall not be 
sold for less ihan two thirds of its appraised value. This character of 
the bill we gather from the Bloomington Post. 

Missouri. — The Lcgislaiure of this State, says a St. Louis paper, 
nas passed a similar Relief Law, difiering only in form, as it does not 
require properiy to be \ alueci. I'he law lunher diiects that the Court 
of Common Pleas, shall hcreafur held but two terms in each year, 
instead of monthly, as has been the custom. What has reduced 
Missouri to the necessity of enactJrsg Relief Lcncs? She is the ' Ban- 
nei State" of Locofocoism — never was cursed uith Bank issues — 
having but one Bank within her borders and that an institution, founded 
upon the real Jackson Yan Burer. Bentonian Humbug principle of a 
sjjecic basis! 

North C/.tolixa. — The Locofoco General Assembly of this State 
according to the Raleigh Regisier. has adjourned, after (he IcDgest and 
most unprofiiabic s-rp^ou ever held in the State. No Relief Mfasube 
was passed tho;;i;ii li.iicii ialkcd of Iry ihc o?7h/ fi'ie?ids of the dear 
People! The scrv-ion was consumed in a difgusting electioneering 
strife between Bedford Brown and R. M. Saunders, for the Senator- 
ship. These, too, are the folks who hate office! O what a picture of 
Democracy! 

Alabama. — This State is Lccofoco to the core, and has been from 
the com.mencement of the Jackson mania, to the present day. Arc 
matters and things in a better condition there than elsewhere? No, verily, 
• but distress is the order of the day. We have heretofore published 
that the four Banlcs at Mobile. Decatur, Montgomery and Hunt.sville, 
had been driven into liquidation by the Legislature. Since that they 
have completed the work of ruin. The principal Bank, and only 
remaininglnstitution of the kind, has met with the fate of the Branches^ 

Such arc a few of the "sayings and doings" in the. se^'oral States 
alluded to. The State Bank System, so much admired by the enemies 
of a National Bank has worked badly. And as to these Relief Laics, 
they are, in fact, laws to prevent the collection of debts. T':e condition 
on which alone property can be sold, are that it must bring, under the 
hammer, two thirds, or three fourths of its appraised value. But who 
that has money, v;ould buy property at such rates? Rather, who would 
give half its value? 

In publishing those enactments of Relief Lawss, the occasion \% 
appropriate for a reference to Whig predictic.ns, uttered years ago, 
when that, wretched system of measures was bcaun, which has brought 
all the present calamities upon the country. Will the reader then do 
himself the justice, and the v,-riter the favor, to turn back to the prcdic^ 
niozi of Senator Ewing? 



CHAPTER II 



"THE GREAT ISSUE BANK OR NO BANK — THE BANK OP KEVENTEfiN 

HUNDRED AND EIGHTY THE BANK OF SEVENTEEN HUNDRED AND 

NINETY-ONE THE BANK OF EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTEEN 

WHO FOR A BANK AND WHO AGAINST IT ITS CONSTITUTIONALITY 

GEN JACKSON AND PAPER MONEY HIS LATE LETTER HIS PLAN 

OF EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND THIRTY FOUR A CONTRADICTION, &C, 



Disguise it as poiiticians may, for party purposes, the Bank question 
is not only the most important one Avhich divides the two great parties 
in Tenness.ec, and in the Union, but it is now the real issue, and upon . 
it will the contest for the next Presidency turn. In Tennessee, it is 
almost the only question of difference between the parties. True, there 
is a difference of opinion as to the kind of Tariff demanded by the 
interests of the country ; but the great mattter in dispute is, shall we . 
have a Bank of the United States or not? The real people of both 
parties — the bone and sinew of t'li iail — lovv b.^lieve that a Na- 
tional Bank is indispensibie, and they arc, daily, and without any sort 
of disguise, thus expressing themselves, and much to the annoyance 
of certain Locofoco demagogues. The reason of this is, the people 
now, more than at any former period, feel the effects of Locofoco expe- 
riments upon the currency — the want of a National Bank — and the 
destruction of the late Bank of the United States. Interested partizans 
and office seeking demagogues can no longer make the people believe 
that the Slate Banks will supply the place of a Natioiial Institution, or 
that the destruction of the latter will result in filling the country with 
gold and silver. They can no longer induce the people to believe that 
Washington and Madison, w^ho both signed chartci's of National 
Banks were not patriots, and that they acted in violation of their oaths 
to support the constitution. They can no longer induce the honest 
people to believe tliat those pure patriolc, many of v/hom were members 
of the convention that framed the Consiitution, and who voted for the 
Bank bill of 1791, were Federalists, under the influence of British 
gold, and enemies to the country. 

The American people thought they could do without a National 
Bank, and accordingly they tried it from ISll, to 1816, a period of five 
years. During those five years, the State institutions discounted paper 



3<) THE GREAT ISSL'E — BANK OR NO BANK. 

to a vast amount, just as they have done since the destruction of the 
late Bank, by Gen. Jaekson. Their issues then became depreciated, 
as they have since 1832, the period at which the iron nerve of despotism 
put down the late United States Bank, and suiDstituted in its stead, the 
State institutions. Then, as more recently, there Wcis not a sufficient 
number of State institutions in existence to supply the vacuum that 
had been created ; but of late years. Democratic legislation was appeal- 
ed to, in order, as Gen. Jackson said, to sustain him in his position, and 
the appeal was not in vain. In 1816, the depreciation became so great, 
the value of it continually changing, the door was opened for shavers, 
and the people were ground to death, just as they have been under the 
reign of Jacksonism. President Madison, and the rm/ Democracy o f 
the country saw these great evils arising, as Mr. Clay and the Whig 
party now see them, — and all for the want of a regulator, such as a 
National Bank, and then it was that they chartered the Bank of 1816. 
It will be admitted by every one, that prior to the destruction of the late 
Bank, our currency was a good one, our different departments of busi- 
ness were prosperous, and our people all happy. And we hesitate not 
to proclaim it, and we conscientiously believe the declaration, that the 
Locofoco Jackson Van Buren party of these United States, have, by 
their unrighteous war upon the currency, brought upon the country all 
the calamities that have followed in its train. And we are equally sincere 
when we say, that we believe, the honest poition of the country, wiH 
visit with merited indignation, in 1844, the vile authors of that system 
that has brought distrust and disgrace upon the seperate and confeder- 
ate republics of this Union. 

A National Bank, in addition to its advantages as a regulator of the 
currency, has proved to be the safest and most expeditious fiscal agent 
the General Government ever had any thing to do with. In this capa- 
city, the late Bank received and paid out a fraction under five 
HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, wilhout the Government having lost 
one cent. The Bank never charged the Government a dollar for 
receiving and paying out all this amount of money. Nor did the Bank 
ever receive any other compensation than the use of the money while 
it was in its possession. It moreover met every engagement, and hon- 
ored every draft drawn upon it, by the Government, at any and every 
point of the compass. Did the Sub-Treasury plan of the Locofoco 
dynasty work Uius ? No. — But by it, millions of dollars were lost to 
the Government. Witness the defalcations of Swartwout, Price, Boyd, 
and a host of other theiving individual agents, who plunder the treasury. 
Not only did these Sub-Treasurj^ agents steal the monies of the Gov- 
ernment, and flee to " parts unknown," but they were even paid big 



TnE GREAT ISSUE — BANK OR NO BANK. 31 

aalaries for doing so! Who, then, with all these h'ghts before him, 
would not prefer a National Bank to a Sub-Treasury swindling shop? 
The former is a " Monster^'''' we are told, while the latter is an " Inde- 
pendent''^ concern. Yes, it is independent, but independent of the 
People, in as much as it is exclusively under the control of the Execu- 
tive ! 

The Pet Bank project, all parties know, though the darling of Gen- 
Jackson and his party, proved both a signal and splendid failure, and 
such an one, that it were cruelty to even here allude to, were it not that 
it is absolutely necessary, in giving a brief sketch of the cunency ques- 
tion. We, however, only mention it now, that the people may see 
where they have been led, and the road they have been forced to travel. 
When we were travelling the old way of a National Bank, the way " in 
which our fathers trod," in the days of Washington and Madison, and 
*'■ the road that leads from banishmeyit ,'' we were prosperous, but our 
Locofoco rulers thought there was still a better way, the hard money 
way^ which would at once lead to wealth and independence. Many, 
very many well disposed persons, who v/ere shamefully imposed upoa 
in this matter, were disposed with the immortal Pope to pray, — ■ 

" If I am right, O teach my heart, 

Still in the right to stay !" 

But since leaving the high and beaten track of prosperity in which 
they had traveled, and entering into this by-path of Jacksonian Democ- 
racy, they are now prepared to add, — 

"If I am wrong, thy grace impart, 

To find THE BETTER WAY f* 

As a people, however, we had not gone far in this new road, before 
it was very apparent, that we were getting into difficulties — the path 
soon give out, and not a single blaze or savage trace could be seen to 
tell us where we were, or where we were going to land. In this worse 
than Egyptian darkness, we camped in the woods for a time. Every 
State was then left to make its way out as it could, and as time has 
shown some of the States could only/ee^ their way out, and that too, 
over the rocks of " repudiation V Other States unwilling to "come 
up out of the wilderness" in this way, are still groping in the morasses 
and quagmires into which they have been led, by designing men, o! 
unprincipled party leaders. What, then, is the proper course for us to 
pursue ? Shall we return to the old plan, where all acknowledge we 
prospered ? But what course does unsdoni dictate ■• Shall we not, as 
men guided by reason, sacrifice cur party predilections upon the altar of 
our country's good, and return to that system that will promote our 
prosperity, and happiness ? Yes, let us do as Madison and the true 



32.' THE GREAT ISSUE BANK OR KO KArvK. 

Democracy of his day did, when (h^cy v/ere convinced of the necessity 
of a Bank — let iis conie out for a National Bank, and vote for these only 
wlio art for a Bank. Elect a Bank President, a Bank Congress, and 
Bank Legislatures, who will receive branches into the several States — 
tiien, and not till then shall we experience relief from low prices for 
labor and produce, and from the curse of an ever-varying and deprecia- 
ted currency. How else can we obtain relief? Certainly not by new 
experiments; they have lieen tried in vain, and tried to the ruin of 
thousands. The bitter harvest which the country isnov; reaping, is the 
result of seed sown by Gen. Jackson, and cultivated by his " follower 
in the footsteps." These, men and their partizan admirers scattered 
dragoon's teeth upon a teeming soil, and tlu-y have sprung up armed 
men to devour our substance ! And yet, the people are called upon to 
reinstate in power the vile authors of these dire calaniitie^ — called on. 
by the very men, among othei-s, v/ho admit that io ilieir v/ild and reck- 
less mahadministrations are we indebted for the palsy that has crept over 
us, and enfeebled our energies ! 

-T'j those persons who are acquainted with the ciurcncy question, ft 
may not b5 improper to refer to the past, and though we may not con- 
vince the rccklciis partizan, we trust there are many wlio are guided \\i 
thirc decisions upon political controversies by Tt^uTii, and will act by 
the lights it ne\er fails to impart. The great body of the common 
people — the mass of the voters of the country have no other motive to 
govern them, than an honest, sincere desire to sec the Governnient ad- 
ministered by wisdom and justice ; and though they may be influenced 
by certain le.^dex'.b for a tim.e.and even have tlseirpredilcctions for indi- 
viduals, their obligations to their coimtiy, are para;noi;at to every other 
consideration. And -that the people will do right, when rightly informed. 
is almost axioi/iaiic, and as an illustration of the fact, we need only 
recur to the Presidential campaign of 1840. Our poliiiral opponents, 
the Jackson Van Buren Benton Buck-tail Tjivr.foco party, unexampled 
in all their history of political warfare, tlicy ii!r( w oii" their garb of 
sccrethj and silently vrisrcprcsciitinir, atid for ihe fiivt li'ui- met us in 
public discussion ; the result m <_■ need not pali^(' to .■ ;iy, w a.s conclusive 
and overwhelming ilasiiiglht' recollect iur-.-^ of the past to console 
us, and these facts to sustain us, as )Vbigs, we enter on the approaching 
Presidential contest, v/ilh every encouragement we could desire;, and 
wc approach the ciuestion of the currency, the true issue between the 
parties, without any fear that, when understood, the Whig party will 
stand accpiittcd before eveiy honest man, cf ever having advocated any 
other measures, than those destined to build up and establish a sound 
and uniform currency. 



THE XATIO.VAL BANK QUESTION. S3 

THE BANK OF ITSO.— We take tlie following highly in-|.or:ant 
and to U3, inici-e^tin;.^- facts lelative lo \\ic (h'st move in ;he United 
States, on the subject of a Xa'i):i:il B.iak, froin the Journals of Con- 
gress, in 17S0, and commend tliemtothe notice of our readers: — 

Iv CoNc^Rss, June 21, 17 SO. 
"A letter of this dayfrojii the Bixird of War, v/as read, informiag 
'that a number of patriotic per^ous. haviiri forrii^xl a plan for the e.tab- 
lish:n;nt of a bank, wliosc DhjiT'L i :!;:' [)',!l.r;- sevice; that (Ih- direc- 
tors have applied to thai bo;t!,i,to k ;j.rrM'iii lo Coigres^ the desire of 
the company, that a c.):iiuii;!oc of ihi:- body 'n:vy !)o appointed to confer 
widi the inspectors and directors on the su')jecL, to-uiorrcw morning-;' 
whereupon, 

Ordered, That a committee of three be appo'u'ed, for the pur[H)-e 
men'ioncd. The members chosen, Mr. Eibvvoiiii. Z-Jr. Duaiic, and 
Mr. Scott. 

The comniittee appointed to confer Avi!ii tiie in^^pccfors and directors 
of the proposed bank, brought in t. report, which was read. 

The commiltee a! o laid before Congress, the p-an of tlie bank 
communicated to thcisi at the said conference vfhich be ng read, Cou- 
gress thereupon come totlie fi'llowiug resolution^-; 

Whereas a number of the mtriotic citizens of Pt-^is-jhrutia^ havri 
communicated to Congress a liberal offer, on their own credit, c.nd by 
their own exertions, to supply and transport three millioiis of rations 
and three hundn-d hog,-,heads of rum. I'r t!ir i;: r <•{ t!ie army., and 
have established a bank, for the sole pmpo:-.' ufa U.;':u:;g .-nu! transpcrt- 
ing th« said supplies with (!ie grr-aicst r;i:';i;'v :.;!;1 disi''!U-!i ; and 
whereas, on the one i-ind, die a-^'ociafors. a;;i:": :;.; tr^ dii^ iaiidable 
exertion by a desire to relieve the public necessifie,^. inean not to -lerivo 
frotri it the least pecuniary advantage; soon the other, if is just and 
resonable, that they sliould be fully rein:h;:r.ed an:l ;;;dcmnifjed ; 
Therefore, 

i?e.Wyer/, nnanimonsly. That Con ere ^ ^'n'.' i a h'-'i '^ense of 
the liberal offer of the said as-^oi-a'or-^ 'o r:i> • a ' . i^rv ;•; the befrr? 
mentioned supplies for the army, and doex'-epidie same a.i a distin- 
guished proof of their patriotism. 

Resolved, That the faith of the United States l^e and vc.o r~t,\vT. i?. 
hereby pledged to the subscribers to the said bank, fcr dieir rffcctusl 
reimbursement in the premises, etc, &.c. 

It does not appear from the jonrnals of Congress whether die propo- 
sition had any connexion with" die plan af erwards submiltcd by Hubert 
Morris and adopted by Congress, in May 17S1 : 

On the report of a committee consisting of Messrs. Wilherspooa, 
Sullivan, Smith and Clymer, to whom was referred a letter from i-.ir., R. 
Morris with the plan of a bank. 

^ Resolved. That Congress do approve of the plan for establishing a 
National Bank in these United States, sutlfiitied t<» tbeir consider* 



34 THE NATIONAL RARTi GtlTESTION. 

tion by R. Morris on the IT IMay, 1781, arid that tlioy will promote and 
suppojl the same, by sucliways and mean?, from time to time, as )nay 
appear necessary for the iualituticn, and coiic^istent uilh the public- 
good. 

That the. subscriber to ihe said Bauk sliall be incorporated agreeably 
to the principles and terms of die ;j!au, under the name of the Presi- 
dent, Directors and Company of the Bank of North America." &c &c. 
We ha-re now, a few remarks to make on this subject, and a few 
interrogatories to put to our liOcofoco-Bank-opposing neighbors, before 
we proceed fm-tlK-r. This was the Old Congress — the Continentoi 
Coiiffresft, at w^hich the assembled wisdom and patriotism of the several 
States, first created a N'VT-a.wL Baxk — a Congress which had been 
held from September, 17 i I, to 1789, at which date ihe Federal Gov- 
ernment was organized — a period of fifteen years. The Continental 
Congress, was composed of Delegates from the several Stat'.s and tiiey 
were appointed by (he Legislatmes thereof. 

Now, the Congress of "80 and 'SI. at wliich Lliercpresentativcs of the 
States, chosen by their respective Lcgisl-Uures, dctennincd ihat a 
National f3AN'K was indispensable, i)i order lo die weUare and growing 
prosperity of the coiintiy, ^\ as ;/z/?e 3 eais before the adoption of iho^ 
Federal Conslituiicn. or ihc organization, pror • of ilns Government. 
Of course the Conrtinifiojtal question was not raisrd, as the Constitu- 
tion was not then in existence. But as neady all ihe mend^ers of the 
Congress of '80, and '81, were in the Convention of 1789, at which 
the Constitution, was prepared and adopted, it is not reasonable to 
suppose, that dicy woukl hanction an insnTmient excluding forever, 
the adoption of a measure, the indispensalile necessity of wliich they 
wcre convinced of. 

But, were the niembris of the Continental C'cngrcss, and after- 
wards the signers of ihe DeclrMaiicn of Independence, Democrats? 
were they W/tigs? Were tin y iVr/ov/AW^v? We may not be able to 
answer these questions; but we shall be safe in saying they were 
Patriots. Who will dare den) this? Wlio will say thai they were 
snemies to their country? 

THE BANK OF 1791.— The first Session, of the first Congress, 
under the Federal Ccnstituticn, vas held in the city of New York 
and continued inscFsionsix n.cnths. At this early period Pkesident 
Washington, consulted his Sccrelary cf the Treasury, Alexander 
Hamilton, and others, upon the svdiject of a National Bank, but 
nothing w as done. 

There was a //<«•</ Session of the first Congress which was held in 
the citv of Philadelpliia and wb.ich terminated the 3d of March 1791. 



THE NATIONAL BANK QUESXION. 35 

At tills S333!on a National Ba'i'c was clicir-'ered, Llio parlicuLira relative 
tj which will be fount! in the subjoined cxtracl, from Bradford's History, 
of the Federal Gavernnieat, now before us, and a most excellent work. 
We quote from page 30; — 

'• O.ie of the most. Important Acts of Coirxress at this third session, 
w'lich wa^^ necessarily teruiiiiaied thetJiircl of March. ITAii, was that for 
esiab!is!iin<4- a Bank of tlie United Siaie.s: Tiiis was important, in a 
practical view, to give eilicieiicy to the liscid concerns both of the Fede- 
ral government and to iudividuuJ enterprise, especially in commercial 
piuouits; and also as to a great coitstUi'tinnnl quesliuu, — the right of 
i\v^ g^-neral government to forui and incorporaic such an institution. 
Tae reasons given for the incorporation of the Bank were, " that it 
would be conducive to the successful conducting of the national fhian- 
ces, tend to afford facilites to the obtaining of loans, for the benefit of 
govern-niMit in sndJeu emergencies, a,ud be prcJiiciive of great advanta- 
ges to the trade and imhistry of the country." 'i^he preamble further 
H:ate3, '-that the bank should be on a foundation sui'iiciciif'y extensive 
to answer the purposes, intended by it; and at the same tiuie, on 
prin.'Mpii-s w'lich miu'ht afford iclc junlr .■-•." ,'/;■.■/;/ /'.//• an upright and 
j)rv.'hnt (litnlnistrifltoit l/Ltrcof.''' No;vi/;;i' ~:,r)i inig (hegreai objections 
then, and since, at \ariuus titties, luade to aliaii'c of the United States, 
it woukl seem to be higlily expedient; aUla; useful to tlie governnjent 
and to ind!\ idnal enterprise, as asserted, asid as generally believed ; still 
it was important, that its administration and njanagement should be in 
i\\ prudence and Vjriirhtiie^s ; and not for the beii(-fit of a fev/ ; nor 
more than a'!, ibr electioneering, and party pnrpo .c;;. h is in the abuse 
and perversion of such an institution, that il can be an evil either to 
government or to the people. 

This act of incorporation for a Bank of the United States, was forth* 
period of twenty years; and the capital was to be tcti millions of dol- 
lars. Tliere were to be twenty live siiatcs, of four liuiidred dollaia a 
share. Three fourths of tiie amount of siiares sLi! ^'::-i'.ed for, were 
payable in evid^'n'-ies uf iJie public de')i ; \v'bv:h '-.iwl bcvn loaned 
agreeably to a previous AcL of iJon\iv:,<. 'Viu- Pi>-;i>i;"ii of the United 
State? w'x^ a'l.b.irized to r^ubirri;);: i:: < ;:i!i;';' , ri" i;-' cApitai stock on 
belialf of the general governmeiit. Tiic; iJ.iiir: v*as to be located in 
Pailadelphia; but branch banks were provided for in otiier parts of the 
United Stales, as the directors should tiiink proper, for the purpoae of 
discounting and depositee." 

To shnw^ how private ctedit stood and wliat new life wr^ given to 
every branch of indusliy, by the creation of a Nation.^iI. Bank we 
subjoin an extract from a letter written by Gen Washington, to Mr. 
Mjrris of New York, jusL after the former had rctunied from Philadel- 
phia, from performing an cxleasive tour through the Southern States, 
We quote from the best autiiority, Marshall's life of Washington, page 
310, vol. fifth:— 

" In my late tour thrnugb the southerti states" ?.aid ha in a letter oi 
the 28th of July, to Mr. Gouverneur Morri?, " I experienced great 



3b THE XATnx.'.L BANK QUESTION. 

salisra^rlon in seeing the good eiTectH of .lio .'general irovenimcnt in that 
pari of tlic Union. Ti.e p^ o_:'l(; af, ';,ru<' lia\ " ieit ,h > sr^inlry w lilch it 

gi;e;S atici IJiC ( C{l;:'; : ' liii; il a;;i,:ii:;: !- 1:> U' l! • );,. '; : <■ 'MlilC r 

t!ie iuerchant. aiisi ., '.-. ■.:ivr ; ;m i; U.cir iii;! ;; ~ > ; , : c. c! lo 

and fiDUi !;cii i!;' , ' .:!• i:i pk crii;- a r<i;i'!(i(i. cr in ;i,r r , < ^i-nfa- 
ti\'f.:, w . ;i : ,:i :.y.'. .■ \\[iL,ce iiaiuis the rx( . 'i;k ;; uiil.c l..\'. > ? ; :aced. 
Inia.::,iy uao ,;'.;■ ;;' ^a tlie place of Ida ;!':<.-. ahu (coin.ii ;, oi dissi- 
pation. Two ' '• 1 !;:-(.' }'ears of good crop:- and ready iha k*! f( r ihe 
pfodacf^ of '!i '!: i :!- iiave put every one in good hun.cr; atid. in 
eoaie ni is impute to llie government \\iiat is dne only 

to t]]C g; , :!lcnCC. 

T'l" estMl;i: !.i](:;' ':(' pa'olic c'-editisan immense point gained in our 
Rational couc< r.;s. 'Vh'is I hf l;cve f^xcceds the cxpecuition of the mcst 
sang :iuc among i;s: — a:ai a la!c iriSti.nce. unpauilieied in this countiy, 
has L-fCen given of ihe conii !."nce reposed ;n our measures, h-y the 
rapidity With \vhich I'le suhs.-riptions to //e i.v,-///,- 6/' //.r Unitrd iSiatcs 
vv;_re filled. In two hours aiier the b(oks v. er*; ci.ened l;y the cv.w mis 
sion-.rs. ihe w! o e nun;ber of s!.;-!. s v,;is Uikeii uj), a'ld iour thousand 
mor.* ap^jheri fjr 'lian were ;•':' ■> > ■'. i y ihe iushiuiic n. This circum- 
slanrc w 1,. .,,;,'..' I ;,.(| j^j ;j,p , ciifid! nee h; i'xa ernment 

hut ;:i:^;; \- i' ^'tcd prcof of \\\<' rrtcurces of our 

ciiizi U:." 

THC BAX:^ OF I?;G -^J:i. Al-v'.:sde:i J. D.^llas, President 
]\Ia,k=o::"'^ S.-;;:'i;(-y (.f i!i ■ T ' :: wvx . w'h .'m' >a;).-iion of the President 
hiai- -h"., ;i ; i >r ; ..■ j ' ; i ■:'',-;.- ., . ' r ■; unniJeJ the incor- 
poration of a >U!.''o;::;l [],m;c \n Vil'o —-.x D<?:nn:raf}c administration 
reco\n!)\en;'ed i; a-; a. Dc:nfo'Tatk measure, to ,i Daxocral'ir Congress, 
and it v.-as carried !;y an .i c u .uchning majoriy of the Den:ocratic 
members of bo*h /lou-es. 

The A:i;i-Dank par'y in this qu.arter. say, that no man can be a 
Deiiicjrat unless lie siaudo opposed lo a B; n'c of the IJniled Stales. — 
i.etii; looiv at this dciciaratioa for t! moiuent. The In'e • Mcnster," 
whicli General 'Jr ■k(.n tMad(\\n v,; s rk;,ri(red by a Ddiiocratic 
Congre.ii; (luring ti.. ;iki,:u: ■.;.;. n (J \\ i.\ ^ii.Ucni old Dcmocrm, 
James Madison, and in opposiiioa .o the votes and wishes of the Fec'r- 
rallds. The following is a true analysis (:f (lie pohiical complexion 
o: the votes cu the .bill to charter (he Bank cf the United States, in 
1816. 

Yeas. Nays. 

Ilotjse of Kcprestnlatives, Dcmccrais 68 29 

Federalists 13 20 

In Senate, Deniocruts 18 5 

" Feueralists 4 7 

Thus it will be seen, that nicre than ino Hires cS the Dfn:ocrafs in 
both bnanehes cf Ccrgre&s vcttd for the "Mcns;er,*' and rinxst iuo 
th.r.13 of the Federalists vcted against it ! 



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■ r(i::ii,.':;::;y 

e -:'.. :ai. iii. 

!,. aaJ u:v' \v!i:T>'Vcr i; lu.iy ciscijai • — 
Tiie '. (ias'iiii;! y.i i;,i r^i;; !--,[ Oaa ^rfr-, cx.mlha as^ w ,ij. ,l;e ja.u cr 
of :;r.M ;,i ; i\.\.\ ,>',,.![; i: ,. .; 1. :uiiieiicy ot iiui; description , uiid the ;. ea 
sur^'o a;:v.':i dar •) • \\i-- l\.< si'.-s,uii, iii execiain^' \\\v. jjowca'. ^ive c\cry 
pro iLSi' .»r -r.^s "i\t-''l'. !: (;f tiif ihiia'd S, :,'(';- ];;■■ ,ccii or;j:arzc;i 
uadci ' a ..i.-i:^ la.' a,iia i',..- . .\-U:._ a:ai L:aii,:u ilai io \; : ci;i anyuauiit 
auxihary lo these aieasiir. i^. ' 

We siiali here adJ auoihei cxiract frr-ii) Presidcnl Mutiison's message 
to Coii'^Tess, of ISio. Speaking of the creation of the Gaiik — of the 
resforatioii of couftdence in" a uniforic cir'adatinc: nacL'uni, he says: 

3. •• Ujoa this ^ea. rai \ iew of li \\ is oavioas that there is 

only waaan.,'- lo \\ir li-eai pajsj) r, y .. , . .^uM^nt. die ros:cration 

of a uadonij uiediuai oi" * a lKtn;.;\-. ';\ -s ;aui faith of the 

nalioa disoiaye ! in tlie sy.->i(\ii wiiich (_'.» .^ . ■ cstaijlij-hed, insnie 

respect and cuuiidtcn-'e at home and aliio:; i. The local aci unadations 
of (be revenue ha\'e already enabled ihe ■;• ti-i;:y io jncet die pi<l)hc 
engagemencs in the local currcnc) -f nr-i of the states,, and it is 
expected, that the same cause will p;udi;<(' d :^ same efiect throughout 
the Union. But for the intert'sts of the conimuvitij at large as tcell 
as for purposes of the trertsury it is essential that the nation shoidd 
possess a currency of equal value, and use wherever it may circnlate." 

We must be permitted to continue this subject, by the introduction 
of an extract from the peii of President Monhoe, being a portion of a 
letter he addressed to S. E. Burrows. Esq., in 1831, in which he takes 
a decided stand in favor of u National Bank. He discusses in this letter 
the whole subject of the currency — the condition of the finances— ihe 
State Bank system, ifec, — but we shall only quote that portion of the 
letter which bears on the point we are now considering : 



38 THE NATIONAL BAXK QUESTION. 

"A National Bank occupies different ground, connected with th» 
government by its charter, avid its cnnital, AvliicJi consists in stock, in 
uhi.. a liie i^-ovenDiieiii p;i!-;!!-' ;,,i!c !^i ;• i-r,a:i! J'-^-iCc.tliere is no instance 
in wliu'ii, ;a priiiriplc ihcr- . ,;!; !).■;■ d,ii' rt'iicc of interest between 
tliein and iiiav-.y nowrri'u! !> n- A.'n-;!;'.,;;!,^ !,y which die interests of the 
baiik must siiiinila.r it to >i:i;j;(.i! ihc ( rciht of the goveiiarient in any 
situatio)! in w Itich it may be placed. If tiie ciedit vt' the Gov. sink 
the capital of thi^ baulc woidd dc.'dine in equai titurt-e, the effect of 
which u'ovdd be {'f\\ in all i's cpi laiicjis. T- {)aprr would di predate, 
and a c'leck be <:iv(^n to il- i-ircuiatiiui, if not an cittiie ^usJ)en^ion. — 
Standing at the head (>r !!:<■ ) : wird ( p( ia!i( i:>-- (i d,e jo\ (Miiit.eru. it is 
itsinterarediate agent in U:ai<i;i'j- reiuittances \n ihe ban,'.: and \m. vd 
uals tinoughouf lh(' l'iii:jii. ; ;:d liivewisc, between liuiiviebuils. liom 
which :,iiii-h crrd;; ,.]■'{ in!h:-:jca aiv .;ai;;c(!, if not past. It has the 
means „ud may !;:• (■■iiisid.'ii d a- i'l" mi.-: {'owei-fiil air'^nt in raising 
and susiaiiiiii;^ dii' cwn,]: ,].):: i;!r(;;ii:,i in a par v.i;it sjjcrie dmoughout 
the IJiiio!), and vb \a!;;::j: ;!i.' >'al ■ i;aii!v- to (bat ^iaildal■d. by sulijecting 
them to IJie nee; <-':\ (!' r; ailiMiu- and a'dhering to it, to sustain their 
credit, an.d even th ■•!■ \L-.cji r. i.ct ilic credit of the government sink 
and all tliese ad\ama!;!S are lost. Tlic i)aidc flierefore from a regard t« 
interest is bound lo sustaui it. Tla- di;rr!; is ( xeeptihe few appcintc'l 
by the governmeni, are elerfed by the .-({ ridiolders and are anienabiC 
to them, li gi\-es support, tiierefoie to tiic iN)\;'r!)ment in principles of 
national policy, in tht- .-u[)p(_)rt of v.hii li it is inu'iested, and would dis- 
dain becoming an iiisinmitnt for arsy other purpose." 

Even in the \'e;o Messagf itself, General .laa'kson holds this language: 

" That a Bank of the United States cou'pcteiU to ah tl;c duties which 
may be required by tic (Jovemmeiit, i-;ight be so orgatuzed as not to 
infringe on our di legated powers and reserved rights of the States, I do 
not entertain a doul>t. Had the Executive been called upon to furnish 
the project of such an institution, the duty would have been cheerfully 
performecL" 

Gen. HarpjsoN; in his letter to Sherrod Williams, under date of 
May, 1836, says; 

" Under these impressions, I agreed with Gen. Jackson in the cpir.ion 
expressed in one of liis messages to Congress, from whjch 1 n.aKe ihe 
following extract : * Thai a Bank of the United ^^tates^ conij-ctod to 
all ihe duties which r.-taij be required by the Govemnieut. 'in'i'^itt he so 
organized as not to infringe on our delegateed powers.^ or the reserved 
rights of the States, 1 do not entertai)i a. uoxi.bt.'' But the period lor 
re-chartering the old infclitution lias passed, as Pennsylvania has wisely 
taken care to appropriate to herself the bcnetitsof its large capital. 

" The question, then, for me to answer, is whether, under the circum- 
stances you state, if elected to the cilice of President, I would sii.n an 
act to charter another b>ank. I ansv.cr, I would, if it were cleartij as- 
certained i\ia.i. the pubhc interest in relation to the collection and dis- 
bursinent of the revenue would materially sufier without cue, !.nd 
there were unequivocal manifestations of public opinion in its iavor." 

Here, then, is what Gen. Harrison said he would do, in 1836, on 



THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 39 

certain speci'isil conilition-. H? wa> nflerwarl > elected (o ihe Presidency, 
bj/the whole ciinitry, wha (le?irr- 1 a !] iik', as he well know ; and in his 
Inaugural A\ lioss, which we \v.\\ \hv j, . asure to hear him deliver, he 
held the following language, whir;! cannot be misuiderstood, and which 
shows mo?t conclusively, t\\\l h - w a :I i have signed a Bank Charter, 
the opinions of af.'.v Locofocos to the con^rary notwithstanding : 

" C*)nnecte I with tlii-; saSjcct is the character of the currency. The 
idea of making it p./--' '■•''■ ■'/ >.■/■■/ /',"/■, !i v,\- •,- r w.-ll iutended, appears 
to me to be frair^ht wi;-! aniv fatal ca.M :|i! "a a^^ ilrviauy other sche ne 
havinr na relafivi ta t!i > p a> > rd rij;-'!'^ of t!r^ vltlz ■ i. ih'it ha:^ ever 
been devise I. If a:!y ^-■iil■x! • -'lera" coa!;! prodara^ tlia edrc! of arres- 
ting, a' once, that miita'ion or ct!;i liiion by which thousands of our 
most indiga-it fellow-citiz-Mis, by ib.air ia la^ay a^rl enter})rise, arc raised 
to the po?3e?>ion of wealth, t/tut is tli^ (m'\ If there is one measure 
better caliiculated than another to produce ihat state of thinq-s so much 
deprecated by all true republicans, by whieli the rich are daily adding 
to their hoards, and the poarsink deeper into penuarv. it is aiie.vc'.Ksivp 
metaUc currency. Or if there is a procoss by which the character of 
the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed 
by the great increase and necessaiy toleration of usury, ?Vw an exclusive 
mstrdic rurrrwyf.'''' 

THE BANK OF PEXNSFLYAXIA.— It is known to our readers, 
that after the overthrow of the United States Bank, the Legislature of 
the State of Pennsylvania, chartered the State Listitutlon^ which they 
thought proper to call '' The United States Bank of Pcnnsj/lvania,'" 
and at the head of which Nicholas Biddlk, the former President of the 
National Bank was placed. This Institution was neither in whole or 
in part, a National Bank but a State Bank., as every man of sense 
knows, and as every candid man will at once admit. And yet, it is 
notorious, that since that Institution failed, its stockholders became 
sufferers, and its paper was shaved to the tune oi foriij per cent, the 
whole tribe of Locofoco sycophants and demagogues, throughout the 
country, have cried out, '■'■there is the end of a Notional Bank for 
youP^ Not only so, but they quote what President Bitldle said in its 
favor, as evidence of his trying to mislead puljlic sentiment. Now we 
charge that even that institution, was notoriously of Locofoco incuba- 
tion. The Globe, the official Gazette, of President Jackson, and 
certain democratic Senators, encouraged Pennsylvania, and all other 
States, to charter State Banks. In connexion with the debts and ex- 
pendituies of Pennsylv.mia, the Globe of December, 1832, said: 

" Why should not she establish a Bank of large capital in V)hich 
she should be interested as the Principal Stockholder ; such a Bank, 
especially if the faith of the State were pledged for the redemption of 
ita paper, would command universal confidence, and wwuld doubtless 
become the depository of the public funds accumulated in Philadelphia." 



1^- 



Did f^vpr 


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X-i!iniial ii. 


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to l!i;; (1;^ im 


rrrrv. 13 


c!( I'LM' in '1 


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40 THE NATIONAL BANK Qt'ESTION, 

lore iti praise of thai iii;>prab;o ccr'vferffit of a 

; ;'ri 1 i'le ■ v'')!>c ha^ 'ic:;^ ^U!! in nrg'ir'g 

•. w iicn read aloud, must coine home 

';";ir wliat tlu' late JruGK G:;undy said, in a 

•'■ of a;; pxciii^ivp nK^taii;- (•;;rr-'!icy. This I 
/.'. 1 am in fa\<'r (jf a i:.l red curnticij. com- 
:■^^!,■ hank paprr.-' 

Ill ihis saiia; .!.-i a*;' ':^. '. Ercn_'.x.\\ Iic'd fc3;!i afTr '])'< ffishion : 

'■ lift lli'Tc ;>r a n'e/.'Pl-c^ rirri::nt'(.!i i:f !.(■'[>! 'rir njn! I alf fd' (r. 
and the daiiiTPi' of su-pf-nsioiis of tprric j,;ayi!iCi]ls will be con'paraiive- 
]y ai avi end." 

" TlifM" . '' ■ ■ 1 • '• ■ , ^,.].^ ],^^(] j,]]_ fieni 

tlioir ori;-;;, /-.v. ThiM.KAver had 

l)een ill III! i;- .. -;,. i,. <-.. .■ . i;.^. ,. -.,.',iy. Ti wa> new too 

late to riiU'stint! //.■- ,'.;-,V;V /.ry-. y.o M,^\ ^O'A" living would KVEI? Sh,E 

TKE D.'-.Y wncri ihis powc;- \\Guh! !.;e nl anf^on-r h'' tl.i Sffftcs ! '* 

Sucli th-n. Tsert {o be tlie pcsiMOJis of tlir jeadi. '■ poIiiiciaL^ and 



preppcs of die L-O! 


on.<-o >,•! 


:.;'.h And wlicr.v. 


r !h,.' p; i-;y l;avr been 


in the ascoiiia,.!. i 


! a.iiv of 


■!.■ :V;^-. iUr-r d . 


■i-lM'^ l;;. '■ la'rn fully 


carried out — can:-( 


1 om: :1! ; 


,r ('v,-;.,.:\-r nva'i'ii; 


(.. :■'■ ■ r i;;iiiks. iriving 


the people '-a n 


■„■■/./ rn 


Y /;r,/, (;)■ a ciMii i;> 


\ ■ ( /' /,-',•//' >:, ccie and 


ha[f jM:,cr!-' Ai 


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ui !lOll(■.■^t Deniociat 


.- i!( \v ioid iLa: a jQivr 


currpur!/ h a '• \w. 


iibug,'' I 


iv' J:iay safely reply. 


hen. ii is a dcinGcratic 



'V\l\: BnAXriUAG rOWHR.— Mr. JrHer-os., wlso was the irreat 
beibvrd,''|- ; ! '.;>i>:ori;ils. as die prrsnii wxv ( : i,-ri;s-ay. w a< ia\ur- 
able to a "\;!!!uiia} Bank, and to destroy the ititluenct; which diislact is 
likely to ha' p — otn- modern <len^>ocrafs contend iltat lie ^vns opposed to 
ths.' bn'i, /;,/:- mrcr. contended for by Mr. Clay, and the Whigs, at the 
extra S ioii ( < ( ',■ tr-refs. Tliis proves not to have been the fact. The 
National I : h - Imy • -h* m. JiLlii an art of Congress, passed 

in 18(14, ; ■ .v- //v,/r/r,v (,i thr Ih.iMd States Bank.lnto the 

newly acquired 'i'eniioiips of ilie United States, which Mr. Jefieison 
approved, and which, a- is char to be seen, may be taken as evidence 
most conclusive, that he reco.irnized the braia-libi^j.oner. now ccnten 
ded for by Mr. Ckiy, to its fullest extent. The following is the act 
rcferedto, and which, the Intelligencer says is taker hem a Ccn pila- 
tion of the Liaws of the United States: — 

" AN ACT supplementary to (he net entitled "an act to incorporate 
the subscribers to the Ba)di of the United Siai* ?." 

§ 1. Beit enacted, iS:c. That the I^retidtnt and Directors of the 
BiuJi of the United States shall be. and they aie hereby authorized t» 



THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 41 

estab-hh offices of discount anddeposllc in con/ part of :Jie territories or 
dependencies of the United States, in the manner, an 1 on the terms, 
prescribed by the act to which this is a supplement.'' 
Approved, March 23, 1801. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON." 

FURTHER PARTICULARS.— Many honest men in thecountiy 
of the so-called Democratic part^'^ have long been taught to believe 
that every department of the Government had regarded a National 
Bank as unconstitutional — a Per/era^ measure, and never supported by 
the Republican party — when, in truth, the reverse of all these allega- 
tions are facts. These facts, when demonstrated, will prove astounding 
to the People, but they are nevertheles true. We have already given 
the political complexion of the parties voting for and against the Bank 
of 1816. We will next exhibit an analytic tabk, showing how the 
Sates were divided upon the subject of the Bank of 1791, the bill for 
the charter of which was signed by Gem. Washington, on the 26th 
of February of that year, being the month in which it passed the 
House of Representatives, by a vote of ayes, 39, noes 19. The follow- 
ing is the table : 

For it. Against it. 

Massachusetts, 7 1 

New York, 6 

New Jersey, 4 

Rhode Island, 1 

Pennsylvania, 7 

NeAv Hampshire, 3 

Connecticut, 5 

North Carolina, 2 3 

South Carolina, 1 2 

Delaware, 1 

Maryland, 2 3 

Georgia, 3 3 

Virginia 7 

In the year 1832, a bill passed the Senate for continuing the charter 
of the Bank of 1816, for 20 years, by a vote of yeas 28, nays 20. It 
passed the House, by a vote of yeas 107, nays 85. This bill fell under 
the qualified vetc of President Jackson. And to this act, and this alone, 
are all our distres&es and sufferings attributable. This veto destroyed 
the best cuiTency fliis country ever enjoyed ; and from that day to 
this, as every candid man must admit, we have been going down iiill 
as a nation. Where we are to land, time only can tell. Without a 

6 



•^■2 THE NATIOXAL j3A.VK UUESI .•^I.. 

Bank, similar in all material respects to the one destroyed by Gen. Jack- 
son, the covmtry is to be ridned. 

The States in the Senate and House of Represntatives were thus 
divided in their votes : 





SENATE. 


HOUSE. 




I or it. 


Against it. 


For it. 


Against it 


Vermont, 


2 





2 





Maryland, 


2 





5 


3 


New Hampshire, 


1 


1 





6 


Massachusetts, 


2 





11 





Rhode Island, 


2 





2 





Connecticut, 


2 





6 





New York, 





2 


11 


17 


New Jersey, 


1 


1 


G 





Pennsylvania, 


2 





24 


1 


Louisiana, 


2 





3 





Delaware, 


2 





1 





Vir^nia, 





2 


7 


11 


North Carolina 





2 


4 


8 


South Carolina, 


n 


2 


2 


7 


Georgia, 





2 


6 


4 


Kentucky, 


1 


I 


6 


4 


Tennessee, 





2 


2 


7 


Ohio, 


2 





10 


3 


Indiana, 


2 





I 


2 


Mississippi, 


1 


1 


1 


1 


Ilhnois, 


1 


1 








Alabama, 





2 








Maine. 


2 





1 


6 


Missouri, 


1 


1 









In the year 1841, two bills passed each branch oi Conj^rcss, estab 
lishing a National Bank, and both fell under the qualified veto of 
President Tyler. Had not the corrupt traitor, to his shame and disgrace, 
vetoed these bills, a National Bank woidd have been in successful op- 
eration, say, for eighteen months past, or two years, and universal 
national and individual prosperity, woxdd have been the result. Had 
these bills been signed by this imprinciplcd miscreant, instead of low 
prices, low wages, and no nioney, and general distress — the farmer and 
mechanic, and day labortir, would now be receiving a fair compensation 
for the products of their industry, — the country would abound with 
money of ecjual value at every point — and joy and gladness would 
light up every countenance! But Tyler, backed and encouraged by 
I<ocofocoism, vetoed these bills, and liOcofocos, as well as Whigs 
tlirongh mevc}', are enjoyjng the fruits •f his and their conduct. 



THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 43 

The analysis of the vote on each bill shows the sense of tlie States on 
the question. On the first bill — 





SENATE. 


HOUSE. 




For it. 


Against it. 


For it. . 


Against it 


Vermont, 


2 





4 





New Hampshire, 





2 





4 


Connecticut, 


1 


1 


5 


u 


Rhode Island, 


2 





2 





Massachusetts, 


2 





10 


2 


New York, 


1 


1 


17 


20 


New Jersey, 


2 





6 





Pennsylvania, 





2 


12 


13 


Delaware, 


1 





1 





Maryland, 


2 





1 





Virginia, 





2 


5 


14 


North Carolina, 


2 





7 


5 


South Carolina, 


1 


1 


1 


7 


Georgia, 


1 





8 


1 


Kentucky, 


5 





7 


3 


Tennessee, 





1 


8 


4 


Ohio, 





2 


12 


7 


Louisiana, 


1 


4 


2 





Indiana, 


2 





5 


" 1 


Mississippi, 


r 


1 








Illinois, 





2 








Alabama, 





2 





5 


Maine, 


1 


1 


4 


4 


Missouri, 





2 





2 


Arkansas, 











1 


Michigan, 


2 





1 






It is unnecessay to add a further analysis, or we would do so, as we 
have the materials at hand. We have already given the sense of 
different Congresses, expressed by different votes, scattered through a 
period of sixty years, affirming the constitutionality of a National 
Bank, while not one Congress, nor either house of Congress, ever did 
deny it officially. We have likewise the written opinions of the pureet 
patriots, and the most talented men who ever lived on this continent, 
scattered through the same period of time, affirming both the constitu- 
tionality and expedientij of a National Bank— while demagogues and 
designing men alone, of this degenerate age, liave made tlie 
discovery that such an institution is belli unconstitutional and uncalled 
for. Several bills pioposing the establishment of a Bank, have been 
introduced and lost in Congress, it is true, but not on the score of con- 
stitutional objections on the part of that body, as the journals and 
debates demonstrate. Senator Smith, of Maryland, in debate on the 
veto of President Jackson,, in 1832, epnaking 0^ his vote then said, "'he 



44 THK NATIONAL BA\K QUESTIOX. 

had voted against the Bank in ISll, but ?iGi at all on constitutional 
grounds ; and he had no doubt such was die case with olher members 
of the Senate." M^'. Madison says, in refer-nce to this very vote — 
a thing harped upon by the Locoioco opposers of a Bank : 

" As to the negative of the Senate, by the casting vote of the presi - 
ding ofBcer, it is a fact well understood ai iLe time, that it resuUed not 
from an equahty of opinions in diat assembly on the power of Congress 
to establish a bank, but from a junction of those who admitted the 
the power, but disapproved «he plan, with those who denied the power. 
On a simple question of constituiionality, there was a decided majority 
in favor of it." 

In conclusion — we have only to add, that the foregoing statements, 
questions, and extracts — all and singular — must pester the Locofocos a 
little -, nr if they do not disturb their peace and quiet, ihey must at 
least force them to the conclusion, that, " old documents are dangerous 
things y 

But we wish to impress upon the minds of our readers, these facts: 
The first Bank was cieated by those puie and unadulterated sages of 
the Continental Congress, in 1780. sixty-three years ago, when 
none of those motives now complained of, by tlie opponents of a Bank, 
could have operated upon their minds, so as to have influenced their 
conduct, in opposing or advocating the institution. The second was 
created by those venerable sages of the Revolution, under George 
Washington — whose love of country, and patrion nt, no man will 
doubt. The third was established by the Democratic party, after the 
perils of the second war of Independence, by men who had the cour- 
age to sacrifice the false pride of consistency, party strife and party 
prejudice, on the altar of patriotism. During forty-three out of fifty 
years, in which a National Bank existed, public and private credit stood 
without a parallel in the world. During the two intervals, when no 
Bank existed, the moneyed transactions of private life were at a stand — 
nay, they were even on the downward march, and the fiscal operations 
of the Government, labored with extreme inconvenience, doing litde 
else than an uphill business. 

General Jackson in 1842 vs. General Jackson in 1834.— 
Gen. Jackson, as the following letter will show, has again taken the 
field, as the champion of a hard money currency, and the officious in- 
termedler in the contest now waging for the Presidency. Among the 
the numerous letters of a similar character, caused to be published by 
this miserable old man, from time to time, the following is the most 
extrraordinary, if not the most disgraceful to the writer : 

Hermitage, November 24th, 1842. 
"My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 18th instant has just been 



THE NATIONAL BANK Qi'T^STIUN. 4.5 

received, in which you ask permission to pubHsh my letter, or extracts 
from it, to which you refer. I luive no copy of that letter, and W;isii 
written had no idea of its being- published, and as I wrote it in haste, 
there may be errors bolii in grannnar and spelling, which may need 
correction ; still as you say it may be useful for information to the 
public, having the greatest confidence in 3rouv judgment, the permission 
you ask is freely given to yo'j I never put to paper any thing but 
what are my matured opinions, 

" / 3 to the allusions made to my message to Congress, had I strengtli 
I would give j'ou the full outlines of that project, if Congress had made 
the call on me. But why the call was not made upon mC; Congress 
was well aware of n-y o;;)iiiion of the constitutional powers of Congress 
in their legislation for the District, and oi Jie States, with regard to 
chartering banks. I will give you a concise and hasty view of that 
opinion. That the power of Congress over their respective limits : and 
that neither had the constitutional power to charter banks of paper issues 
— that the only powder in this respect was to charter banks based on a 
specie bassis, and of deposite and exchange. The States liuving lo- 
signed to the General Government the Sovreign power to coin money 
regulate the value thereof, etc., &c., and prohibited themselves from 
issuing bills of credit, or to make any thing a tender inpayment of debts 
but gold an;! silver coin ; hence the reserved rights of the States contained 
no poT^^er 'o cliarter banks v/ith power to issue bills of credit. I ask, 

What is a bank bill but a bill of credit? The charter allows them 
three dollars in paper for one in specie : three five dollar bills are issued: 
I go to the bank with one of them ; I draw out five dollars in specie. 
I ask what the other two represents. They answer, nothing but the 
credit. These were well known b}^ Congress to be my opinions ; 
therefore my project was not called for. Many committees representing 
banks called upon me whilst in the Executive chair, to know if I 
would approve a charter upon other terms than based upon a specie 
basis. My answer always w-as, that I would approve no other charter; 
therefore none was presented to me. 

" I am and ever have been, opposed to all kind of Government paper 
currency, let it be derived from Exchequer, or otherwise. If the paper 
is the real representative of specie, why not pay the debts in specie 
and let the specie circulate in the hands of the laboring and producing 
classes ? Then the dealing between the merchant, and the laborer will 
be in specie ; and the merchant, by making a deposite, can get a bill 
on any part of the Union. Where, then, is the use of a paper currency? 
Neither the merchant or tlie laborer wants it. The merchc.ic wants a 
bill, not a bank or exchequer bill, but upon a banker where he lays in 
his goods, as in Germany. 

" It is one of the greatest humbugs ever attempted to be imposed 
upon a people that (here is not specie enough in the world to answer 
all the necessaiy wants of the community. Look at Cuba. There is 
no paper there. Shut out from circulation all paper, and specie will 
flow in upon us as the tide, but never will flow to any country that has 

. a paper cun-ency, which will always depreciate, A national paper 
currency is a great curse to any people, and a particular curse to the 



46 THE NATIONAL BANK QUESTION. 

labor of the country ; for its depreciation always falls upon the labor. 
But with these liiuts 1 nuist close ; being exhausLed. I am greatly 
debilitated, tmd .emau, youv fiend, ^^^^^^^^ JACKSON." 

" Moses Dawson, Esq." 

Remarks.— The friends and flatterers of this weak and ambitious 
old man, have made a tool of him till they have eifected his political 
death, and now, that he is no more ; they are disposed to use him still ! 
It is now with the old man, as a French traveller once said of Leonidas, 
at Spaita. When he (Chateaubriand) visited the spot where old Sparta 
stood, he saw no living soul, in the enthusiasm of his feelings, he as- 
cended an eminence, in the midst of wliut was once Sparta, and at the 
top of his voice, thrice shouted i.l jud the name of Leonidas ! The 
traveller adds, — " Not an echo returned my voice, and Sparta herself 
seemed to have forgotten the name of her Hero !" The reader will 
make the application. 

The very face of the letter shows that its author is not now sufficiently 
sound of mind for party purposes, to be dragged before the public. — 
In the first breath, as it were, the writer says, he wrote his former letter 
in haste — with no idea of its being published, and that it contained errors 
in grammar and spelling, and still, in the next breath, he says, — '■• I 
never put to paper, cuuj thing- hut what ARE my matured opinions .'" 
A beautiful specimen this of the political gra7mnar of a deliberate 
writer ! This fine English, reminds us of the time the writer marched 
an armed force into a neutral Tenitory, then in the possession of the 
Spaniards,. In making out his laidess Reports to the War Department, 
he wrote General thus, Jinrole ! The man speaks of the grammatical 
errors of his former letter, " which may need correction." Judging 
from this " matured " letter, we should think the former one a perfect 
curiosity. That the present letter contains several "matured" falsehoods^ 
none can deny. The General tells us that ten years ago, he regarded 
the State Banks as unconstitutional, and was opposed to all bank paper; 
when he was, at that very time issuing circulars to the pet banks, telling 
them to issue more of their " bills of credit!" He was, at that very 
day, in his message to Congress, proclaiming the success of his misera- 
ble experiments with State institutions, and boasting of their immeasu- 
rably increased banking facilities ! Is it lion headed impudence, or is 
the want of a recollection of what the man did say, in those days, or 
both, that induces him thus to disregard truth ? 

But what is the " matured project of a National Bank," alluded to 
in Gen. Jackson's famous message to Congress'^ Why, according to 
this late Zear«e</ commentary, on that message, it was to be a National 



THE N'ATION'AL BANK QUESTION. 



Bank, conrnied in its operations to the Dlsinct of Columbia — a tract 
of countiy ten miles square, ceded to the General Government, by the 
States of Marj^iand and Virginia ! He intended the country should have 
a NATIONAL BANK, to operate ^' per se," within the hmits of a 
District ten miles square ! And what is still more strange, this Na- 
tional Bank is not to issue ani/ paper, but is to be a bank of gold and 
silver! Who ever heard of such a National Bank? Is it possible 
that ten years ago, in a regular message to Congress, of which the 
following is a part, this is wiiot Gen. Jackson meant, when he seemed 
to sanction a National Bank ! 

" That a Bank of the United Slates, competent to all the duties 
which may he required by the Goverfiment might be so organized as 
not to infringe on our oirn delegated powers or the reserved rights 
of the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had the Executive been 
called upon to furnish the project of such an institution, the dutyivould 
have been most cheerfully performed.'''' 

Now, for the last ten years. Gen. Jackson's opinions herein expressed, 
I have ben publicly, on all occasions quoted, as he very well knew, and 
a verj- different construction put upon them, from the one he has given. 
Is it not, therefore, exceedingly strange, that this commentary upon hk 
" matured pioject," under all the circumstances, should have been with- 
held from the world till now? Old man, this new party movement 
won't take. This effort to aid a sinking cause, on the eve of the revival 
of an old contest between the friends of a Sub- Treasury and a National 
Bank, will not have the desired effect. 

But this oft exploded doctrine of an exclusive gold & silver currency, 
cannot any longer be put upon even Democrats. They have tried the 
doctrine till they are sick and tired of it. Like the Jews, in waiting for 
the coming of the Saviour, the Democrats have looked for the ushering 
in of this gold and silver era, till their eyes have grown dim with age, 
and till their pockets are literally seived up. The gold and silver ^Hce^ 
are upon us, without the currency. 

We next present to the public, the long expected project of Gen. 
: Jackson's constitutional National Bank, which was extensively circula- 
I ted over the United States, in Lithograph copies, for the inspection and 
I approval of the liard money party ! It speaks for itself. We copy this 
Jacksonianplan of a Bank, from the 5th Vol. and 73d page of "The 
i Political Register," published in Washington, in 1834. This scheme 
i is there accompanied by a letter from Littleton D. Teackle, a lead- 
ing Jackson man in Maryland, requesting its publication in the "Co- 
lumbia Telescope," whence it was transfcred to the columns of the 
Register. Mr. T. says, in submitting the plan—" The Chief Magistrate 



48 



THE ^^ATlo^;A^' bank qvestiom. 



of the Union has EXPRESSED HIS API :. .:,f the prixcipi,es 

OF THE PROPOsiTiov, ''od AT liis SI c.wK.-TioA , tile accooipanying 
details have been cxten'. 1 '" 'i'iiis siaternent, and this plan, side by 
side with the HeiTaita':!;:^ :;:::"■. and its avowal, that the General "ei^er 
had been opposed to ."" ' '• > of Governntent paper currency, ^^ we 
leave (he rea.lei- to re c : the r'_M|:ie^t that he will 'pitty the 

sorrows of a poor old h, i.i ,. itu^e memory has utterly failed him ! — 
Here comes the pli'ii ef 1834: — 

'^'- A plan to e.-itrfb^ishihe Monetan/ Si/stemand to regulate the C'drrency 
of tJte United States, arcordiu'v to the fdlovnng bases and p inci- 
ples: 

"1. Five coinmis?:.; nnoinfcd by tlic President and Senate, 

to act in coniunf'ioii \^'ii' :;;ssioners to be appointed by the 

States, to 0(.'ii^(!lnte a i? ■ rcncy^ to sit at the seat c.f the 

General Governrnert. 

" 2. The board to devise and prepare a national cmrency in conve- 
nient denominations from 10 to 1000 dollars, to be apportioned amonc" 
the States in the ratio of their electoral votes, not exceeding one hundred 
thousand dollars for e^h Senator and R. ^.icsentative in Congress. 

" 3. Each of the States, assenting- to the system to receive its contin- 
gent of the ciuTency upon the payment of one per centum on the amount 
required, and contracting to pay in like manup. annually thereafter, and 
providing not less than one fourth of that amount in the legal coin of 
the United States, as a basis of its operations. 

" 4. The assenting States to appoint one commissioner to the board, 
?ind one in addition for every ten of its electoral votes over three, 
deducting the number which may have been appointed from each State 
by the President and Senate. 

'■'■ n. The principal institution of each of the States to have the cus- 
tody and provide for the transmission and disbursement of the pulilic 
moneys, and for exchanges between the States under such conditions 
and regidations as the Congress may prescribe. 

" 6. The national currency to be made receivable in all payments in 
the U. States at each and every one of the institutions and at all theii 
branches and departments, without regard to its place of emission or 
redemption. 

" 7. The board to have and to exercise a visitorial and supervisory 
control over the institutions of the States in all their branches and rami- 
fications; each to be visited and inspected by a deputation of the board, 
once in every six months at the least. 

" 8. The assenting States to be severally and distinctly responsible 
for their appropriate contingents of the currency and for (he faithfal 
administration of their respective institutions. ^ 

" 9. The commissioners to receive an adequate compensation for their 
Eer\-ices, and fair allowances for itinerant charges; to appoint and pa\ 



THE NATIONAL BANK QUrSTtON. 



49 



their secretary and other necessary officers and servants ; and to take 
security for their good conduct, and the due discharge of their proper 
(kities. 

'•' 10. Tiie secretary to receive the per centage to he paid by (he 
States, to make all needful disbursements under the direction of the 
board, and to account to Congress for any balance which might remain. 

"11. The proceedings of the board to be open to the inspection of 
either House of Congress, or to any committee thereof, and the right to 
modify or repeal the act to he reserved, suljject, (o the fulfilment of 
existing engagements. 

" 12. The boaril in cwn^iiler nil snitjcefs connected with the currency 
in relation to the i;i: t' '^ of iiii-ieuiMre, uriuufhetuies and commerce, 
which mio'ht be cliarged j'poii it, and lepoit ihereon to Congress from 
time to time." 

The fore'J-oing sum'. • plan propo^ivl byC^^*;!. .lackson in Ids 

Message to Con: ••;■-■-. i';~ ■4:;enrly approved by him, is, indeed, 

nothing more or i ■ ■.> Ir. Van Buen's original abortive safety fimd 

system, with the excepuon that all the States are to be stockholders, 
married to the Central institution — a grcicious and sweet conjunction ! — 
In other words, the following will l)e. found to 1)8 the chief points of 
this plan: — 

" 1. The Federal Government is to enter into a joint stock company 
with the States ; supplying thejn witli r paper capital ; and, in return, 
merely, assuming the direction::^ ' f their nionied institutions. 

"2. A s^reat fmaueia] Cuiigi; :L up, in order to do such 

few further rogun-ies, as nre ce;:- dangerous to be done by our 

present glorious convocation oi ' saints at Waslnngton. It 

will beg-ood to show the world;': a prol)abiIity of lorming a 

body still n^ore venal a\id slavisli ■ . . . 

" 3. In return for the paper capital lent them in siich pioportion that 
South Carolina would receive just 100. '.1.10 (■w!:a-. each State will 
merely bind itself to pay in specie nV: :- issued, if it be 

demanded at her banks. 

" 4. The financial Congress to have the power of shutting up, at 
their pleasure, the banks of any Slate ; and thus holding a.t lis mercy 
t he whole trade of the countiy. 

" The paper capital is not payable to the United States, in the first 
instance ; but if a State fail to pay the notqs when demanded, the U. S. 
'ds joint partner and guarantee, "will have the riglit of cnfoicing the 
payment — doubtless by njleri facias against the State. 

'■ The pleasant part of die scheme, however, is this : Tliat the tlung 
shall be done by law of Congress ; which law, meantime, is to take effect 
upon a particular State only at its assent, so that we shall have laws of 
Congress completely binding, in some States, and not of the shghtcsi 
obligation any where else ! 



CHAPTER III 



PraCE OF LAKOR— 
AVOU'KD BY BENTi' 



THE VAX EUKP:N DOCTRINE 

\V \LKER, LEAEDRS OF THE PARTY. 



The price of labor! Can ;uiy snbi 
impar;;:"' :'ioii of tln' ■ 

Alrcaoy :.. ri\)iy\d too ; 

tmde" dociriiies of (lie Locofoco pariy 
of imges. AVhal r!'i-- i r \ni!';-'!';i!i c 
cnce a icdr.ciioii < 
mechanics'and dr ;, 
from want I To c 
individuals in Tcl 
mechanics? TL. ; 
Are the Ja,->u:-rs ^ 
dollars for l.'r, ; 
prices, to hir 
give more. '. .; ^ 
of the people — the rtal 
•dernagogaes &iyle ;' 
it is FACTS — ii'.di . 
ting to the piiliHc ;•; \\\\ 
Dcmocrras, and (Jia\' '^, 



't be more worthy the deep and 
of the American People? — 
country, and yet, the " free 

,'\ ideally leads to the reduction 

^u: i ;■ \ni!';i!;i!i c:i izcns could view with indiflfcr- 

':>\v that honest hard-working 

'-■■■') their v;jves and children 

;.der.<, what description of 

:: . \] action? Are the 

;.id theaiselves." — 

''\i.:\ ah'c.Kiy realize Uu cods ibr oats, and three 

It \v add suit them, in these days of hard money 

;';;(!rcr for //re cents, nor can they well af!brd to 

;'\- .•■;%■ '.ii'.; .-;'f!r:s which con:ie to the great mass 

ral ■ . ■' of the land, as the Locofoco 

,,^. •..:,,•; '■ ;:' ' j'or their \otes. And. 

we intend presen- 



iillie;: 
, ;;nd 



parlieSj 1( 



n Van Bnren 
f(^w moments, 
'• lend us an 



:. \Viil I;o! 
lend us their serious attention ? As Mark Antony said 
ear, and we will a round unvarnished tale deliver." 

No doubt our readers generally, have heard of what was charged by 
the Whigs to be startling doctrines advanced in tlie United States Senate, 
in 1S39, by certain champions of Van Buren misrule. But as many 
have doubtless forgotten the particulars, we would do well just in this 
connection, to bring them before the public again. And before we pro- 
ceed further, as it is our determination neither to mislead a single reader, 
or to misrepresent any prominent Locofoco, to whom those doctrines 
have been atiributed, wc Viill have them to be heard in their oivn ivordsy 
as published in their o.wi organ, and revised by themselves. We shall 
not, then, as our enemies charge, resort to the speeches of Whig orators, 
the reports of AVhig ncwr^papers, or (hose of Whig letter- writers, for 



PRICE OF LABOR — METALIC- CURREXCV ;51 

proof of the fad of such doctdiies having been avowed by some three 
or more of the great bell-wethers of Yaa Bureu Democracy, but to the 
GREAT GLOBE newspaper, the ollicial organ of the party m the U. 
States. We quote from Col. Bextoji firet, whose speech on the sub- 
ject will be found in the Appendix to the Congi^cssional Globe ^ page 
123: 

" To our Southern States, to the whole cotton, rice, tobacco and sugar 
growing region, now so grrevov.siy afflicted with the curses of the paper 
system, to all this region 1 wouhi -- ■ -'-ulv the financial history of Hol- 
land,' France and Cuba. F < . : ; i: x a :,h'le. Emulate their 
SOLID CURRENCY, imi: : ' * * 

" To the other States 1 would say, do the like." 

We next quote from Senator Yv'alker, of Mississippi, from Appen- 
dix: to the Congressional Globe, page 124 .- 

" I am against the whole paper system. * * * 

" Let us but contrast the condition of t])e Island of Cuba upon our 
very borders, witli that of our own coiratry. In Cuba, the cunency is 
entirely metalic. * v^ * * # * 

" Being then opposed, upon these principles, to r;..v [np^-r inonoy 
system, State or Federal, I shall vote to strike ouf t;;- c\'x\y-.(- wb.ich 
would seem to countenance the future i:-sue of Government paper."' 

We next give the reader a beauilf id cyAx^ici or two from the speech of 
old Federal James Buchanan, of Pennsylvaniar now spoken of as a 
candidate for the Preside:!-- '■- •'-- Locofoco party. These extracts 
will be found in the Appr Coiigressional Globe, pages 135-G: 

" In Gemiany, where the cun.jiicy is pm'chj metalic, and the cost, 
of every thing is REDUCED to a \mn\ r.ionr^y standard, a piece of 
broadcloth can be manufactured f- '" i' imnfacture of 

wliich, in oin- country from thee:. ■in-y, vrculd 

cost one hundred dollars. W < i;.i^-, ^i-.ivi- : The foreign 

French and German manufa*-: ; this cloth into our country, 

and sells it for a hundred. Dc . ..-ry person perceive that the 

redundancy of our ciUTency is equal to a premium of one hundred per 
cent in favor of the maniifacturer 1" 

" No tariff of protection, unless it amounted to prohibition, could 
counteract this advantage in favor of forei<?n ntannfactures. I would 
to heaven that I could arouse the attention of every inannfacivrer 
of the nation to this imp&rtant subject.'''' 

" What is the reason that, with all these advantages and with the 
protective duties which our laws afford to the domestic manufacturi^r 
of cotton, we cannot obtain exclusive'possession of the home nsarkct, 
and successfully contend for the markets of the w^orld? It is simply 
because we manufacture at the nomnal prices of our own inflated cur- 
rency, and are compelled to sell at the real prices of otlier nations. — 
REDUCE OUR NO M I N A L S T A N T) A h D 01^ P K > ■ ; - 



r,3 



VAX niTvr.X DOCTRIXES AVOWED, AC. 



THROUGHOUT TH?-; WORLD , anO v.n rnvrr our coimtr)- with 
blessings nn.! ' * -^ * , 

"The CO;,. ■ ;:iK] ( Germany have 

afforded such utliniidu:^ loi!;;:Li- juaualiicuuv:^, llial they arc now rapidly 
extending themselves, ;uul would o!">fain pos.-cssion, in no small degree 
even oC' ' ^ '• 1, hon.e market, IF IT WERE NOT FOR THEIR 
PR.OT: DUTIES. While British manufactures are now 

langtii.-liiii^, i:i..ci' of the continent arc springing intc dthy and 

vigorous existence." 

We next give the to *.st drank bv Okxekai, Jacksox, at a puj)lic 
dinner given bini at \ asrJiaU Garden^ in ilie viciniiy of ?^a^^llville, in 
ISor], v/!;!;-'; iliiislr;:^s /lis \ieAvs of //wv/ a'.'.'avi"/ and tlie '•protection," 
oka-, ;,,•.■/•' ,>M.r ^MaiiMrr' 

'' Tli':' tfiii' coitsfii ui'ODtil <-urri.':i'u ';.< n-oJJ a rtfJ silver coin; It can 
cover and protect il:;-, Ifilxiy <,;' , , uinl regulate Wiy^es, without 

the aid of a A^'/.v,;." ' J-'.n::h, ; ■ \\ liicli can never be otherAvise 

ttian hostile to iiic li')i;iie- of lij,' people, lx:!cause its tendency is to 
associate wrA.r.TH vi'.'; :- 'liir' i)ov^•er over the pul»lic interest.'" 

Tkiis ii \' :' ' "hAinuG Bextox, the great file-leader of 

Loccfocois-;!. , J )!e of this comitry to follow tlie wretched 

example of ijolian.l, I'raiice. andt'>on Cuba . and to emulate their 
Democratic nn'talic currciiaj ! 

Sex'^toji WalivKI!, of the '' banker" State, of Repudiation^ is 
opposed to any and all ]):!]■): r n;oiiey, "■ State or Federal," and desires 
the people of the United Siaics, to adopt \\\e. solid crrj-mc'!/ system of 
Republican Cuba ! 

Mr. Buciiaxan, the head of tlie T''\:ii.--vr\ a da wing of modern 
Democracy, advocaies, i;; .0 ijiany wc-n!-. ;,' e r'(hiction of all paper 
money prices, to tlie rci:l Liiba standard — ihut i.^ the solid money stcai- 
dard ! This ojd '' /< ,7 ccrds a day " chaiiijjion of tlie usages of " Ger 
many," and i:('\(:i-;i'e <ir die '• Hwiiiiiwd "' r)riers of foreign countries, 
has the-audaf ' ■ prices will " cover 

our country v. 

Gen. Jacksox, too, goes for the " harcjL," and the reduction of wages 
to the specie standard of hard money countries. Many other extracts 
might be given. Apm his Messages and letters, in proof of Iris advocacy 
of this ruinous doctrine, but tLc foregoing toast, {of course se7iti/nental) 
is deemed sufficient. 

Now, it certainly becomes an object of great importance to ascertain 
what are the prices of labor in these Iiard money countries, and how 
FAST the laboring classes live, in order that wc may be able to appreciate 
the change proposed by modern Democracy. If" the American people 
-^re disposed to " ijviitatc" the habits of living, in European hard money 
countries, Avhen they liave fairly understood those habits, wc say amcji 
to the move. But we bog theiri one and all, Infore they adopt this new 
mode of living, to become fully infonned, as to all the facts; and to 
this end, we lay before them an authentic table, shoAving tlie rates of 
wages in various cotmtrics, touching the accuracy of which there can 
be no mistake. I^iis table is compiled from documects furnished by 



VAX BUBEN DOCTRINES AVOWED, &C. 



53 



the several Consuls, residing in the countries named ; and in March, 
1840, the same table was read before the American Senate, without an 
item of it being doubted, even by the furious partizans, against whose 
creed it was intended to operate. 

TABLE. 



Country 


Description 


Yearly 


Daily 


With or 


With or 


and 


of laborers 


wages 


wages 


without 


j without 


Disttrict. 








board 


dwelling 


France — 




■^ § 


cts. cts. 






Calias 


Ploughmen 


5 to S 










Shepherds 


13 




with 


with 




Laborers 




15 






Boulogne 


Ploughmen 


7 




do 


without 




Laborers 




10 


without 


do 


Havre 


Farm servt's 












generally 


S to 12 




with 


with 


Brest 


do ■ 


2 to 6 




do 


do 


Nantes 


Ijaborers 




17 


w'ithout 


without 


Charant(^ 


Farm servt's 












ge'icrally 


3 to 8 




with 


with 


Bordeaux 


LaDorers 




24 to 30 


without 


without 


Bayonne 


do 




IS to 12 


do 


do 


Marseilles 


Sliepherds 


19tol2 




do 


do 




liaborers 




9 to 14 


do 


do 


Corsica 


do 




22 


without 


without 


Germany — 












Dantzig 


Farm ferv's 


3 to 4 




with 


with 




Laborers 




9 to 14 


without 


do 


Mccklenbuig 


Farm serv's 


5 




with 


do 




Laborers 




14 


without 


do 


Holstein 


Fami serv's 


4 to 5 




with 


do 




Laljorers 




14 


without 


do 


therlands 












Holland 


Farm serv's 


]0tol2 




with 


do 




I/aborers 




12 to 32 


without 


without 


... Flanders 


Farm serv's 


5 




with 


with 


Italy— 












Trieste. 


Laborers 




24 


without 


without 




do 




12 ' 


with 


with 


Istria 


do 




16 to20 


without 


without 




do 




8 to 10 


with 


with 


Lombardy 


do 




Stole 


do 


do 


^5i noa 


Farm scrip's 


4 to 5 




do 


do 




Laborers 




lotoie 


do 


without 




do 






without 


do 


Tuscany 


Fami serv's 


2 




with 


with 




Laborers 




12 


without 


without 



54 VAX BURF.N UOCTniNES AVOWED, &C. 

Fellowcitizens of the United States! Can you go this %ure?-- 
People of Tennessee ! are you prepared for this state of things ? Me- 
chanics and laboring men, of all parties, are you prepared to " work 
for nothing and find yourselves ?" Democrats ! what say you to this 
glorious scheme ? This is what your leaders, aye, what your party , 
propose to bring you to. Only follow them, and here is where you 
will land ; unless you conclude to stcal^ and then you will land in the 
State Prison ! 



CHAPTER IV 



FOREIGN STOCKHOLDERS GOV. POLK AND STERLtXG BONDS GEN. 

JACKSON FOR A NATIONAL BANK IN FOUR DIFFERENT MESSAGES. 

The lasl great objection to a National Bank, with the Locofoco party, 
when their other fiinisy arguments'are met and exposed, is that of its 
necessarily being- founded, at least in part, upon the monies of f'oreign 
Stockholders, and consequently under Foreign influence, at least to some 
extent. The jealous eye of Locofocoism is extreni ely watchful of 
the interc. t of this great nation ! The Whigs meet this objection, first, 
by showing, most conclusively, that it is not a well founded objection ; 
and next, that if it is, (admitting it for the sake of argument) that the 
insidious use of " British Gold," or " Foreign Silver," can be barred by 
legal enactments. We are infomied by the Nashville papers, that Ex- 
Go v. Polk, now canvassing this State for the office of Governor, is 
going his death, as the saying is, against a National Bank, and especi- 
ally is he opposing Mr. Clay's Bank Bill, passed by Congress at the 
Extra Session, and Vetoed by Mr. Tyler. The forecast of the Ex- 
Governor in this, is neither consistent or prudent. He knows that 
Mr. Clay's Bill, as he terms it, contained an express prohibition against 
Foreign Stockholders ; but he is so dishonest a politician, or so reckless 
a demagogue, that he will not only conceal this fact, but labor to make 
a different impression on the public mind. 

The Whig party in Tennessee, understand the very nice distinction 
which the Ex-Governor would draw between Foreign influence in State 
and National Banks ! He has left the people of Tennessee at no loss 
on this subject. His views are on record, in an official Message to the 
General Assembly of this State, in the one case, while his views as set 
forth in his stump harangues, of this day, are too fresh in the minds of 
the people to leave any doubt in the other. On this point the Nashville 
Whig, of recent date remarks : 

But widial we confess we cannot appreciate the distinction. Why 
the Bank of Tennessee, the stock of which to the extent of a million 
and a half le recoinmended, Avhile Governor, to be sold to B?'itish cap- 
itahsts, would be deemed safe under such influence, while a National 
Bank contannng a direct prohibition against Foreigji stockholders, would 
be whohy unsafe, surpasses our comprehension. Perhaps the Governor 
entertained the notion that the Bank of Tennessee would remain in 



5b FOREIG.V STOCKHOLDERS, &,C. 

(he liancls of the Deniocriic}-, arul as a mailer of course be safe from 
the baleful influence of ihe Londoti partner^^ in the concern. Tliat such 
might have been his^ opinion, seems somewhat cdiicln^ix e from the fact 
wiiih^ the Ex-Governor b.irnself v«-as hurled out of oiliccjiis Locofoco 
Board of Directors held over — and that, too, in defiance of law." 

That the reader may the more readily appreciate the hints thrown out 
above, we simply remark, that in the i^^v-CJovernor's Message of 1839, 
he gravely recommends that onk ?,iillio.\ am) a half of the then 
unsold stock of the Bank of Tennessee, should be sent to Loii/on, by 
an agent, and sold to British Capitalists' : imd (i. rei^.dcr those Bonds 
more acceptable to that class of /'y/v'.^., ,•,< v, ho deal in American 
Stocks, he urged that the Bonds of tlie State be nuide " STERLING 
BONDS !" On this point again, the Nashville Whig justly remarks : 

" The leoislature thougbt fit not to r.idopt his recommendation. On 
the contrary, Mr. Bransford, a Vv^hig mr)n!>er iwm .Tackson county, 
introduced a bill to burn the million u\u\ a half of Baidc Bonds unsold, 
which bill or a simi'ar one, was Urudly passed into a law. His Excel- 
lency's intention, however, to sell about one ihin! of (;:e, cnpital of the 
Bank to Foreigners v^as well understood, and his (In, (iiala-. opinion of 
the influence of the Pritish Money Power ii! ' ■ 'institution 

is further conlirnjed by tlie fact tlien within ' ■ ! at t]ie Lon- 

don Stock Brokers already own'cl, (find to wi- w..^ v.m....; a million of 
the capital of the Bank of Temiessee !"' 

Without any thing more at })re3eni, oii the subject of Foreign Caj)i- 
tal for Banking, either in a Stata or Natinval ins'itntion, we coll pulilic 
attention to the subjoined extracts frci': Messages of Gex. 

Jackson, touching the subject of a ile is certainly 

good authority with Tonics.'icc Drinocrais. Titta, too, the Gencial 
accorded in opinion with the prc-u^nt AVliig party of this Slate, if he 
does not/?o.v. Will any one tbsp-;;.' iiiis \ Hear him lor himself: 

Extract frojii Gcii. Jai-!^<vns Ji.-^.L >/:.•.■.',■..':,'•,' tn (Jon'srcss. 
" If such a.n Insliuilitu: h d-.'-iiic' «•, --n'i.il w the fi^^;-;d operations of 
the Concernment, I submit, to the wisdom of tiie iiCgisUtture whether a 
NATIONAL ONE, founded upon the credit of the Go\ernment and 
it-? revenues, might not bo devi?ed which would avoid all constitutional 
difiicultics, and at the same fiirie secure all die advantages to the Gov 
crnmcnt and tae COUNTRY that are expected to result from the 
present Bank." 

Extract from General Jackson's second annual Message. 
" In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes 
our countiy and its institutions, it becomes us to infjuire, whether it be 
not possible to secure the advantai^es aflbrdcd bv the presoit Bonk, 
THROUGH THE AGENCY OF A BANK OF THE UNITED 
STATES, so modified in its principles and structure as to obviate 
confltituticnal and other obj»>ctions. It is thouffhl practicable to org.nn 



FOREIGX STOCKHOLDERS, &.C 



ize such a Bank, witii the necessary officers, as a branch of the Trea- 
sury department, based on the public and individual deposite, &c. &.c. 
In times of public emergency, tlie capacities of such an institution 
might be enlarged by legislarive prov'ision^." 

'^ Entertaining the opinion heretofore expressed in relation to the 
Bank of the United States as at present organized, I felt it, my duty 
in my former messages frankly to disclose them in order that the 
attention of the Legislantre and the people should be seasonably 
directed to that imporfant subject. Without a more particular reference 
to the views of ih- uil))ect tlien expressed, I leave it for the present to 
the investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives." — 
Extract from General Jackson''s tliird amiual Message. 

"That a Bank of the United States, conipetent to all the duties 
which may be required by the government, might be so organized as 
not to infringe on our own delegated powers or the reserved rights of 
the States, I do not entertain a doubt. Had ibe Executive been called 
upon to furnish the project of such an instituiion, the duty would have 
been most cheerfully performed.'- — Extract from General Jac/cson's 
Veto Message. 



CHAPTER V. 



THE NATIONAL DEBT WHO CREATED IT CONDITION OF THE COUN- 
TRY ON MR, VAN BUREn's ACCESSION TO THE PRESIDENCY — EX- 
TRACT FROM GENERAL HAMILTON'S LETTER AMERICAN CREDIT 

ABROAD OPINIONS OF ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS, <fcC., &,C. 



Much lobor and ingenuity have been exercised by the Locofoco 
party in the United States, to fasten the reproach of a national debt, in 
time of peace, on the Whigs, and to remove tlie odium from their own 
doors, where it justly belongs. But fortiinately for the Whigs, they are 
sustained by the official records of the country, in hurling back upon 
the heads of the late faithless and improvident administration, the 
charge of wasting the public treasure, and thereby creating a national 
debt. Before the Locofoco party assail the Whigs on this ground, then, 
they ought to cleanse their own hands of all guilt and participation in 
the matter, of which they complain. This they cannot do, by an 
exhibition of facts, as we shall proceed to show. 

To illustrate the first branch of the subject matter of this chapter, 
and to sustain the positions assumed in the foregoing brief remarks, we 
quote from the Address of the Virginia Whig Conveation, held at 
Richmond, during the winter of 1843. We invite the attention, not 
of the Whigs only, but of the honest and candid of all parties in Ten- 
nessee, and elsewhere, to the views submitted by this State Convention. 
They are, indeed, addressed, rather to our opponents, than to our 
political friends; and all thi.t we ask of them is a candid and dispas- 
sionate hearing. This Address commences : 

'' Fellow-Citizens : — You are all fiimihar with the memorable 
decl aration of General Jackson in ] 837, on his retirement from the 
Presidency, that he " left this great people prosperous and happy ; in 
peace with all nations; and flourishing beyond all former example." — 
But the sagacious statesman who opposed his violent measures — the 
removal of the deposites, and the inflation of the Slate Banks — foretold 
with the accuracy of inspiration, the evils that must inevitably follow 
his interruption of the commercial relations of the country. What was 
the character of this prosperity, was soon visible in the sudden and 
overwhelming revulsion, which, in less than three brie f months fol- 
lowed this self-complacent vaunt. The public debt, it is true, had been 
discharged, under the authority of an annual appropriation often mil- 
lions, as a sinking fund, beginning in 1817, from the abundant means 



THE NATIONAL DEBT, iC. 39 

flowing into the national coffers from the customs, and from extraordi- 
nary sales of the public domain. The Treasury was not only disen- 
cumbered of all its engagements resulting from two wars, but a large 
surplus had been distributed to the States, An ample fund was 
transmitted to Mr. Van Buren by his predecessor, and the party which, 
for eight years, had revelled in the spoils, entered upon a new lease 
of office, with buoyant hopes of a glorious harvest for eight years more. 
But the seeds of disease were sown so deeply in the commercial systeniv 
of the country, that there was not only a dimunition in the receipts 
from the customs, of more than one half in 1S3T, but a falling off in 
the land fund from the enormous amount of twenty-Jive 7nillions in 
1836, to seven niillions \w 1S3T ! 

But with this rapid decline of the means of the country, let us see 
whether the reduction of expenses kept a proportionate pace. Facts 
speak too audibly and intelligibly for contradiction. 

From offici A 1 statements of the Treasury Department by Mr. Wood- 
bury, it appears that on the 1st day of January, 1 83T, there was a 
surplus in the Treasury arising from ordinary sources of revenue, of 
SEVENTEEN MILLIONS^ ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND 
DOLLARS ! ! .<^17,100,000 

Additional sum accruing from Jan. 1, 1837, to March 4, 

1841, from otlier than ordinary sources, (Bank, U. S.) 9,125,000 

When the extravagance of the party ran beyond the in- 
come of the Treasuiy, so as to require the 4th instal- 
ment to the States to be withheld, Treasury Notes 
were authorised, and these were issued during the four 
years up to 4th of Morch, 1841, to the amount of 5,050,000 

Total, ,4^31,875,000 

Making, in all, from other titan the regular receipts from the 
customs and public lands, during Mr. Van Buren's term, nearly THIR- 
TY-TWO MH^LIONS OF DOLLARS ! ! 

Now let us see what was received from the regular sources of income 

during the period. From the customs : 

Prom January, 1837, to January, 1841 , the receipts were .^62,800,000 
The receipts from this source having run up from 
e/eye?^ millions in \SZ7 io sixteen millions in 1838. 

From the Public Lands, in the same period of 4 years 20,200,900 

Making the ordinary revenue of Mr. Van Buren's term 883,000,000 
To these " EIGHTY-THREE MILLIONS " fiom 
the ordinary sources, add the foregoing sum from 
extraordinary sources 31,875,000 

Total, .S|;l 14,875,000 

And we have the enormous sum of neariy ONE HUNDRED AND 

FIFTEEN MILLIONS OF DOLLARS paid into the Treasury 

during Mr. Van Buren's term of 4 years — an average of .^28,718,751 

annually ! 



60 THE NATIONAL DEBT, &C. 

A liberal-minded people might deem tills an ample sum, making due 
allowance for the grow di of the coujitry, especially as Mr. Adams was 
displaced for an annual expetid^;*!!!' oi tiiirtcfn iniUions! But w(\s 
this enough for the Keforniei- / Lji the re<;ord -peak. There was 
expended during the fouryeais of Mr. Van Burcn's udministrati^n the 
folio widg sums, viz : 

In 183T .<s3T.265.037 

1S3S 39,455.438 

1S39 37-129;438 

1840 , . . 28,226.533 



Total, $^142,076,304 

An average of THIRTY FIVE MILLIONS FIVE HUNDEED 
THOUSAND DOLLARS annually! 

Upon the adjustment of balancci-:, on (he accession of Gen. Harrison 
to the Prcsidcucv, it w;is fouml (Lat there was an actual dcliciency in 
the Treasury, of TWENTY-FOUR MILLIONS OF DOLLARS; 
and that this dn^liciency was concealed from the public previously by 
the insidious method of postponing debts actually due, and borrowing 
from the resources of one 3'ear to pay the de!)ts of a preceding year. 
This practice v\a8 kept up during the whole term of Mr. Van Burcn, 
and the purposes of concei.liiient were the better accomplished by a 
resort to Tre: tny Notes instead of loanc. 

Mr. AVoodlMuy and ^Mr. Calhoun hav<' both conceded (what, indeed, 
they could not well deny) that a rsaii(';;:il \)'A)\ existed, on the 4!h of 
March, LS4I, to (he amount of ib.e out. landiiig Treasury Notes, up- 
wards of Five 7\Iillions of l^ollars. Bui these gentlemen carefully 
avoided reference to the (hferred appropriations made by Congress, 
which, with the outstanding notes, swelled the debt up to the amount 
we have stated, .\;24, 000.000. Indeed, Mr. Charles .1. Ingersoll, one 
cf (heir own parly, aclcnowKxlge c, in an address to his constituents, 
that the debt was TiDcnty- Tico Millions of D Uirs ! 

The items of this debt, however, are conclusively set forth in a 
Report of the Committee on Public Expenditures, of which Mr. 
Meriwether of Georgia was the chairman, during the winter of 1841-'2. 
The correctness >of this report has not been impcacliad from any quarter. 
We subjoin ar abstract • — 

Indebtedness recorded in Treasury Department. 

Treasurv^ Notes, $5,283,831 

Debts due Holland, 1,440.000 

Funded debt of late war, 299 554 

Unfunded debt, 36.297 

Those two last items wore contracted during the late war. 

Debts recorded in War Depart mejit. 

Amount due twelve tribes of Indians, on which the Gov- 
ernment pays an interest of 8131,000, $,2589,000 
Amount due Chij)pcwa and Ottawa Indians, 340,000 



THE NATIONAL DEBT, ^.C. 61 

Amount due several tnbcs in trust and expended for use 

of Government, 129,388 

Amoimt due Florida militia, 317.601 

Amount due Georgia militia, TS 495 

Amount due State of Georgia, 207,000 

Amount due State of Maine, 200,000 

Those four last items, amounting to near a ■million of dollars, were 
embraced in bills which passed both Houses of Congress the last night 
of Mr. Van Buren's term of oliice, but too late to receive tlte signature 
of the speaker ; but they have since been provided for by a Whig 
Congress. 

Debts rt-ordcd iu Post GJice Dejjarimcnt. 

Due arrearages to contractors, .*27,993 

Due contractors beyond means, $354,990 

Debts recorcy.d in Navtj Department. 
Amount Navy provision fimd used, $,143,638 

Actual deficiency of means to meet t;ic appropriations 
made by the Congress which adjourned J\iarch 3, 1S41, 
and previous Congresses, $12,080,221 

s24,719,00S 

Here, then, is a debt of more than T\V ENT Y-FOUR, MILLIONS 
OF DOLLARS, every cent of which was contracted before the 4th 
March, 1841, and some which, in ri' ■-• - •^" f'-.e ditticnlties encountered 
by the Whigs, has been paid off ;- ciidency in the Nation- 

al Councils. 

And this diumnition of the pr.iilic del)t, it should be further remem- 
bered, was accomplished against a continued struggle of a factious 
Opposition, who, throughout nearly the whob period of the Extra 
Session, not only spoke for days and even weeks against all regular 
measures for the support of tlie Government, but actually voted against 
nearly all t!ie approprialions \\\ which they or their constituents had not 
a direct interest. 

But the worst of the evils under which the counfiy labored, was not 
merely in the creation of a National Debt, (which our adversaries are 
now falsely charging upon us,) and in factious resistance to all measures 
for the payment of that debt ; but is to be found in a calamity which, 
years of prudence and self-denial can scarcely alleviate." 

In this connexion, we would call the especial attention of the reader, 
to an extract from a late letter of Ge?^. IiAMiLTOiNr to Mr. Calhoux, 
dated London, September 9th, 1842 — in which the condition of Amer- 
ican credit abroad — the deranged state of our currency — the election of 
Gen. Jackson to the Presidency — the victory of New Orleans, &c., are 
all struck at in clear and forcible language. This whole letter is a well 
written document, and contains many interesting truths. Gen. Hamilton 
has ever been regarded as a Democrat — he is a strong friend of Mr. 



62 GENERAL HAMILTON S LETTER. 

Calhoun's — and stood shoulder to shoulder with him in the support of 
Gen. Jackson, when first elected. The extract we call attention to is 
in the following words : — 

" A country of immense resources, in a period of profound peace, on 
the verge of bankruptcy! Any man wliowill read Hunje's essay on 
' public credit ' and on money, can be at no loss to trace our present 
condition to its true source. We have been suflering ever since Gen. 
Jackson destroyed the Bank of the United StateSr(with the exception 
of a short period of distempered intlalion created by his own measures) 
under a steady diminishing circulation, which the eminent philosopher 
to whom I have ieferi>d has declared to be one of the worst calamities 
that befall a civilized coim(,ry — far more disastrous ' than the continu- 
ed blight of unfavorable harvests and seasons.' This result has been 
founded, first, in the constant action of the Federal Government, or their 
supposed meditated action on the Banks of the States wliicli created a 
universal panic, that has compelled the Banks to withdraw their circula- 
tion ; and next, the General Government permitting to remain in 
criminal obeisance their sovereign function to supply a currency equal 
to the wants of the country and ' to regulate its value.' 

The consequences is, that the States have nothing in the shape of 
credit, or money at home to pay with abroad. Every species of property 
has fallen from fifty to one hundred per cent., and the standard of value 
so seriously distributed, that a man in 1839 might have had properly to 
three times the value of his debts, yet he is now ipso facto ruined by the 
silent transit of our country from a redundant circulation to what some 
are pleased most felicitously to call a iLardinoney currency — when the 
fact is, that we can procure neither that which is hard or soft J 

By this alteration in the standard of value a revolution is in porlen- 
tious progress in our country, as wide spread and desolating, as for as 
property is concerned, as that which distinguished and illustiated the 
masterpiece of liumon policy of the Robespierres, Dantons and Miirats 
of another ill fated country which in its time was go\('ined by its 
demagogues too, \A\o made paper money so thick that it snowed 
as signals in the streets of Paris and then turn round and burned in their 
frenzy their own handiwork. Look, my dear sir, at the thousands 
of families that have been ruined — that, have had unutterable woe, 
carried into the very bosoms of their houses by the nostrums of our 
political quae h\<,\\\\o, in their senseless war on the very banks they 
created, gave no time, ' Ity {)repanit()ry revolution of the intervening 
discords,' for the country to pass from a period of expansion to one 
severe and arid restriction. 

To those who have been ruined in these unhappy times, whose 
estates have passed under the tender gripe of the sheriff, the moral 
justice of General Jackson's memorable apophthegm will be but a dry 
crust, ' that those who Ijorrow money ought to break,' a doctrine out of 
which their creditors are likely to derive as little comfort as themselves 
although it must be admitted that the General tried all he could to 
secure this blessing to the countrv. But, mv good sir, the day of 



GENERAL Hamilton's letter. 63 

reckoning must come. The accouni will be adjusted now or by pos- 
terity hereafter. 

One of its first sums will be to settle what the victory of New Or- 
Jeans has cost us. These are generally expensive pageants any how. 
Bonaparte probably never achieved one for La Belle France, except 
to the tune of twenty millions of francs — to say nothing of the lots 
of ' cracked crowns and bloody noses ' he left on the field of battle. 
But his victories, in cost, were no more to be compared to the victory 
of New Orleans, than a penny whistle is to Baron' Munchausen's 
celebrated clarion under an April thaw. I CALCULATE THAT 
THE VICTORY OF THE EIGHTH OF January COST FIVE 
HUNDRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, BESIDES the SMALL 
EXPENSE OF ENTAILING UPON THE COUNTRY A SET 
OF DRIVELLERS WHOSE FOI-LY HAS TAKEN AWAY 
ALL DIGNITY FROM DISTRESS, AND MADE EVEN CA- 
LAMITY RIDICULOUS. 

You will say hold. You and I are greatly responsible for this hero's 
gettino- into power. Yes, it is true, WILLINGLY WOULD I 
EXPIATE THIS SIN WITH MY BLOOD IF I COULD RE- 
CALL THE FATAL PAST. But this is impossible. Let us look 
with courage, and resolution on the future." 

And yet another witness ! — The late efforts of Mr. Robinson, 
to sell the Government loan in England, continues to be a topic of 
remark, both in the English and American journals. A late number of 
the " London Shipping Gazette," complains, " that the American 
press represent the British capitalists as being unable to take the loan, 
whereas, the only reason it was not taken was the bad faith of some of 
the American States. They continue to reiterate that, ^/«a?w/i^?7?Ae 
honor of all the American States is protected, NO MORE BRITISH 
CAPITAL WILL BE TRUSTED IN AMERICA ! ! ! " 

Let Gen. Jackson, together with those of his " faith and order," who 
me Sidvocixting a hard moiei/ currenci/, and repudiating their honest 
debts, gaze upon the above picture of our national honor and credit 
where we have been going on " Ijorrowed capital ! " And in confor- 
mation of the foregoing, as well also, as of what Gen. Hamilton has 
said, let the Locofocos of our country examine the following extract from 
a number of " The London Times," called forth by the neglect of 
that great Locofoco State, Pennsylvania, to pay British capitalists the 
interest on her bonds: — 

" It is understood that on one of the late applications from the United 
States the negotiator was distinctly told by a London capitalist, that so 
long as such a State as Pennsylvania could neglect to provide for the 
payment of its dividends, it would be perfectly useless to attempt to 
raise money either for State or Federal Government. The public opin- 
ion of England as to the condition of the American credit cannot be 
kept too clearly before the eyes of the citizens of the United States." 



CIIArTER VI. 



THE T-VnfFF Q.UESTIO:; ITS I.YCREA.SIXG POPULARITY ITS IMPOR- 

TAXCE WHO HAVE BEEN IT.S SUPPOPvTEIlS A UE:.IuCRATIC MEASURE. 



T;; . of a Protective T^v ■ ;\ li;'('0]i:!i;i^- more and 

more , - ;;Mis gTcat. importance ^t (he Norih — in the 

Soiltli — to the East— and in the far oil' West, the cry is, '■ Protection 
to Home Indii^trv." All infcHici-eni men now legard this qnestion, as 
one deeply iuvolvii!;: C,\c fniui- • pro^prrity and interests of this whole 
connUv. it is a luoad and iiiomeuions qnestion, in which eveiy 
Americaii has a niutaal intercut, though deniag-ognes, for parlizaii 
purposes, may endeov; ; i'> '!!:■;. the South against the North, or draw 
the lines of ^^r/r///, fori!,' ;■ ; pose, more elTcctually, of defining the 
positions of Whigs and Deinoriats,so cnli(-d. It is a fjuestion involving 
hi:lh and isanir'ant considernlions — a question which, whether decided 
one V. li; r, mu.^i liave a controling intiuence on our destiny 

as a 2\....-..., . .: : '-ur piosperity as a People, in all time to come. It is 
a question cf s; \j'-'hj'rncc, and tlicrer<_)re it is the more' strange that it 
should meet wiui opposiiioa, or even be tr.rJil}' emiiiaced bv any. 

The argumerits in favor of die Protection of An.icrican Labor, are 
ahnost numberless, and tliose of them resoited to bv the 'Whig party, 
are self-evident. The d'^angement, not to say ruin of the Currency, is 
Tiniversal, ap..! is every day complained of, in every r'fale in tlic Union ; 
and we have no doubt but that a Protective Tarid'wiU do ip.ore towards 
restoring the Currency to a hia'i!:; ,- -i;'-, I'.ian an\ ndicv yet '-cd, 

save the establishment of a A ai;';,ai ;:.i:i:. 'fbe uail\ complaL*. is, 
that the Banks'will not afford a .• :ii!i! ■ iaiioiis to our merchants and 
other business men, and that day iail hccause of their inability to 
redeem tiieir issues with specie. Tiiere is more taith than poetiy in 
this unceasing cry, so far as the J3anks arc concerned, and for this reason : 
The only reliable basis of the Banks — the gold and silver of the country 
— is absorbed in the payment of foreign debts — debts contracted for 
foreign importations. We of course mean to include the whole countiy, 
and not a particular section. England sends her bread-cloths, and 
other heavy products of her ten cent, per day labor to diis juntiy, and 
demands gold and silver, and gold and silver bullion in return. France 
floods these United vStates, with her silks, wines, and other luxuries, to 



THE TARIFF QrESTIOX. 65 

the amount of twenty millio.xs of dollars per annum, for which 
nothing but gold and silver will be received. This is the way our 
country is drained of the only basis for a banking system. Is any 
man so blind as not to see it at once ? Could even all the specie which 
we can ever have at any one time — about eighty millions — be kept 
in this countiy, we would not then have a sufficient quantit}' for an 
exclusive metalic currency. Hence we see the necessity for a paper 
currency, and a specie basis is indispensible for even that. Neiiher 
England or France will buy our abundant crops of corn, wheat or rice, 
to any extent. England buys the article of Tobacco of us, but she 
puts a duty upon it, sufficient to raise from it alone, a revenue of thirty 
MILLIONS ANNUALLY I Upou our rice, England lays a duty of lOUper 
cent., and ^from that article alone, realizes a revenue of two millions 
annually. Upon our cotton, too, England puts a duty of such a char- 
acter, as to raise a revenue of three millions annually. Beside all 
this, American mechanics meet with no market beyond the high seas, 
on account of the high duties imposed upon their laboi-s. Yerily, 
foreign ports are now almost universally bared against the product.^ 
of our soil and industry, while our Locofoco demagogues, are crying at 
the top of their voices, ^'- free trade and sailors lights !" 

We have now taken a briew view of the policy of England and 
France towards (his country, and by way of contrast, let us see what 
is the policy adopted by this countiy towards these foreign nations. — 
Instead of having a Tariff sufficient to protect our manufacturers, and 
other laboreis, from a continual flood of foreign importations, we in 
fact cry out " free trade," and thus invite this ruinous one-sided traffick. 
England is overrun with manufactures, and she abounds with hundreds 
of thousands of naked <md peiishing men, women and children, who 
are glad to find employment for a mere livelihood, and by which means 
she turns out immense quantities of every kind of the products of labor 
with which she abounds, and which is forthwith shipped to this country 
and sold at low rates, so as to put down our own establishments — turn 
our laboring poor out of employment — break up and ruin our capitalists 
and injure every branch of our business in our whole country. Yes, 
the consequence is, there is no American market to encourage the 
growth of wool and cotton, and consequently of com, porl, beef, rice, 
wheat, potatoes, and eJmost every article for consumption 'fmong work 
hands, beyond the necessities of the faraier himself, and his village 
neighbors. Did we produce, as we can, a surplus of all their articles, 
we could not send them abroad, but at the most ruinous prices, because 
all foreign ports are closed against them. We cannot' find a home 
market, because the Locofoco doctrine of " free trade " has put down 





66 THE tahiff uukstiox. 

our manurac'ures, and turned our nieclianics out of employ, and even 
driven them to cidtixate iIk; soil or slar\e. France sends two-thirds 
of all her e\portauoas to this c'^unii;-, lice, ;ind some of the most 
important Euro[)e;in i-roduciions air nt a preisiitim. And previous to 
the cnacanent oi the '"['ari;!' law of \'<12. v,e cliar2"ed feu per cent, on 
al! silks beyontl the drpc of Good Hope, anil admittt'O. all others free, 
givinj^ tlie European silks an advanioge over all others in our m.arkets, 
of ten per cent. Thus are Ave made to enrich foreign countries, and 
foreign capitalists, under tlie iniquiious operations of this free trade 
doctrine, not only to our great detriment, but to our Xalional ruin and 
disgrace. These are the advantages ofthe free trade system advocated by 
the Locofocos of the country. The immediate and inevitable conse- 
quence ofthe doctrine, as every man of sense must see, is theprostiation 
of ^imerican inihu-ny, and the iiaraliza-tion of all manner of enterprise. 
Were our capi!ali^(s sc'-iiii'd agaiiist tire inilux of foreign articles, as 
they should be, th'^y could successfully embark iu all manner of manu- 
facturing enterprises, a.nd thus afford prolitable and constant employment 
to hundreds and thousands of laborers, and at the same time create a 
brisk and sure market for all kinds of produc.^, from eveiy section 
of the Union. The fruits of the laborers would be in demand — those 
ofthe Iviechanic would ineet with a ready sal(> — and all c'a-es, of every 
color, would be mulually bencfiited by this iicriic .'Iiiiirt. 

What, then, gentle readier, i^s the poiicy wis!, li il;is (Government is 
called upon to adopt? Wbat is the course which we as Americans are 
called upon to pursue? Are we any longet .:.> -c-ajit to foreign taxa- 
tion '? Must we continue the slaves of foreign oppressors? Shall we 
contiaue to be made " hewers of wood and drawers of water," by 
European despotism ? While England is becoming rich and powerful, 
shall we permit iier to take us by die throat and choke us to the ground? 
To what foreign nation is Aiuerlca now greatly indebted, for goods and 
borrowed money ? The answer is shamefully, palpably and humilita- 
lingly true — to England, proud, arrogant and insulting England. — 
Shall this state of things continue any longer? Are not American 
broadcloths, American carpets, domestics, hats, boots, calicoes, and other 
bke articles good enough for American People? Why then advocate 
the ruinous doctrine of " fi-ee trado and sailors rights," and thus foster 
a system of self-nnuder, and national ruin ? No man can enter a retail 
store in this country, without seeing stamped upon the goods, the 
British Croicn^ and as if to attract attention, in large capitals, connected 
therewith, is " Manchester," — " Liverpool," — " Bristol," — " London," 
" Shertield," &c. — Why do we not see in their stead, Boston, Lowell, 
New York, Charleston, Augusta, Cincinnati, Nashville, Baltimore, 



THE TARIFF (iUESTIO>f. 67 

Pittsburg, Richmond, &c ? The answer is at hand— our manufacturca 
are wol jn'oiccted h\ Congress. 

To be pi-'-speious, then, (his couiiiry must protect herself— she must 
shut her \}i)\-{i against tbreiou riicroJchineuis— she 'innst protect the 
industry of h- r citizens. Then, ai'.'J not till llien, will this Nation 
prosper. Let no one say that an oppressive system of Proteciion is 
called for — this is not necessary (o secure the end proposed. I'he 
kind of Tariff railed lor by \\\^^ luieiesN^ 'if the country, and advocated 
by the Whig pa.iy proper, i> fully (uw .:i"-! iu the following- eloquent 
extract from the late speech of H;:.\uy Clay, at Memphis, in reply to 
the welcome of Ln Plov Pope, Esa: 

"Be not alarmed my friends lie said, at the words I say — this is 
the AmerkcDi Sjs(e//t.~il is the long and >\i".y[ of the System — Indus- 
try and Economy — Make at home what we \\\'.\v been buying abroad 
— and in thnt way we will get out of dent, asiu keep so, aiul keep our 
money. A moderate and recisonahlr tnri't' h'':<'s a/l irr crrr uvsircd — 
one swjicioU to stinmlale and suslain our o;r,'i Aiiuruan, a'omeshc 
industry and ec'"''>'n 11. ScABinrY an;i ; xir.ii: uicy were the great 
necessities of the sysiem. Ii sliould br '-.yrA and umibrm in its 
operations on the great intererests of the coiuitry." 

To show that Mr. Clay is consistent, moreover, as well as orlhodox, 
we subiuit another extract from Ins speech at the great Indi.'mapolis 
Barbacu^'. on the 5th of November, 1642 : 

" T;)'.' Vviiigs don't want to destroy commerce, or to prohibit the 
introduction of foreign fabrics — that w-uid be rmcivilized ; but ihey 
wish tosecure asystein of National Lidi-pa.^^rncc.wlxwh will enable 
the American people to live mor;' Ujion (iieii own resources. Ihis is 
Whig policy. What do t!ie Dcmocia!: ■ lea;!. -is say at Washington?— 
They are in foYor of '-free trade'' and woukl liuve no duties levied, 
but admit, foreign fal)rics, regulated only by the wants of tlie country. 
It is true, they don't profcsslhat this is'thnr ol>ie'-t, l)ut it is the inevi- 
table result of their doctrine Byiin-i,-, iwlions, if practically 
carried out, our country would be ii;;'^ !. imed ol the hard 
money which our Democratic leac'^ - 'o ('^la'siish rs ilie 
standard value of our productions. v woolii bf )hus 
dravai from us to suppoitlhe paap. '} Vvouhi not 
l)uy a cents worth from us not necn (■< c- ities. A 

.state of things like this would not (a;i .<. ■...■ :.; < '^t colonial 

condition before the Revolution, when coon- skins n iormed 

the currency. While they are thus recommending !- ;doption 

of light duties and free trade, orno duties at all, they are submitting to 
the most enormous duties; in)po:Jedby foieign Governments, on tiieir 
own productions, amounting to nineteen hundred percent on the arti- 
cle of tobacco alone! This is " reciprocity !'"--the reciprocity of 
American "free tra Ic '' politicians and British manufacturers! Let 
me ask which party is the wisest and most patriotic — the one which 
protects the industry of the country from the rivalry of foreign govern- 



68 THE TARIFF aUESTIO.N", 

rncnts, or that wliicb consigns lo the ^•ontrol of such rivalrj'' the most 
vital interests of this great nation ? " 

It is now evident that the Locofoco party proper, intend to array 
themselves against a Tarifl*, either for Revenue or Protection^ in the 
approaching Presidential contest. It is equally certain that the General 
Government has power to impose duties for the protection of American 
Industry against European Industry, and to counteract foreign legisla- 
tion, hostile to oi'r interest, and this question can be retidered so plain 
as not to admit of a doubt. This we propose to do, and we commence 
the work wirli the declaration, that when the States became indepen- 
dent, (bey unquestionably had the pov.er. All this power however, to 
impose duties, the States transferred to the General Government, by the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution. They then ceased to have the 
power: and if, now, the General Government has it not, then the 
power is extinct. And certainly, no Locofoco advocate of free trade, 
however ultra in his views, would be willing to admit this conclusion. 
But the power still exists, as all must agree, and of course it is lodged 
with the General Government. To exhibit all the proof, however, 
whicli we have at command, to sustain tliis position, in every particular 
would occupy more ispace than we intend to devote to this matter. We 
shall endeavor, Izowever, to show, that eveiv Congress, and every 
President, from the foundation of the Government to the present day, 
has acknowledged the right, and the expediency and constitutionnlity 
of the right, on the part of the General Government, to lay duties, for 
revenue and jirotection. We shall then appeal to the irrcsistable 
authority of the Constitution itself ; that thus " becoming all things to 
all men," we may at least convince some, and at the same time, show 
the harmony subsisting between the practice of all the Presidents, and 
the letter of the Constitution. 

In the first Congress which convened in 1790, Gen. Washington, 
emphatically " the Father of his country^'' and a patriot altogether 
above suspicion, in his opening address to that body, says : 

" The safety and interest of the people require that they should 
promote such manufactures as tend to render them independent of 
others for essentials, particularly for military supplies.-' 

Upon this recommendation of Gen. Washington, Congress called 
upon Mr. Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, for a Tariff 
scheme, and in his report, he says : 

" If Europe will not take from us the products of our soil upon terms 
consistent with our in'erests, the natural .remedy is to contract., as fast 
as possible, our wants of her. 

"Though it were that the immediate and certain effects of rcgula- 



THE TARIFF ULESTIOX. 69 

tions controlling the competition of foreign with tlomesiir fabrics wo-s 
increase of prices, it is universally true that the contrary is the ulliniate 
effect with every successful niainifacture. When a doDiestic manu- 
facture has attained to perfection, and has engaged in the prosecution of 
it a competent number of persons, it invariably becomes cheaper. Be- 
ing free front die heavy charges which attend the importation of foreign 
commodities, it can be allbrded, and, accordingly, seldom or never fails 
to be sold cheaper.iii [vn^ ; ss of time than was the foreign article for which 
it is a substitute. The infernal rompetition which takes place, soon 
does away every thing like mo)iop()ly,and by degrees, reduces tlie price 
of the article to the minimum of a reason i' .: profit on the capital 
employed. T'iiis accords vx .^i (lie reason of the thing, and with expe 
rience. Whence it follows, that it is the interest of a community, 
with a view to eventual and permanent economy, to encourage (he 
growth of lyianufactures. I/i a national vicw^ a temporary enhance- 
ment of price must always be tr.ell compensated by a permanent 
redaction of it/'' 

In 1T91, Mr. JefTerson, the reputed ()cll-v/etlier of the Democracy 
of diis country, made a report on the then state and condition of the 
Fislieries, speaking of wiiich, he says : 

'.'To these disadvantages, add ineffectual duties on importation of 
foreign fish. In justification of these last, it is urged that the foreign 
fish, received is in exchange for the produce of agriculture. To 
which it may be answered that the thing given is more merchantable 
than that received in exchange, and thai, agricultuie has too many 
marlcets to be allowed to take away those of the fisheries. It will rest, 
thereiOTe. with the wisdom of the legislature to decide whether pro- 
hibition shall jiot be opposed to prohibition, airl hii^h duty to high 
duty, on the fish of other nations: whether any, or which, of the 
naval and other duties n^.ey be remitted, or an equivalent given to the 
fish^^rmen in tlie form of drawbark or bounty ; and i&hether the loss 
of markef?- abroad may not^ in some degree^ be compensated by 
creating ^nnrketsat honui.^^ 

So late as 1806, Mr. Jefferson employs the follov^-ing language, in 
his Message to the two Houses of Congress : 

" When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way, be 
relinquished, there will still, ere long, be an accumulation of money in 
the treasury beyond tlie instalments of public debt, which we are per- 
mitted by contract to pay. They cannot, then, without a modification 
assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment 
of this debt, and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most 
desirable of all objects ; nor if peace continues, will they be wanting 
for any other exi.-ting purpose. The question, therefore, now comes 
forv;ard, to what other objects shall these surplusses be appropriated, and 
the whole surplus impost, after the entire discliarge of the public debt, 
and during those intervals when the purposes of war sliall not call for 
them ? Shall ice suppress thn impost, and give that advantage to 
foreign over domestic tnanufactures ?" 



/U THE r.uiiir U-.KSTIO-N. 

But at so liite ;i date a? Januai-y. 1-^16, M;i. Jr^y-^'-ztsoN shouldered 
the wliol- ,;;,-.-ti;ii nf Prn!:rHr>it. in alclier (o Bi:.v.[.\ \m\- \vstix. Esq. 
And a'(Jiu!uli M;-. J.m'ismm 1i;i.1 been o{)pn;<('d lo ;!.,■ /-'/v;/. r/,'/- policy, 
whei) a voiuig" uiau, n- ■. •/ it IVcmi uinlcr his own hand, that his 

opinions were rachra!^ . iificr tiiiily years (^xi)erierire. So that 

great sticklers for cousisicncv. ;ir- Uic [.;;i-L.j^ir;.:^ are, tliev iire at variance 
with their '• fonntain he;id "' on ihir, si;I!;!t;, ;;^ {h.-y are wont to term 
Mr. jE!'^r'i:i;.si)N, and their DeiiKJCiacy of the pr^^sent diiy is spurious. 
la this Idler Mr. JeinM-oa says : 

" You tell me I am qiio'cd Ijy t!io?3 \vho wish to con'iuue our de- 

Tiicie was a lime when I 
candor. But widiin tiie thirty 

" -'-Mrrs ,dian--ed?— 

eind say whether 
1 .:;.\ apjilied to those 
d wUal we lir n did not believe, 
■r lo exclude us iVum inteichange 
ni (^)\' ih:^ comloris of life, we 
! now place the manufacturer 
'iiurr (lursdon is suppressed, 
•i! I i!i(|!i!iy is now, shall we 
\\\v]i\ ai iii-.' will of another 
•iiiiist i'.oiii' :!\c iniur.:fa(:tvr< s 
'!! I('ir-:- (lii lii'-'t ii'ilioii^ or hi' 
/.>■ ,'/.■ </.' A'.s' (Dhl rarcriis. I am 
; ;XpiM-ience has tauizht me 
to our independence as to our 
comfort ; and if those u iio qu(jte //ip as uf a chll'ei-eni opinion -w ill keep 
pace with v;?e in puiclhi^inu' iiodiiier foii-iMu v, !;'■:• a:; « Muivalent of 
domestic fjibric can be obiabu'd. v.'idiMn< ivtraid -n ::i,\ d::i: .i-ace of price 
it will not be our fm!; if ■:. ■ iply ai home equal to 

our demand, and w i ■ i ;' from the hand which 

has so long wantonly \ioiauai ii. 

Mr. Madison, in his first MessaL:*'. iu iSil-^, u-c-- tlie A-llowiiig su-ong 
and imc([uivocal language, in reference to the question of Protection : 

" T])c revision of our commercial laws, projjer to adapt them to the 
arrangement which has taken place with Great Briltain, will, doubtless 
engage (he early attention of Congress. It will lie worthy, at the time 
of their just and providi -nt cares, to make such farther alterations in 
the law as will more especially protect and foster ike several branches 
of manufacture, which have been recently instituted oi extended by 
the laudable exertions of oin' citizens." 

In 18] 5, and after the close of the war, Mr. Madison urges upon 

Congress, in his Message, the protection of home industry, associating 

revenue and protection together, and making one J^e incident of (he 

other. He says : 

u T.-, .i,i:.,c.;.^n- \hr- ,i.,»;f.q jip4 in?norts to the object of revenue, (he 



penden.-e 


on 


'"^ > ' 


1 ,■ 




nan 


v± 


'Murt 


migiil ha 


V b:- 






\ 


viih 


more c 


years wli: 


eh h 


i\i .-.., 




a; 


^ ,;..,! 


. !: 




Compare the j)reseut 
an o})inion ioundef! ii 
of the present,. v\'e 
that there exists boih p 

W ' ' ' I o ' , i f "" ''•'''• 


^lale 
the 


ci 

I 




' ' ' 


. d \ 
■ Avei 
i .... I 


musi fa!jr 


(■ale 


! ; 






" 11 




;;aah 
nui 


by llie sa 
or rather 


e of 
as,-- 11 


ued a 1 


aw J 


Tr 
or 


u. 


'i 
T 


he ■i:\ 


make on 
nation ? 
must hi' t 
clothe r/ i, 
proud lo 


r own c<.i!iior{s 
He, thcnfore. . 

•if her fay :''"lti'-l 
s'ciiis (did to Un 


// 


01 tr 


■■/■' 


. ' ■, i 1 

/ A.- ;; 
h'n .. 


that m;m 


ifaci 


res are 


now 


; 


s n 


ace 


-sarv 



TilE TAraFF QUKSTIOX. 71 

influence of the tariff on nijuuifactines will necessarily present itself for 
consideration. However w'l-e the theoty nirsy be, wliicli leaves the 
sag-arity and interest of iii;[iviuii;i; '-ation of their industry 

and resources, there are iu th;s. ; cases, evcepiions to the 

g-eneral rule. Besides the condition, v., ' ' ' ' iinplies. 

of a reciprocal adoption by oilier nations, s ihat so 

many circumstances must concur in intiuvnn mu aiiu iMHMii.ii^ nianu- 
fac'uriiig establislunents, especially of the more complicated kind, that 
a country n':iy remain lo;)';- v.iihoiit them, allhoiiirh sufficicntlv ad- 
vanced, and in some !esj)(\;s p;iiii'M;l;ii!y fiih-d Atr rarr\ iiiu' ihcm on 
with surress. I'nder ciiruiii^luKC'js ;.:i\iii2,- a pi'U'criid irrp;i!,--c lo 
manufactiirinir iudii^try. i' h;;-> made amon;! tisa pro'.r!*----. ;u;(! exhiljited 
an eliiciency, wiiirii i:i.-ii;y die behef that v/iil; a [a-uUi-iiwn not more 
than is due lo the eulerpiisin^- ciiizens, who^e imerests are now at 
stake, it will Ixvome at an eariv day rjot oidv ;:irc a^raJnst occasional 
competitions from aljioad. l)n' a source of domc-ilr v ■aldi and even, 
of external commerce. In scieciin<y the bn.i! v • n.i'.vo especially 
entitled to the public paU-oua2,'e. a preference is (»b\i( jus! v claimed by 
such as will relieve the United Stales from a dependence on foreijjn 
supplies, ever subject to casn;'.! t'ailurcs. forartirJcsvecPssarijforjyuhlic 
defence or cojiiicctetl ir':'' "nt.': af utaii.'" 

President j^Ionroe, tliv; .^.i. u. ,.v.i u/ ..Lr. j.iadison, in his Inaugural 
Address, sa3's : 

"Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering 
care of (Government. Possessing, as we do, all tl>e raw materials, the 
the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ouxht not to d^'pfuhto they 
degree we have done, on the supplies from other counti ic-^. While we 
are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsonght anti unexpected, 
cannot fail to plunge us in the most serious difficulties. It is important, 
too, that the capiial, which nourishes our manufactures should be 
domestic, and its influence in that case instead of cxb.austing, as it 
may do in foreign hands, would be felt advanfageou>!\' on agriculture 
and every other branch of industry. Equally ii •f^iaMt is it to provid^e 
at home mnrkets for our raw lateriais ; as by ex i ;i!!i;;.: !;.> compptidon 
it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator agamst ..le casualities 
incident to foreign maik' ;-.'' 

President fackson, who we belive, is tolerably good authority for 
protection with the Democracy, in his Message of ISoO, says : 

" The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged in the 
several Slates. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the 
encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so completely 
identical with that power, that it i^ difficidr to suppose the existence 
of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole 
authority over imports to the General Government, without limitation 
or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their 
inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the 
States the riiht to exercise it for the purpose of PROTECTIOiX does 
not exist in them ; & consequently, if it be not possessed by the General 
Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus 



ti THE TARIFF QUESTION. 

present the anomaly of a people stripped of the lioht to FOSTER 
THEIR OWN LXbUSTIlY, and to counteract the moyt selfish and 
destructive policy which niiuiit l;c adopted hy lon'io-i, nations. This 
surely cannot be the case: this indispensible powt^r, iL'us surrendered 
hy the .Siales, nnisi W wiihin (he scope of the aulh.oiity on the subiect 
expressly delegated to Congress. In tins conclusion, I am confirmed 
as well by the opinions of Presidents \V ashi.xtun, Jkffkk.so.v, Mad 
isoN aiul Mo.w'.oK, lolio Jiave repea'.allij /t ■■fjunncudet/ the exercise 
of this riu'ht tender the Constitution^ as by the lahform practice of 
Congress, the contiiuied acquiescence of the States and the general 
understanding of the people." 

But Gen. .Tackson Avas in the Senate, in 1S24, and voted for a strong^ 
PROJECTIVE TARIFF ; and -while that very bill was pending, he 
wrote as follows to Dr. Coleman, of North Carolina: — 

" So far as the Tarifi' before us embraces the design of fostering an<i 
preserving within ourselves the means of national defence and indepen- 
dence, particidaily in a state o^' 'V'sr, I irouJd arjroeate and support iL 
Providence has liiled our mouuiams aad plains with mineiais — v.'itli 
lead, iron and copper; and oiven climate and soil for the growing of 
hemp and wool. These being the irraiul materials of our national defeiice, 
they ought to have extended to them adeiiind' andy"<'v://- protection, that 
our metn.vfaetories and laborers i]\ny he pla; .! e;n a fair competition 
with those of Europe^ and that v/e i!;:j' luivc within our country a 
supply of those leading and important articles so essenlial in war. — 
Beyond this I look at the 7'eiriff' ivithan eijeto the proper di-^tribidion 
of labor euid revenue ; and with a viewao the discharge of our national 
debt. I will ask what is the real situation of the agricuhurist ' V*'/ierc 
has the American farmer a nxirl-et for his surpuhis prochiy'. ^ —- 
Except for cotton, he ncilhrr has a I'orcign nor a honu muiket. ^ _ 
not this clearly prove, when there is no market eitliei at ...imL or abroad 
that there is too nnich labor employed in agriciihurc, and that the chan- 
nels for labor should l)c multiplied. — ('onunon sense points out at once 
the remedy. Draw from agriculture this superabundant labor — employ 
it in nieehwiism and manifn-tures, thereby ere.{ir,g a hc^ne market 
for your bread-stujfs, and ehslribuliug labor lo dc im ,-! profitable amounts 
and benefits for the country will result. In short, sir, tee have been too 
long subject to the policfof British merchants. It i^time we should 
become a little more Aniericanizecl. " 

It will be refreshing to turn to the following resolution, vhich was 
adopted at a Democratic meeting in Fayette county, Penjc^yivania, 
December 0th, 1S27. See Niles' Register, for diat year, Volume 9, 
page 212: — 

" Resolved, That Andrew Jackson is entitled (o our support as the 
decided and open friend to domestic manufactures and internal improv- 
ment, having voted, wliilst lalely a member of the Senates, for the 
tarifi"of 1824, which is now the only law on the subject, and five ttmes, 
in favor of internal improvements in the same year, and in no case 
against them, whilst John Q,uincy Adams, when a member of the same 



THE TARIFF QVESTION. 73 

bod}', voted seven times against internal improvements, and never once 
for them ; and has never before or since he became president, said one 
word to Congress in favor of the tariff." 

Thus it vdll be seen, that in 1S24, '2T, and '30, a Protective Tariff 
was a Democratic doctrine, and Gen. Jackson was lauded to the skies, 
by the then Jackson party, for his support of domestic manufactories, 
and Internal Improvements hy tlie Gen&i'al Government I Locofocoism, 
however, has abandoned tliis good old doctrine, and set up the British 
theory of " Free, Trade " in its place, but its leaders never change ! — 
The Whigs, though, still sustain the domestic manufactories and home 
industry of the country, standing on the old Jackson platfonn, and 
bearing aloft the principles which brought that Hero into power ; and 
yet, the Whig leaders have changed, and have gone estray after false 
gods ! 

And among the proceedings of the Democratic Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, for the Spring of 1S43, we find the two subjoined resolutions. 
These resolutions are the more interesting from the fact, that the Loco- 
focos are largely in the majority in both branches of the Pennsylvania 
Legislature. They are coming to their senses in the old " Keystone 
State," and all Southern demagogues, including those of Tennessee, 
would do well to profit by tlieir example. See the vote of the House 
of Representatives, on these resolutions : — 

" Resolved, That we deprecate any action on the part of Congress 
at its present or any other session in relation to the TarilT, whicli would 
be calculated to disturb its permanancy in future, or induce the belief any 
where that a well regulated system \^i duties is not regarded as apart of 
the settled policy of the Government." 

This resolution passed by yeas 72, nays li ! 

" Resolved, That a Tariff based upon such piincipies as shall raise 
revenue to meet ail demands on the Treasury, and at the same time, by a 
proper discrimination in favor of our domestic manufactures and 
agricultiual productions, afford adequate protection to these great inter- 
ests, is not only constiturional but called for by every consideration of 
sound policy and is absolutely necessary to malce us independent as a 
nation in war and in peace." 

And this resolution passed by yeas 36, nays one ! 

In the Tariff law of 1824, which passed the Senate, 25 yeas to 12 
nays, the duty was raised on all the prime articles of necessity, greatly 
above the Tariff of 1816, especially on Iron, Salt, Tea, Coffee and 
Sugar. Among those who voted for that law, were, MARTIN VAN 
BUREN, THOMAS HART BENTON, JOHN H. EATON, 
ANDREW JACKSON, MAHLON DICKERSON, and RICHARD 
M. JOHNSON ! 

10 



74 THE TARIFF QUESTION. 

The Tariff bill which passed ihe House, in 1S32, by a vote of 132 
to 65, laid a heavy dvity on ninny of ihe indispeusihlcs of life, among 
which were TEA and COFFEE ! Among others wlio voted for this 
" bill of abomination;^," were C. C '^AMBRELIXti RICHARD 
M. JOHNSON, CLEMENT C. CLAY, CAVE JOHNSON and 
JAMES K. POLK! 

The reason why these distirguishcd DElAIOCRATS voted as they 
did on those memorable occasions, will be found, v/e presume, in the 
followini'" extract from tlie Constitution, an instrument they were sironi 
to support : 

" The Congress shall have power lo levy and collect taxes, duties, 
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common 
defence and general welfare uffhe United Slates ; toiegnlate commerce 
widi foreign nations, and among (he several States, and with the Indian 
tribes." 

Thus it will 1)e seen, that the Consfifution expressly authorises the 
Federal Legislature to impose just sucli duties, and have been in 
existence since 1790. Not only so, but the Constitution prohibits the 
exercise of this authority by the States, exccj^t uith the consent of Con- 
gress. Here is what it says : 

"No State shall, without the consent cf Ccngre.-s, hiy ;ujy imposts 
or duties on i'nportsorexnor's except wl atm-.y be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection laus ; and (he net produce of all duties and 
imposts laid by any Siatc < i. i. j (Mtsor exports shall be for the use of 
the Treasury of the Unitid S ;r.s; and all such laws shall "be subjeci 
to the revision and control of Ccngress." 



CHAPTER Vn. 



UNIOX OF CHURCH AND STATE — DESIGNS OF THE CATHOLICS AGAINST 

THIS COUNl-llY POPERY AND LOCOFOCOIS.U BLExXDED —MARTIN 

VAN BUREN's LETTER TO THE POPE — THE SAYINGS OF BISHOP 
ENGLAND AND OTHER PRIESTS — SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 



That portion of this work wliirli we propose to devote to the consid- 
eration of Romanisjjt, and its conacxion with Loco/ocoisj/i, in this 
country, must necessarily be extended— perhaps, beyond the iiniits 
which an impartial jeader would prescrilje. We shall consider the 
subject patiently, and without a strict n-g;!rd to system, aimini!; only, to 
give that information which is so necessary to be dilTused abroad, and to 
establish, before we dismiss the subject, the truth of what we !iave 
charged for the last fn e years, namely, an imboly alliance between the 
leading Romanists and i-ocofocos of this country. 

In our introductory chapter, we present our readers with a lemarkable 
editorial article of '• The London Times," together with the able com- 
mentary of " The BritisIi Chronicle," upon the same article — both 
of so recent a date as 1842. Taken together, these aitjcles dciine tlie 
position of the king of Prussia, in reference to interests of the very 
highest concern, both to his and our country. The king of Prussia, 
hitherto regarded as at the head of Protesiaulism on Continental Europe, 
and indeed regarde'd as a man of per-onai piety, is seen invading the 
freedom of opinion and tbe rights of conscience, in his eHbrts to con- 
solidate tlie Lutheran and (Jalvanistic cliui(d-."s, and esiablisliing unifor- 
mity of faith and discipline in the anli Popisli [);al of his kingdom; and 
bf/ authority imposing upon them a creed of his own. Nor is this all, 
else would it bo tolerable. lie distinctly shows his intention of impo- 
sing Prelacy upon them. He has, it seems, in a recent visit to Cologne, 
aUcnded at the celebration of the Mass; and what is more startling, lent 
his aid and influence, in laying the corner-stone of a Roman Cathedral ! 
And what will fiill heavy on the ears of Protestants, both in Europe 
and America, all this is regarded with favor by the leading minislcnal 
journals of the British empire. 

Before we, therefore, contemplate the onwaid and upvv'ard march of 
Popery in these United States, turii we to Britain herself— and what do 
we find to be the growing tendencies of the Established Church? — 
Puseyisra is spreading on every hand, and is now Popery rdrrtoit with- 



76 THE CATHOLICS AXI) LOCOFOCOS. 

out disguise. Tiie constant advocate and e\-poiuider of Puseyism, is a 
work called " The British Critic." We have recently seen copi- 
ous extracts from the latest numbers of this work, in which the Refor- 
m-ition is openly denounced — a return to Popery is advocated — and in 
r' .erence to the Episcopacy of England, the daring question is asked 
with boldness, " Why iiuiy not Ih.e Pope he the supreme Bishop ? " 

In reference to our own beloved country, Popery is alarmingly on the 
increase, as every attentive observer is avv are, mainly on the score of 
emmigration — l3ut to a far greater extent thcui is generally believed, by 
its close and insidious connexion will i ^v■llat).■^ known to the American 
reader, by the imposing appelation of Jackson Van Buren Democracy. 
And we grieve to write the conviction to which we are compelled, that 
modem Democracy every wheie is tending more and more to exalt 
Romanism, with its iniqutous forms, cereinonies and pretension. - 'id 
to put down Protestantism, by a union of Catholic and Locofoco 
interests. h\ every part of this country Popery is now found. At 
e^ery conspicuous point, it is, witli the utmost sagacity, at great cost, and 
with untiring assiduity, fortifying itself, and preparing for the eventful 
future. Cathedrals and churches, colleges and nunneries, are being 
multiplied to an alarming extent. To the widest extent possible, the 
education of the young is being monopolized by the Catholics. There 
is no mingling vv'ith others. They do tJicir own business in their oirn 
ipay — they educate their childsen and youth, among themselves^ and 
no where else. 

In political matters, too, their iniiuence is already powerfully felt, and 
by those against whom they direct their energies, (the Whigs) very 
much dreaded. Hundreds of thous;uids, every year, reach the shores 
of America, from Ireland, Austria, France, and other countries; and 
strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that almost to a man, in 
the State and National elections, they vote the Locofoco ticket. True, 
upon dieir arrival here, and for years afterwards, they learn but little in 
reference to our law s, institutions, or men, but they nevertheless vote 
with the Locos, and are even the most clamorous at the polls. W^iat 
does this aigue ? It evidently proves that they are instructed by their 
Priests how to vote, and that, their leaders, and the leaders in the 
Locofoco ranks, have a perfect understanding. Can any unprejudiced 
man doubt die fact? Certainly not. 

Recently, the plan of a society, spread abroad for public approval in 
Ireland, for the express purpose of sending out to these United States, 
Roman Catholics in masses, accompanied by their Priests, to colonize 
whole districts of our fertile west. The oudines of this grand scheme, 
to over-run this country, wc will subjoin, when we shtdl have given the 



■niK CA'Vn:>iAVS ANU LOCOFOCOS. / / 

arlicleg from British Journals, alread}'^ promiseil. This propc-^ed society- 
is to pay the cost of transportation, and provide the soil, and to be renui- 
nerated by the proceeds of three years' labor of the Cathohc emigrants, 
or rather colonists. But Jiey are to leave, at the end of the three years, 
themselves and their lands, in the handsof the Priesthood, the instru- 
ments of their corrupt and arbitrary pleasure. 

Who has not been startled at tlie call of Bishop England, in 1840, 
upon the Catholic population of the United States, to rally to the stan- 
dard of Democracy, and support for the highest office in this country, 
Martin Van Buren ? Have any forgotten tlie fulsorn letter of Mr. 
Van Buren, to the Pope of Rome, telling him, (bi/ author Uy) of the 
high esteem in which he was held, and his church generally, by 
President Jackson? And do not Protestants generally recollect, 
and with regret too, that the Romanists, in New York, by employing 
the balance of political power, in the hands of the Locofocos, procured 
th« passage of a law, by which they got hold of the School Funds of 
that State, and well nif^i destroyed the excellent scLool system of 
ihe State ? 

Who has not been startled more recently, by the hardihood of the 
pastoral letter put forth by Bispop Hughes of New York, in w^hich the 
right of the priesLhood to all church property is asserted— trustee 
boards are assailed— mixed marriages forbidden— and all secret societies 
and private associations denounced, under the severest penalties upon 
their members, living and dead ? 

The outrage upon the Sandwich Islands by Papists, under the 
sanction of the French Government, is fresh in the recollection of all. 
And, mdeed, almost wlierever Protestant missions are found. Popish 
Locofoco emissaries, the most depraved, foul and devilish are met, 
resisting and impeding every gon.l v.-oik. We speak, our readers will 
recollect, of the dark d^eds of ., ;id do not go back to the 

gloomy period of the Reformatio.! i.=. i., v.r of the Spanish laquisition. 

We enquire then, in all candor, is there not danger to be apprehended 
from this perpetual eneniy to civil and religious liberty — this despotism. 
Popery, the constant ally of Locofocoism in this countiy,and of all that 
is despotic in other countries ? Let the Papacy of this country, organ- 
ized as it is, and capable of being moved in a mass by a single mind, 
and that mind the Pope's, feel that it holds the balance of power, and 
at that very moment our civil Uberties, and our rights of conscience are 
gone. A Catholic Priest will be elevated to the Presidency— a Catholic 
Congress convened— and the Christians of this nation will be called to 
a higher test of fidelity to their country and their God, than is at present 
apprehended. 



7S THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

What, then, enquire? tlie if-ad^r, i^ to l)e done ? Abstain from aiding- 
t,-) h:\\\l i!0 a p .v ■:. . [i'--'\. \i . : 'u !^ - n -r-ri;];uicy, cannot fail to 
cnis'i u^. A!i^::i;n ;'; .,1 ':^ ; ■ > - ol' ! /in. iisi-o;.-!;!, to support which, 
is to aidR') iianis 11 lii ;" •; every toil aiid expense, fill the 

couatrv wiih B;l>':'s. ii'ii _ li i!ii"!<iiis periodicals. Circulate 

Whiii: p;ip:';s jui ! (i ;> -ii n r, ■^ -x;!: 'oper}-. Support candi- 

<lali;-' (V>i-o;i! '1', \\h;> ha\ t' iiia.'peialr > to co!i:ie out against the 

i-:--u': pi IS of Ro:iiai)is;ii, and i, -ins of Locofocoism. — 

MainLain an elevated stana:'!,] " : niia so-k. In" every lawful 

means to promaLe spiritual r!';\ in:por;u;ia<e and uinveariod 

in pray or to Iliai \v!m iias the eoijiiiiaiK! of all hearts, and the destinies 
of nations in his li in!-. For fervent and elFectua.! prayer, where true 
religion is enjoyed :;;i)-phere, in which neitiier Popery or 

Locof icoism, can !■,... 1. 

"ES PABLISIiEiJ AiMJ POt-i 'Ki: i^-.-TIie position 

occupied l»y tlie kiu^ of Prussia a! : ; i-iDia.'iit in the leligious 

w^odd, is not alittle reniarkahle ; :\]u\ i'.<:' nxM'Ut cv'iitsat Cologne ore 
calculated, even more iii in th ' |.':(i-r:-,li:v,s (•(iiintcied with the estah- 
lishiuent of an EaLi'lish liiidii^prii- ;•: Jrrc^ileiii. to ; ni a <:iMieral attention 
to it. Tle^ kin':"s , Iliad i-c-iJeiidy da'c:'\!; ;i!id 1::^ paiicy is likely 
to h? ackhv.-;"d. in no -(i^'iil (!■ ■ ■ : •, r,!- lid- jii.a)! : ;md there is a 
grail:! 'wy \\\'.\ ua [a ■ t'oa iMc ~ ; . pii'.y in la- i".'.Mi: j,)ns, \\!dc!i 

m i , C Ml U 1:1 M !!';■ 'S !)■:•, ,; ■ \V i 1 ) ( ! !]' 'I' l\'n U IjlS \i 'WS, Or 

app/.'!!"-;! I nn ''fi'T IV. > n lii'- ni'i-aa-:. 1 is d iiic d', ind ,'eJ, (o 

cnac ■ii." h'!,\- l!i ) • \ ;-",\ ■ :m i ' ■ :' i'!' i-^'i: ■ !. w ■■';■';!; a groat ''r moral 

revd'n'iM ■ : '.:r.\ ''s ,• ,; ■ > i it ed", iii;:olring 

th' o:-"/-! '!:■■■■!■ 'if I'r :i ".y o-^ <i practical 

cleiU'ii' ht r' i: :■<': i:r' ;i. \\ .:■[)'. •-::.-:..- ;.:!:, Mi l;ic-^:' who look 
up>a th • aCiM-iyi: '' ■! •.:' ^' .-■:•■'> ;i d---a ;,< •)»>.;,!';■; Iii;i in the 
present exraordaiaiy <:;re o'' rei:gio:i iu (deraiany, and tiiroughout the 
world, it is not easy to fores.vl wluit may be t!ie consequences of any 
serious atfe nnt to n:o; Tntc it r.nder the auspices of so poweiful a prince, 
and so r -aMy lai ).l ,! m • i :.- ilie king of Prussia. Experience forbids 
the supp:siti Jii ili ;! any ca-.uprcheusive scheme of religious policy, 
whether for goo;l vOr evd, whether practicable or impracticable, can be 
carried on fo; a snies of years by a temparal sovereign, intliout impor- 
tant coiisequ?iiccs 7-esuUin<^ from it^ political as u-ell as moral. We 
should look, with interest, aud not without anxiety, (o the d(nelopment 
of that course in which the late celebration at Cologne must be regarded 
as a step of considerable moment, even if we could view it with the 
feelings of mere spectators. This, however, is far from the case ; the 
kin^ of Prussia's vicms do not stop short of those of ourselves ; lie is 
possessed widi as much more august idea than that of establishing a 
concord of indilferenlism among his own subjects; or rather, he is too 
wise a man not to know that it is impossible to isolate one kingdom in 
Europe from the religious sympathies tuid disturbances of sympathy 
which ad'ect the rest. Taking, therefore, his own autliority in his own 
dominions as the centre and basis, and the Germanic feeling of nation- 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 4\> 

alitv as the immediate circle and atmospliere of his operations, he 
embraces within his design those more remote influences towards which 
the moral powers of Pru?>ia and Germany may be supposed to ag-gra- 
vate and seeks to co'inr'^hcnd in. that federal uniti/ of creeds udiich lie 
is bent uion con^oU^ating-. the Ciairch of Engirt )td on tJte one /land, 
and the Church of Rome hersef on the other. 

Whatever may be thought of the pructicability of this project, (tho' 
the principles o]i which it is founded, have met with d^istinguished 
advocates in this country, ji •"■- '^ • the lamented Dr. Arnold, and 
the present Regius Professor <> . tit Oxford ) it cannot surprise 

any one acquainted with ilie i\ :;^...i; u^.^tory of Germany, and Prussia 
particular, that it should he considered practicable by king Fredenck 
Williain. Tiie Srate of theological opinion (or to speak more appro- 
priately, the views of religious philosophy)*' which it presupposes has 
long been pfcvalent in Pro'.estan- G?nnany. ^Fns syseaisof do'^trinal 
belief handed down by Luther a;. ! Ctlvin, in process of time, and 
■under the influence of tliat librrl'j of ^.rba!,' judgment-adiichthey also 
transmitted as the first princlAes of religion, became thoroughly 
decomposed. Things went on so far that the alternative in advance 
w^as either to deny Christianity, or to make an ahs.ilutc separation 
between the province of dogmatic theolog}'^. and ihnf r,'i \.^V.■su>\\^> faith; 

reducing the fi^Mtor to ;i ^\v.•^\• (l,-i'i!-)i)i;'M! nf i5)r^;soM',\ ; '. i -'i ■ ii.tlrr 

to a simple d ;.- 

tive wa:^ natiw , i- 

ble to the mystical tendi'iiii>- u; u u 

the la^e kinj of Prussia fo i i I ili - l ,ig 

like h's son, a constructive genius. aiiJ - advantages 

of union, and the opportu v. ity afforded i ihe dogmatic 

principle) he determined upon founding a new ( !iurch, by the 
combination of the till then divided Luthenui and Calvini^^tic sects. — 
The king, therefore, with the assistance of his minister, M. Bunson, 
compiled a new liturgy, and arranged a new organization, to which 
such of the Lutheran and C'alvinistic pastors as thought proper, were 
invited to confirm, a certain day. The majoriiy of them did :-o ; aaid 
what was optional at lirr^t, was eventually made compulsory to tlie 
remainder. In this manner the dissentions of Lutheranism and Cal- 
vinism were extinguished in Germany; and a unity arose, in the shape 
of what is now designated the Prussian Evangelical Chinch. 

A much more formidable task, however, siill remained ; and the 
differences which arose between the Crowui of Prussia and the Arch- 
bishop of Cologne, upon the subject of mixed marriages, proved at once 
the importance of producing (if posible) a religious harmony between 
Catholicism and Protestantism, and the great difficulty of that underta- 
king. It was probably not without a view to this object, that the late 
king is said to have contemplated the introduction of episcopacy into 
his new Church: and the present king has followed up that design, 
by entering, into negociations with some of our own bishops, and con- 
tributing to the support of an English bishop at Jerusalem, expressly 
for the purpose of obtaining episcopal orders for candidates for the 
pastoral office in the German Church. The alliance wliich through 



80 rilK C.\THCLJCS AXIJ LOCOI'OCOS, 

these neprociatior.s, " ' ' ' '"" between the 

Prussian Ev:m2,c];c:': -^ gave occa- 

sion for a pub! i- ■ " a general 

ivligious coiv ■ II ill/ of the 

difi.eroit <■:■"•■■ ■ ,,\.. ,.,., .....,.: lo have been 

admitted' ■>!_. ii v/as thus announced 

inthePrii . ,_ ..-vp";! ii> JhiM-n-'iction that 

the cii\'ersiLieisoi' the (J'lJrl^iia;l >\u;^.a;p v^ ■ ' " : 'i were 

irpheld by a superior uiiiiy, io Aviiich all t!i( : .. lo their 

centre, was the foundation of true Christian luiciLaion." 

About the same time that the kind's t\' ■■-^ >'%-.;v. n.-r-rfd thus fa- 
vorablij by the En<:d:Ji prdatcs, they wcr^ ' ;r p-ogress 

at the court of P.J, n.e. Throiigli theinstrK ' :;' same able 

diplomatist vh) org;r.(;zcd the Prussian Evangeiical Church, and 
negotiated the t,.;abl!'hn>"nt of the Jerusalem bishopric, a settlement 
of the questions in ;v/een the king and the Archbishop of 

Cologne was obtain, i \ >pe, which conceded the Avhole question 

of mixed marriages, siiprr-Pc'ed the Archbisliop from the practical 
exercise of his functions, and, in f;vct, gave a complete triumph to the 
Prussian Crown. Tlic king naluvallv claims this as a monrentous 
victory to his favorite principle; jnid iiie iat.; ceremonial at Cologne 
has been a (•richr.:!!:r,n of this victory, as ilie completion of thatniagnifi- 
cent strur iilcd to ])e a monument of it. As in London his 

majesty e _ i that principle, by going in state to St. PauFs in 

the morning, vvdiile he privately a.ttended the Lutlieran chapel in the 
afternoon, so at Cologne he went first to the Protestant service, and 
afterwards (to the lively joy of a cjowded Roman Catholic congrega- 
tion) assisted at high mass in the CathedraL Nor was die conduct 
dictated by temporary policy, or religious indifference -, it sprang from, 
convictions most deep and sincere, and shared at the time, as the cir- 
cumstances would fairly lead us to infer, by the Pope's representative, 
and the whole Roman Catholic popuiaiion at Cologne; — convictions 
which the king expre. o;l ii' !■:< f dii;'- -i;; ! ' loiMicMt speech, when he 
said that "this w; - r Germans of all 

denominations, c.{ -cW , . pe t hat the pat ii 

imder the gate;' 1 .r i>e tuxi- 'iers of the peace 

of " confessioi ;on he uttc. ..at the great work 

might prove " a iiioniimeirt of the broiiierly feeling between creeds 
who feel thaC they are one before their sole, their Divine Head." It is 
7wt a littla reinarhahle that the conduct and the language of the king- 
in his intercourse with the Chwxh of England, and the manner in 
which his advances were received by our bishops, should have been so 
closely paralleled by tJte erentsat Cologne, where tJie Roman Catholic 
Church teas the religious hody concerned.''' — London Times of 1842. 

[From the British Chronicle.] 

''CONSPIRACY AGAINST RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.— In 

nnotlierpart of this paper we give one of the most extraordinary docu- 
mentj?, which has appeared in modern times, viz., the leading article 
of the London Times for 26th Sept. This article we request oui 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. SI 

readers to peruse before they read what follows. The most important 
parts we have marked with italics. To many it wdl appear like the 
spirit of alaim to draw so important an inference as our title conveys 
from an article in the ephemeral columns in a daily newspaper, i he 
London Times, however, is no ordinary paper. With its immense 
sheet of twenty thousand thrown off eve^y morning, with its corres- 
pondence in every quarter of the world, its unlimited resources, 
the unequaled talents of its writers, and the powerfu party 
whose oro-an it is, whatever is found in its columns, when deliberately 
and thoughtfully weighed, as this article is, must claim a more than 
ordinary share of interest. 

We are no alarmists, but we are not without apprehension, that the 
time may come when every man who maintains the right of private 
iud<Tment, may have to combat for the free exercise of that right, m 
every quarter of the civilized world. And the most likely means of 
preventing such a state of tilings from ever arising, is to watch narow^y 
and jealousy the proceedings of those who openly avow thjemselves as 
the enemies of religious liberty. 

The article in question is introduced by a discussion of tlie proceed- 
ings of the king of Pmssia, in regard to the religion of his subjects ; 
and it is said that " there is grandeur, and unquestionable sincerity and 
piety in his intentions." We are then informed of the proceedings 
of the late kino-, who found the systems of Luther and Calvin so de- 
composed, that" " the only alternative was either the denial of Christi- 
anity or to make an absolute sepaiation between the province of dog- 
matic' theology and religious faith ; reducing the former to a mere 
department of philosophy, and the latter to a simple, development of 
the individual character.'' We are then told that the kmg, preferring 
the latter alteration to an entire extinction of Christianity, founded a 
sect of his own, under the name of the Prussian Eyaiigelical Church, 

The endearing term under which this new Church was founded 
mio-ht well have deceived many Christians into the belief that Frede- 
rick William, beino- in the end of his days filled with pure zeal for the 
cause of religion, had no other motive but to produce Christian union 
among the Lutherans and Calvinists, who aie divided by no essential 
barrier, and thus the piety of the king would at first appear to bo a 
chief feature in the transaction. 

" The silver trumpet's heavenly call 

Sounds for the poor, but sounds alike for all ; 

Kings are invited, and would kings obey. 

No slaves an earth more welcome were than they." 

But alas ! this was no matter of Christian persuasion or Christian 
arrangement between two religious bodies, drawing closer the bonds 
of harmony. Let the Times speak—" The king, therefore, with the 
assistance of his minister, M. Bunson, compiled a new liturgy, and 
arranged a new organization to lohich such of the Lutharan and Cal- 
vinistic pastors as thought proper loere invited to conform on a certain 
day. The majoritij of them did so ; and what was left optional at 

U 



82 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

first, was eventually made compulsory on the remainder. In this 
manner the distinctions of Lutheranism. and Ccdinnism iccre cx- 
iin.guislicd.'' 

Let us pause for a moment over this sad accoimt of matters in 
Prussia. The invaluable labors of Luther iind Calvin, two of the 
noblest spirits that ever visited the Avorld, are tlius devoted (o destruction. 
The imbecile king of Prussia, with the assistance of his minister, sends 
out a liturgy which his clergy are required to sign hy a certain day, 
and those who refuse arc compelled to do so. The systems of Luther 
and Calvin were, as the Times says, " handed down under the influence 
of that liberty of piinciple of religion." Aye ! here is the true solution 
of the wole matter — liberty of private judgment. All the miserable 
pophistiy of the Times about '■ dogmatio theology," " department 
of philosophy," " mystical tendencies of the German mind," are 
explained by this single sentence. 

If the late king had really been in earnest for the interests of religion 
he would have uiged on die clergy n>ore earnest attention to their 
spirtual duties, a more active dissemin^non of the word of God. But 
he had no faith in the mraijs vtliich have hitherto been blest for the 
propegation of pure religion ; none in fhc grain of nuistard seed, which 
mightrbccomc a great tree, when sown in good soil. These means 
were not great enough in the eye of the royal legislator. He must do 
some " great thing," and he issues a royal edict to cure the divisions 
and infidelity of his people, and that (niict as tyrannical as that which 
threw Daniel into the lions' den. In this way, says the Times, these 
dissensions were cured. We shall see. Yet it may be pemiitted that 
liberty of conscience shall be put down in Prussia. These discussions 
may possibly he cured. 

There is no word of a dogmatic thcolygy, when it is the theology : 
of Frederick William. The" dogmatic theology that it was necessary 
to get rid of, did not compel any one to embrace its cieed but from '• 
conviction, but the king's theology, like that of the Pope, and that 
emdite defender of the faith, Henry YII, is made compulsory, as the 
Times meekly and modestly expresses it. The dissfinions mny be 
healed. So they were after* St. Bartholomew, at least for a time. Sr 
they were after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, when religion 
persecution drove the best and purest people of France from her do- 
minion. But after three generations had lun their course, that fated 
countr}', which was troubled with no " right of private judgment," 
awoke from its shmdicrs of unmitigated superstition and infidelity, and 
the blood of Protestant martyrs was fearfully avenged in the carnage 
of the revolution. A terrible retribution will in like manner follow this 
daring invasion on the sacred rights of consistency. 

But let UB observe the course of iha present King of Prassia. His 
Rhenish fiidijects, who arc bigoted Roman Catholics, opposed him on 
the question"of mixed marriages, and the king having applied to the 
Pope, thnt ciafty functionary finding hi* mnjesty so much of his own 
wnv of thinking about the interesting matter of " private judgment," 
"ires him all his own way about the marriages, and hi? majesty goes 



THF, CATHOLICS AXU LOCOFv J0». 615 

to Cologne, the capital of his Rhenish provinces, and in proof of his tri- 
umph, goes in the forenoon to the Protestant service, and in the afternoon 
assists at high mass, at the cathedral, to the lively joy of a crowded 
Reman Catholic congregation. 

As Protestants, wc may lament over this fall of him who was con- 
sidered the head of the Protestant caa.-e on the continent of Europe ; 
but as far as his majesty of Prussia going to any church he pleases is 
concerned, we have no right to withhold from him the liberty which 
we claim ourselves. Every thing in the shape of penal laws or disqual- 
ification on account of religious opinion we have ever opposed and ever 
will. Yet we muse lament the inconsistency of any person going to 
a Protestant church, an essential and fmidamental principle of which 
is, that {{.protests against Popery as the antichrist of the word of God, 
thai the mass is an idol p.-.rous service, and that the Bible should be given 
to all people; and then going after immediately to the Roman Catho- 
lic cathedral, and assisting at that very mass, in connection with that 
very Churcli, which holds that all connected with the Protestant 
Church are utterly excluded from salvation ; and which whenever it can 
shuts out the v/ord of God from its people. 

The king of Prussia is in a dilemma. He cannot believe in both 
religions. If he has in his new creed destroyed i\\Q protesting ^rmzv^XQ 
and all the essenlials of the Protestant faith, then he no longer belongs 
to the Reformed religion. If he has preserved these distinctions, then 
is his hypocrisy an inconsistency of the most glaring and offensive kind. 
We will not be surprised to hear, by next steamer, that his majesty had 
gone in the evening to hear the Koran expounded, and with reverence 
bowed his head tow^ards the holy Mecca, crying out, '• that there is no 
God but one God, and Mohammed is his Prophet." Why not? Dog- 
matic theology is banished, except in the ancient dominions of Prussia, 
where the ""liberty of private judgement," is incoiisistent with tho 
royal creed. 

We come now to the most important part of this article — viz: that 
which has relation to England. 

We are informed that the king of Prussia does not confine his plans 
to his own dominions or to Germany, but to more remote influence ; in 
short, it comes out " that he is bent on consolodating the Church of 
England on the one hand, and the Church of Rome on the other." 
Wc are told that the late king's plans had met with distinguished 
advocates in England; the late Dr. Arnold, and the present Regius 
Professor of Divinity in Oxford, being among the number; that the 
present king had follov/cd up the plan of his predecessor, by an 
application t'othe Church of England to consecrate bishops for the new 
religion v/hich had Ijeen made for his people ; and that the king " had 
expressed a wish to consolidate a general religious concortl, upon the 
essential unity of the different creeds of Christendom ; and this prin- 
ciple seems to be admitted by the English prelates concerned;" and 
finally, the Times states, " it is not a litde remarkable that the conduct 
and the language of the king in his intercourse with the Church of 
England, and the manner in which his advances were received by our 



84 THE CATHOLIC?* AND LOCOFOCOS. 

bisliops, should have been so closely paralleled by the events at Colognft 
where the Roman Catholic Church Avas the religious body concerned." 

And now for the principles of the Times on these important move- 
ments. The Editor says "we should therefore look with interest and not 
without anxiety, to the development of that course in which the late 
celebration at Colog-ne must be regarded a step of no inconsiderable 
moment, even if we could view it v.dtli the feeling of mere spectators. 
This, however, is far from the case ; tJte king of Prussia's vieiDS do 
not stop short of those of ourselves.^'' 

Startling as this unblushing avowal is, we were not altogether unpre- 
pared for it. The Times has for some months been throwing out its 
feelers in this direction, and the (Quarterly Review ha^ made repeated 
allusions to something like a project for an unifomiity of religious views 
and has hinted at " the powers inherent in the Church " being put forth. 
Here it is most impudently avowed by the most powerful journal in 
existence, that it would go all the length with the king of Prussia, who 
compelled his subjects into suljmission to his own creed. So in the 
Janguage of this base journal, England is to radiate around Prussia, and 
to shape her course, not according to the conscientious belief of her 
people, but according to the views of his Prussian Majesty, of the Pope, 
and of the English bishops. 

Will any party be found in England l>ase enough to support such a 
proposition ? 

We would have said decidedly, No, if the proof had not come from 
quarters so inlluential, and known to be connected with the High 
Church party in England. If such a plan has been seriously contem- 
plated, it can have but one meaning, viz., to submit the Christian 
people of Europe, in a body, to the See of Rome. There is no half 
measure. Rome is infallible. There might be an alteration in some 
part of the Episcopalian liturgy and government, without trenching on 
the great truths to which they bear testimony. The Presbyterians 
might shape their Church government to approximate more nearly to 
the Independents. The Methodists and Baptists might approach 
nearer to each other in some minor matters. None of these bodies say 
they are infalhble, but look for their guide to the word of God. But 
<the Church of Rome camiot accommodate her opinions. Heretics 
must come back to her by renouncing all their heresies. Any alteration 
of the slightest kind would break the spell which binds her deluded 
followers. 

We therefore feel satisfied that the talk about a union is merely n 
covered way of getting the Protestants to walk through Puseyism, to 
the dark regions of Popciy. It is qm'te evident, that by whatever name 
the king of Prussia may call his new faith, he has effectually renounced 
Protestantism. No Protestant could assist at the mass, which is only 
a blasphemous attempt to repeat that sacrifice " which was offerfid once 
for all, for the sins of men." 

It is a poor return of the continental head of the Protestant cause, to 
that God who covered his people in the hour of battle, after being 
brought to the lowest rhh h\ tlie oppression of Bonaparte. Better it 



TIID CATHOLICS AND T.OCOFOCOS. S5 

would have been to have redeemed the broken promii-es made by his 
father to his land and gallant young students, that he give a 
free constitution to Pmssia, if they would only stand by him in putting 
down the common enemy. How did Frederick William redeem that 
proiTiise? For twenty-five years he studiously declined all grant of 
civil liberty, and died with the satisfaction of having deprived his peo- 
ple of religious liberty also. 

" We go the full length of the king of Prussia," says the Times, 
Yes, base traitor to the British constitution. We will see who will 
back your project against the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresy cf the 
" right of private judgment." Will Sir Robert Peel ? We think not. 
He has too much English feeling ; and besides, is too timid to embark 
in such a desperate enterprise. 

Graham and Stanley would do any thin^ to save their Church pat- 
ronage, which will be far more in -jeopardy by such a desperate course 
than tiiey otherwise will be. It is treason to the British constitution 
which is proposed. And do the Puseyites and the half Romans really 
think that the arms of the people of England are all unstrung? Do 
ihey believe that there are no descendants in the land, of Cranmer, 
Latimer and Ridley ; none in Scotland, of Knox and Melville, of 
Guthrie and Cameron? Has history been recorded in vain ? Do they 
not know that multitudes of pious men, both clergy and laity, within 
the Church of England ; that all the Presbyterians, Methodists, Inde- 
pendents and Baptists in the three kingdoms, would repudiate the 
unhallowed union, and would shed the last drop of their blood in 
defending the right of " private judgment? " 

Do they not know that the moment any such attempt is made, it not 
only commits the ministers, but the Sovreign — that the defence and 
maintenance of the Protestant religion is the charter by which the 
present gracious and popular Queen holds her power. Let that charter 
foe violated, arid every subject is released from his allegiance. 

" We too are friends to loyalty. We love 

The king who loves the law, respects his bounds, 

And reigns content with them. 

We trust him not too far, though king he be, 

And king of England too ; he may be weak, 

May exercise amiss his proper powers. 

Or covet more than freemen choose to grant. 

Beyond that mark is treason." 

We will not beheve that the present amiable and accomplished Sove- 
reign, would suffer any set of ministers to bring her into a course fraught 
with such danger to herself, and misery to her people. But one thing 
is certain, that the Prussian monarch may now be regarded as having 
ranged himself on the side of Rome ; and it is to be feared that hi« 
people are too indifferent about religion to resist his will. 

" The word of prophecy, those truths divine, 
Which make that heaven, if those desire it, thine, 
Are never long vouchsafed, if pushed aside 



S6 THE CATHOLICS AND L0C0F0C08. 

Yvlih cold diasTust, or philosophic pride ; 

And tliat judicially withdrawn, disgrace, 

Error and darkne?s occupy theii- place. 

Then priests, with bulls and briefs, and shaven crowns, 

And oripiiig- fis's, and unrelenting- frowns, 

Legates an'! delegates with powers from hell, 

Tho' heavenly in pretense, will fleece thee well." 

We submit to our readers whether we liave said too much, when we 
assert that there is a consjyiracy against religious freedom. 

And let the United States not lay the flattering unct.ion to their souls 
in supposing they will escape. Next to Britain, the Roman Catholic 
superstition is exerting its powers most in tiiis coun'ry, and not without 
success; and it is strongly assisted by the political power so profusely 
bestowed on the many\hous:Inds of the most ignorant and bigoted 
of that persuasion. 

We make no apology for the length of this article. Evcrj^ genuine 
lover of liberty must be aware of the deep necessity of watching the^e 
movements." 

"Knock at the gate of nations, rouse their fears, 
Say wrath is coming, and the storm appears ; 
But raise the shrillest cry m British ears." 

[From the Home Missionary.] 

"GRAND SCHEME FOR PLANTING IRISH CATHOLIC 
COLONIES IN THE WESTERN STATES.— Dining the past 
summer (1842) a pamphlet was issued in London and in Doublin, 
entitled, a "- Proposud iiru- pki.t for a, General Emigration Society: 
By a Catholic Gentlenunif coniuiiiing a project for colonizing the 
Irish poor, by sending them to Ainerica. As watchmen on the walls 
of our American Zion, we deem it our duty to give some account of this 
Society. The pamphlet is written with clearness and earnestness, and 
although it falls into some errors as to American affairs, it exhibits a 
good degree of information concerning our country. Besides other 
claims to attention, we arc assured on respectable authority, that in 
England its authorship is ascribed to a gentleman well icnown in the 
business circles, and possessing a species of influence that is likely to 
gain for the project a large airiount of pecuniary and ecclesiastical 
support. 

In a general vitnv, tiie scheme proposed, is that of the " Centraliza- 
tion system " of Wakefleld, excmplilied in Australia. The leading 
objects presented by the plan, are the following : First, to dispose of the 
excess of population. Second, so to dispose of it, as to create a larger 
demand for British maimfactures. Third, to render the Catholic 
religion predominant in the United States. In carrying out these 
objects, the process to be employed is the colonizing of the Irish Catholic 
poor in the Western States. Fourth, ix pecuniary profit on the capital 
invested. Fifth, preparing an agreeable cusylum for a large class of 
persons, whose present situation is uncomfortable, such as the younger 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCO?. 87 

sons of the nobility and gentry; gentlemen of decayed fortune; and 
those who now hang upon the aiaiy and navy, or overstock the learned 
professions and find no employment, &.C., &;c. 

Means of carrying out the plan. — These appear to be briefly, 
these : The Society bears the expense of tiansporting the emigrant, 
and meets his first wants in the field ; and in return, he pledges himself 
to labor a period not less than three years, at reduced wages, for the 
society, and under the directions of his priest. The improvements 
thus made are the property of the Society, and are to be made profitable 
in a way specified . 

How EMIGRANTS ARE TO BE OBTAINED AND TIJEIR CO-OPERATION 

SECURED ? — It has become a fact now notorious to all, what wonderful, 
not to say miraculous results, the temperance pledc;e, administered 
by the Reverend Father Mathew and the Irish Clergy, has wrought 
upon the peasantry of the country. All witness with wonder, and are 
lost in tul miration of its efficacy. 

That countiy, where it was almost considered unmanly and certainly 
unsociable, to be habitually sober, is now by the extraordinar}'' power 
of the plexlge thus administered, become as admirable for the industry' 
and sobriety of its inhabitants, as it was previously noted for their 
irregular and riotous habits. 

A solemn plec^e is given to his parish priest, has had influence 
sufficient to make an Irish peasant forego the enjoyment of a pleasure 
which, according to his estimate of human happiness, perhaps ranked 
as its chief ingredient, and relinquishment of which must certainly, at 
first, have been one of the greatest privations he could submit to. Is 
it for a moment to be believed that this man would less rigidly observe 
a pledge to serve the same pastor, diligendy and [aiihhxWy , fo'r a givefi 
period, who should promise to lead him and his family froi a land 
of miser}' and want, one where, wjth x''air remuneration for his labor, he 
would be insured wholesome and abundant food — a comfortable habita- 
tion — and that which is most dear to the heart of every Irishman, 
however uncultivated, the uninterupted and peaceful enjoyment of the 
religion of his forefathers, v>'ith the «ame facilities he enjoyed in Ills 
native land? 

And what would be required of him in return, for these unlooked-for 
blessings ? That he should place his labor and that of his family, at 
the disposal of the contemplated Society for a period in no instance 
exceeding three years, at a rate of wages below those of America, but 
probably double what he would receive at home under the most fortu- 
nate circumstances ; and on a spot, too, whei'e the same amount of 
money would purchase him double the quantity of the necessaries of 
life. Less coiiid not be expected by the Society in return for a free 
passage and transit to tlie location first assigned to these emigrants, and 
where comfortable and suitable dwellings would be provided for them. 

Several of the most distinguished of the Irish clergy have consented 
to administer this pledge as a reward to such as have strictly observed 
that of Temperance; fully beheving , that in so doing, they would be 



88 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCUS. 

fonsulting the best interest of their people, p7'ovidid it was arra7iged 
that a Catholic pastor should alioays accompany each body of emi- 
grants, unless the intended location already possessed a Catholic 
church and resident clergyman. 

Who shall doubt that tliose who have observed one pledge to 
FOREGO AN ENJOYMENT with such scrupulous exactitude, will not as 
religiously adhere to the other, with its evident advantages ? 

Little difficulty can attend the working of such a system where the 
wants, dispositions, and inclinations of their flocks are so well known to 
their pastor, as is the case in Ireland. He has been constantly habituated 
to watch over those committed to his care, with the most patient and 
unremitting attention ; to minister to their necessities ; arrange their 
differences; and in the hour of affliction, sickness and death, to be the 
bearer of that consolation which comes only from Him who said — " I 
know my sheep, and my sheep know me." A pledge made to hin"i 
will be as surely kept in the distant land, as if it were only to be ob- 
served at home. Self-interest alone (setting aside the tiese of conscience 
and gratitude) would secure the strict observance of the pledge required; 
for, as stated before, nature would in no instance be forced, and the 
principle of the Society would never be anxious to quit, by making 
choice of such only as accord with the foregoing description, where 
little remains to be done but to take possession and enjoy.'''' 

The profitable results of this system to the Society would be very 
great., and it would bring increase of wealth and numberless advantages 
to the country of their adoption ; and what is still more gratifying, 
would, whilst providing for the temporal wants of thousands, introduce 
religion and instruction into a country where both are sure to meet with 
the most liberal encouragement. 

RELATION OP THIS ENTERPRISE TO ROMANISM. The promotion of 

the interests of Romanism is guaranteed by the provisions of the plan: 

It must be distinctly imderstood that no pledge woidd be given by the 
poorest Irish to locate in spots unprovided with chapels and clergy of 
their own religion, and loithout vJiich. their labor would be unattainable ; 
therefore the requisite funds for the maintenance and education of 
priests, and the support of churches, must be provided out of the resour- 
ces of the society. Without this arrangement the scheme would prove 
abortive, and it would be highly reprehensible and dishonest to administer 
the pledge. 

Those who have watched the movements of the bee have seen the 
young swarm, on leaving the hives (alike the perfect emblem of industry 
and colonization) in which they were generated, moving from place to 
place in restless confusion till arrested by some cause not apparent, the 
mass of settlers clings to some distant bough, unprepared with, and 
unable to provide, a new home. The cottager, with anxious care to 
secure the services of these industrious laborers — perhaps the main 
support of his family — has prepared a new habitation for them ; but old 
experience has taught him that without securing the centre of attraction, 
(the roaming queen,) his efforts to retain her followers must be in vain. 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 89 

When she is placed in the new dwelling, then, and not till then^ does 
the young colony settle in a state of tranquility, and betake itseii cheer- 
fully to its useful labors, creating a fresh store of wealth, while the 
parent hive, to all appearance, has suffered no diminution of its strength 
and powers of production. 

" The religion of his forefathers and his parish priest are the Irish- 
man's centre of attraction, and his queen bee. The cottager's success 
is in increasing the number of his hives, and thus his wealth depends on 
their possession. In like manner you may locate the Irish ; you may 
pledge them to temperance, to residence on a fixed spot, to give their 
labor at a fixed price, and entirly carry outtjie Society's plan*, but if 
you expect these pledges to be rigidly and strictly adhered to, you must 
provide th6m with a place of worship and a pastor, you must afford them 
the peaceful and uninterrupted enjeyment of the practices of religion, 
according to their ancient creed. Without resident pastors they cannot 
be retained to give that labor, on a fixed loi^ation, which would other- 
wise be so cheerfully bestowed " — pp. 14, 15. 

There is a small share of philosophy in the project to propogate 
Romanism by means of the Catholic i^oor. The result in Glasgow 
illustrates the process. 

The Irishman's first care was then, what it is now aiid ever will be, to 
devote what little surplus remained after the frugal wants of nature 
were satisfied, voluntarily to aid in the support of his pastor, and to 
assist him in the construction of a temple dedicated to the worship of 
the God who had thus conferred on him means exceeding what his 
nceessities required. — p. 16. 

Glasgow has been adduced as an example of this position ; for like 
most of the rising cities of America, it owes its advancement to an 
excellent commercial location and capital laid out on its design, in the 
construction of docks, wharfs, factories, and other necessary establish- 
ments of commerce. The demand for labor, in its various works and 
improvements, exceed the means of supply afforded even by Scotland, 
popolous and industrious as she is allowed to be ; and the employment 
of the redundant population of Ireland was absolutely necessary to 
complete those great operations, which could not have been otherwise 
accomplished. 

The; followers of John Knox had certainly no natural predilection for 
the religion of the Irish ; but their labor was indispensable; and the 
scale of interest weighing down that of religious prejudice, enabled the 
entei-prising inhabitants of Glas^-ow to reap the profits of their well 
arranged calculations. Wages beyond expenditure, and constant 
emplopnent for a given period, were the necessary consequences. 

The number has now increased to more than 80,000 in this city and 
its vicinity, and other Catholic churches and pastors have been, and still 
will be, the natural consequences. 

Thus has heaven, in its own time, once more made the poor its 
instruments for again introducing into our large town and cities that 
religion which the first humble apostles were instructed to teach to all 

12 



90 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 



nations and to all people, and, in this particular instance, restoring tkose 
altars to the original faith, the very nriemory of which the destructive 
spirit of Puritanism in former days conceived it had obliterated forever. 
We here see how the interests of commerce and the pursuit of wealth, 
passing through the filtration of Irish labor, have produced effects which 
the ignorant attribute alone to a rich priesthood and a wealthy 
aristocrac}'. 

In like manner, to the peace of these poor Irish are mainly attribu- 
table the splendid ('atholic churches which have risen up in Liverpool, 
Manchester, Birmingham, and our other great manufacturing cities, to 
the erection of the Catholic cathedral in Moorsfield, and the progress 
now making in rearing the magnificent church in the Borough, (not- 
withstanding the awful distress at present so severely pressing on the 
poor) is greatly attributable to the same causes. — pp. 16, 17. 

Various argumExVts for the plan. — Profitableness and 
SAFETY OF INVESTMENTS. — It has been already stated that, by the 
leading principles governing the investments of this Society, it will, in 
no instance, whether in our own colonies, or in the United States, 
purchase larger tracts of land in any one district than its financial 
resources can bring into the first stages of cultivation, nor will it invite 
over emigrants, until employment and a home await their arrival. 

By this method it will not only return quick profits, but also avoid the 
iealousy, naturally to l)e expected in a foreign country, if any attempt 
to monopolize large tracts of land. 

It is therefore proposed to effect sales at periods probably never 
exceeding three years from the date of the original purchase, or, in fine, 
when the advancement macfe in improvement may warrant a handsome 
profit, merely retaining within each township the land on which the 
temporary Catholic church shall have been erected, the house of its 
minister, the school-house and such a quanrity of glebe hmd tis the 
Society may hereafter determine. — p. 26. 

This scheme is also to help our insolvent States to pay their debts, and 
complete their public works ? The reader will notice the provision for 
the priesthood. 

In the United States, at this period, no system hitherto devised could 
produce so rapid and systematic a revival of national wealth, or mere 
effectually enahle each State to acquit those debts, which the vast 
resources of their coimlry warranted them in contracting, in anticipation 
of large annual returns from railways, canals, and great public works, 
now left incomplete and profitless, solely for the want of qnore capital. 

Ater paying to the proprietors a dividend of eight per cent., it is 
proposed that the Society should not contemplate making any greater 
division of profits, but that it should re-invest all its surplus in further 
augmentation of capital. By tl cse means a constant increase of land 
will be always advancing in a state of improvement, and, besides, adding 
to the wealth of the Society, be an equal efficient assistance in exporting 
pauperism from the Parent State. 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS 91 

The success of this Institution is, (as ah-eady explained) from its 
very natuie, mainly dependent on the supply of missionaries, to keep 
pace with its advancement, and therefore a portion of tlie proceeds of 
every re-sale will be set aside as a fund for their education, and anothor 
part will also be alloted to support charitable endowments and the 
education of the poor. The dividend to the proprietors to the extent of 
eiglit per cent.,) alwa)^s to take precedence of any other division of 
profits. — p. 2G." 

[From the Philadelphia Journal of 1842.] 

THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.— The Right Rev. Bishop Hughes, 
of the Roman Catholic Church, in New York, has issued a Pastoral 
Letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese, interdicting certain things 
which appear to have been tolerated in the church for a season, in this 
land of the "largest liberty ; " such as marriage with protestants, mem- , 
bership in Odd Fellows Lodges, and other like associations, &c. As 
this document may be regarded as novel and extraordinary in this 
country, we subjoin the following extract : 

" The circumstances of the Catholic Church hi this happy country, 
in which the rights of conscience and the innnunities of religious 
freedom are secured to all men, have been extensively modified and 
influenced by the persecutions which she had to undergo in other lands 
The usages which prevailed in the lands of bondage were the first to 
which we became accustomed where bondage is unknown. Neither 
was it practicable nor expedient to enforce prematurely the laws of the 
church in these new circumstances of liiis coniitry. Hence the Bishops 
of this diocese have tolerated customs which the church did not approve, 
but merely bore with until a better order could be introduced. That 
time seems at length to have arrived. The statutes, which have been 
enacted and promulgated, have for their object this return to the. ordinary 
and regular disicpline of the Church. Some have reference to the 
administration of the sacraments. It has been customary to administer 
the sacrament of baptism in private houses. Hencefoith it will not be 
lawful for the clergyman so to administer it, wherever there is a church 
within tlie distance of three miles, except when tlie infant may be in 
danger of death ; and then, thoagh it will be proper to send for the cler- 
gyman, yet in case he could not be found, the faithful should understand 
the manner of baptizing, and should administer the sacrament, rather 
than leave the child to die without receiving baptism. 

" VYe have adopted the laws that have been enjoined by the Provin- 
cial Councils of Baltimore, with the approbation of the Holy See, on 
the subject of mixed marriages ; that is, marriages between Catholics 
and persons of other religious persuasions. These marritiges, thougli 
tolerated under certain modifications, have ever been looked upon with 
regret and affliction by our Holy Mother the Church. The condition, 
without which tliey have never been permitted in this country or else- 
where is, that the party not Catholic should be pledged by solemn 
promise to allow entire liberty of conscience, and jight to (he practice 
of religion, to the Catholic party ; and that all the offspring of such 
marriages should be baptized and educated in the Catholic faith. — 



92 



THE CATHOLICS AXD LOCOFOCOS. 



"Without this condition, such mam ages .are not only disproved, but 
condemned and reprobated by the Church. 

"Another subject to which our attention has been directed, is the 
existence and evils of certain societies, constituted on principles not 
recognized by the Church. They are generally designated as "secret 
societies ; " and have for the most part some professed object of benevo- 
lence, which is used as an inducement to engage new members, and to 
recommend such associations to public favor. 

" We have directed, in obedience to the laws of our holy religion, 
arid the duties of our office, that no clergyman in this diocese shall 
admit to any sacrament of the Church such persons, as forgetting their 
fidelity to her, iiivolve tiicmselves in the dangerous and sinful associa- 
tions already alluded to ; or in any other secret society or combination, 
held together by any solemn religious obligation, whether it be in form 
of an oath or otherwise of similar import. Neither shall it be lawful 
for any clergyman in this diocese to officiate at the funeral, or over the 
remains of any one dying without having renounced all connection with 
sueii society, if it had been his misfortune to have been so involved. — 
Thissti^tutc shall be rigidly adhered to; and any clergyman who sliall 
have overlooked, disregarded or neglected to enforce it shall not be. consid- 
ered worthy to exercise the ministry. 

" One of the most perplexing questions connected wi*h the well-being 
of religion, is the tenure and administration of ecclesiastical propei';- , — 
A system growing, perhaps out of the circumstances of the 
times, has prevoiled in this country, which is without a parallel in 
any other nation, or in the whole history of the Catholic Church. — 
That system is of lea\'ing ecclesiastical property under the manage- 
ment of laymen, wlio are commonly designated ' trustees.' We 
do not disguise that our conviction of the system is, that it is altogether 
injurious to religion, and not less injurious to the piety and religious 
character of those who, from time to time, ore called upon to execute 
its offices. We have known many Irusit^cs', and we have never known 
one to retire from the office a i;'t!cr Call: ilic, or a more pious man than 
he was when he entered on it. But on I he contnuy, v.e have known 
many, who on retiring from tiiat office, were found to have lost, not only 
much of their religious feeling, but also mucii of their faith; from 
whom their families have derived, perhaps, tlie first impidse in that 
direction, which so many have taken, of alienation from the Church, 
and attachmentto some of the sectarian doctrines by which they were 
surrounded. 

" How awfully low is the cliarattc^r oT religion reduced in the very 
necessity which obliges, as is supposed, trustees to deliberate on the 
best means to draw large congregations; and this, be it understood, not 
for the salvation of tire souls of the people, so nuudi as for the revenue ! 
PIence,in tlie appointment of clergymen as pastors, it has oftentimes 
happened that the only merit which was valued by these men, was that 
of eloquence. Piety, learning, zeal, a laborious industry in adminis- 
tering the sacraments, were all good — ^but, in connection with the 
necessities of revenue, were deemed of comparatively little importance, 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 93 

if the clergyman was not, at the same time, what was called a g^od 
preacher — who would cause the pews to be rented and the ailes to be 
filled with people. We need not enlarge on the injmies to the true 
spirit of the priesthood, and to the religious feelings of the faithful,, 
which must e\"er result from association with such councils and such 
practices. Neither was this all. We have had the influence of music 
in the choirs, and that even by persons whose presence in the church at 
all could afford no edification, calculated upon with almost c^ual empha- 
sis as the talents of the pastor. 

" The peculiar circumstances under which the congregations have 
been formed, were such as rendered it apparently expedient to leave 
these matters generally to the discretion of the congregations themselves. . 
The time, however, has arrived, when modifications are required, not 
only for the order and decorum of ecclesiastical relations, but also by the 
general demand of the people themselves. We have, therefore, directed 
and ordained, by the statutes of the diocese, that henceforward, nobody 
of lay trustees, or lay persons, by whatever name called, shall be .per- 
mitted to oppoint, retain or dismiss any person connected with the 
Church — such as sexton, organist, singers, teachers, or other persons- 
employed in connection with religion or public worship, against the will 
of the pastor, subject to the ultimate decision of the ordinar3^ 

" We have ordained, likewise, that the expenses necessary for the 
maintenance of the pastors, and the support of religion, shall, in no case 
be withheld or denied, if th3 congregation are able to alfcrd them. It 
shall not be lawful for any board of trustees, or other lay persons, to 
make use of the church, chapel, basement, of other portions of ground, 
or edifices consecrated to religion, for any meeting, having a secular, 
or even an ecclesiastical object, without the approval, previously had, of 
the pastor, who shall be accountable to the Bishop for his decision. — 
And, with a view to arrest the evil of the trustee system in expending 
inconsiderately, or odierwise, the property of the faithful, it has been 
ordained as a statute of the diocese, that no board of trustees shall be at 
liberty to vote, expend or appropriate for contracts, or under any pretext, 
any portion of the property which they are appointed to administer, 
(except the current expenses above alluded to,) without the express 
approval and approbation of the pastor, in every case. And it is far- 
ther ordained, that even thus, the trustees of the churches, with the 
approbation of the pastor, shall not be at liberty to expend an amount 
larger than the sum of one hundred dollars in any one year, without 
the consent of the Bishop approving or permitting such expenditure. 

" Oni". of the most explicit decrees of the Provincial Council in Balti- 
timore directed and enjoined on the Bishops of this province, that they 
should not, thenceforward, consecrate any church therein, unless the 
deed had been previously made, in trust, to the Bishop thereof. This 
rule has hitherto been followed, the faithful arc exempt from many of 
the evils to which Ave have already referred. ' Religion progresses'— 
the clergy are freed from annoyances — their ministiy is respected — their 
influence with the people obtains large and numerous contributions, for 
the erection or improvement of churches, and the danger of seeing those 



94 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

sold for debt and given over to profi nation, isalike removed from the 
apprehensions of pastor and people. 

" We may be assured, that if we woidd have the Chinch of God to 
spread among ns — if we would have our venerated clergy enshrined hi 
the holiness of their oflice, and in the affection of their flocks— if we 
would have piety and charity and peace to flourish among us ; it is not 
by imitating the loftiest efforts of human wisdom displayed in the eccle- 
siastical pohcy of modern sects, but by endeavoring to tread as nearly as 
possible in the paths trodden by our ancestors in faith, according to the 
prescriptions of that Cliuvch to which the Holy Spirit was promised for 
guidance, and fiora which the veracity of that promise is a pledge that 
will never depart." 

[From the Western Christian Advocate.] 

" New Yoric and the Roman Catholics. — Our readers are aware, 
that the school question in New York has already created considerable 
excitement. The Roman Catholics contend that they ought to have 
a portion of the School Funds to apply to their own sectarian schools. 
Alaro-e body of citizen's contend that the schools are common to all, and 
that all shall have equal rights to their immunities, and that they shall 
never be the means of promoting sectarian views. — The question became 
so seiious, that Bishop Hughes applied io the Pope, as we have been 
mforraed, in order to have a decision : ori Rome on this topic. The 
answer received was, the Roman Catliolics ought to maintain their 
peculiar views, and contend for the sectarian character of their schools, 
and that it would be dangerous to send Roman children to schools, 
under Protestant patronage, or state schools, not under the special care 
of the popish clergy. In pursuance of this decision from Rome, the 
Romanists of New York have made the matter a political question, and 
Bishop Hughes has become a political agitator in this business, and has 
enlisted the members of his Churhc"in the conflict. It is well known, 
that the Romanists, as a body, with few exceptions, take one side in 
politics ; and there is little doubt but their political preference is decided 
at Rome, and comes from the eternal city through the bishops, priests, 
and other officers of the papal See, to the meml)ers of their Church in 
this country. During the last twelve or fourteen years, as a body, ♦he 
Romanistshave gone to the side of the D, ..rocrats, as they are called. 
Still the Whigs have courted their votes most effectually all the while, 
in their public prints and otherwise. The Romans, however, will 
always go with that side which, in their estimation, will best answer 
their own purposes, whether Whig or Democrat, it matters not with 
them. Indeed, as Roman Catholics^ they are a political body whicli 
is always bound to be on the side of the advancement of their Cburch, 
though at the expense of others. The P;ule^(unl p;;i!ciple is to support 
the poiipcrs that 6e, whether Protestant, Roman, or any thing else. — But 
the Roman standard is the support of the Church of Rome in its 
privileges at the expense and risk of every thing beside. 

We quote below a long article in the New York Spectator, a Whig 
paper, which gives, as near as we can discover, the true state of the 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 95 

question. The New York PoGt, a, Democratic paper, accuses Bishop 
Hughes of taking part in poUtics in no very easy terms. Bishop Hughes 
alfirms that he was not engaged as a pohtician at all in this business, 
when, a few days after, he published a card exculpating himself. He 
says that " He is neither a Whig or Locofoco, nor a politician of any 
description. He does not allow either himself or any of his clergy to 
meddle in the business of politics." Thus, Bishop Hughes undertakes 
to plead for the selection of candidates for the Legislature, in a public 
meeting of the citizens ; and yet he denies that this is meddling in 
pohtics. By such means as these the public is frequenily deceived. — 
But the recent developments of the true political character of Romanism 
will do something to show the public, that, unhappily there exists in 
their midst a government within a goverment, (imperium in 
im>pe7'io,) under foreign ecclesiastical and political control. 

It is a great cause of regret indeed, that Romanists -would not be 
content to enjoy in this country equal rights without attempting, 
peculiar exclusive honors. It is no wonder that Native American 
Associations should be formed, in order to check \h:i^ foreign interfer- 
ence^ or the unjust interference of foreign emigrants, to pervert the 
institutions of this happy Republic. Alas ! that the bitter sectarian 
broils of Europe should be now introduced into this country to disturb 
its peace, and interpose v/ith its prosperity ! Who can wonder that 
there would be now an attempt to prevent the naturalization of foreigners 
by changing the laws on that subject, when we see these anti American 
associations formed in every pi ace 'in the land, for Irish repeal laws^ 
and the like ? Is it marvelous that this Protestant land would feel 
jealous of her privileges, her laws her constitutions, when plans are 
obviously laid which tend towards their supervision V* 

[From the New York Spectator.] 

Church and State. — The first formal and decided movement 
towards a union of Church and State, connected with our election in 
the State of New York, was made last evening by our Roman Catholic 
fellow citizens, led on by their bishop and clergy in their proper persons. 
The meeting was held in Carroll Hall, and was attended by an immense 
concourse of our adopted citizens, owing their allegiance to the holy 
See. Mr. Gregory Dillion, was called to the chair by acclamation, and 
Mr. C. O'Connor appointc 1 secreteary. The object of the meeting 
was to make such changes in the nominations for the Senate and 
Assembly, made at Tammany Hall, as will insure an united represen- 
tation in both branches of the Legislature from this city, in favor of 

BREAKING DOWN OUR PRESENT SCHOOL SYSTEM, and COMPELLING 

the Protestants to support a number of Roman Catholic semi- 
naries in the place of at least some of them^ 

Shortly after the meeting was organized, to quote the Iangua:ge of a 
morning paper, the editor of which is a Roman Catholic, " Bishop 
Hughes and several of the Catholic priesthood mounted the platform^ 
and were received with great applause.'''' The right reverend gentle- 
man arose to address the meeting, and liaving stated the object of its 



96 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

convocation, he proceeded to canvass the ticket which would be presen- 
ted to the meeting. Having discharged this part of the duty lie had 
assumed, the righi reverend gentleman, according to the report of the 
paper already refered to, (the Herald,) proceeded in the following 
strain : 

" It is impossible for me to say any thing personally of those whose 
names have been recommended to be placed on the list of candidates, 
and I would not for one moment xmry. that they should be placed 
there, had I not been assured, on the m^.<r positive evidence, and which I 
could not doubt, that they are friendly to an alteration in the present 
system of public education. I know that some of them, it is said, are 
opposed to us. But again, on the other hand, I have been assured by 
gentlemen who spoke from their own personal knowledge, some speak- 
ing for one candidate and some for another — that l)y public and recor- 
ded acts or authorised declarations, all of them, ay^\ all of them, can 
be depended on as determined, Jiould they by your votes be elected 
to the position in which they cau decide on this question, to support 
the justice of our claims. (Tremendous applause.) If, however, it 
should happen that any discover tliat we are mistaken in them, and if, 
after taking him for a friiend, according to all assurances we have to 
the contiary received, we find him an opponent of oiu- measures, then 
he has the easy remedy — he can write to the papers, and say, we used 
his name without authority. (Cheers.) 

If any of the gendemen named take this course, v/e can supply 
his place. And I conceive that we shall be bound in honor to do so ; 
if we have been mistaken in him he is bound to declare it, and not 
perpetuate tli deception. (Cheers.) Before I call upon the secretary 
to read the ticket, I Vvill simply say, gentlemen, that the decision of 
this night on it is to be final, and without any expression of individual 
opinion as to the merits or demerits of those names will be read. As I 
have already remarked, I am not acquainted with any of these gentle- 
men ; but they have been selected by gentlemen as much interested in 
this question as I am; and now gentlemen, if you are unanimously 
determined to convince the community that you are sincere, and really 
in earnest — that you sincerely feel that there is a bona fide grievance 
of which you complain, and wish redress, you will support the candid- 
ates thus offered for your choice, because if you do not, you have no 
alternative left but that of voting for the declared enemies of your 
rights. 1 will now request the secretary to read the names placed on 
the ticket ; of that ticket I iiave approved. It presents the names of 
the only friends they could find already before the public, and whom, 
not being so pcrmancyrtly before the public, we have found for ourselves. 

The secretary then read the following : 

FOR SENATORS, 

Thomas O'Conner, ' J. G Gotzberger. 

FOR MEMBERS OF ASSEMBLY, 

Tighe Davy, Sol. Townse^id, Jolm L. O'Sullivan, Mkhaol Walsh, 
Timothy Daly, Paul Grout, David R. Floyd Jones, William M'MiuTay, 
AugusteDavezac, Conrad Swackhamer, William B. M'Clay, Daniel ' 
C. Pentz, George G. Glazier, George Weir " 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCl ^OCOS. 97 

"The senatorial nomination, it will be seen, is entirely different 
from that presented from Tammany Hall. On the asembly ticket only 
three new names were presented — those three which we have designated 
by italicts. All the other candidates npon that ticket, it will be seen, 
are considered by the representatives -.i his holiness, the Pope, as per- 
fectly ORTHODOX, according to the views entertained at Rome, on 
the school question. Having thna presented the nominations,^ — " every 
name of which," as we are informed by infallible authority, " was 
received with tlie most uproarous applause, and three terrific cheers 
given at the close," the bishop proceeded to 

" Beat the drum ecclesiastic " 
in the following strain,and we beg of every Protestant to read the report 
with attention : 

" You have now, gentlemen, heard the names of men who are 
willing to risk themselves in support of your cause. Put these names 
out of view, and you cannot, in the records of our political controver- 
sies, find that of one solitary public man who is not understood to be 
pledged against us. WI;;.t then is your course ? You now, for the 
first time, find yourselves, in tlie position to vote at least for yoi.rselves. 
You have often voted for others, and they did not vote for you, but 
now you are determined to uphold with your own rights. (Thunders 
of applause, which lasted several minutes.) Will you tJhen stand by 
the rights of your offsprings, who have so long a period, and from 
generation to generation, suffered under the operation of this injurious 
system? (Renewed cheering.) Will you adhere to the nomination 
made ? (Tremendous cheering — the whole immense assembly rising 
en masse, waving of hats, handkerchiefs, and every possible demon- 
stration of applause.) 

" Will you let all men see that you are worthy sons of the nation (o 
which you belong? (Cries of 'never fear — will!' 'We will till 
death!' and terrific cheering.) Will you prove yourselves worthv cf 
friends ? (Tremendous cheering.) Will none of you flinch? (The 
scene that followed this emphatic queiy is indiscribable andovitheroded 
all the enthusiastic and absolutely frenzied displays of passionate feeling 
we have ever witnessed at Irish meetings. The cheering — the shouting 
— the stamping of feet; waving of hats, handkerchiefs, shillelahss 
beggared all description.) Very well, then the ticket will be prepared 
and distributed amongst you, and on the day of election go like freemen 
with dignity and cahnness, entertaining due respect for your fellow 
citizens and their opinions, and deposite your votes. And if you do 
not elect any of our friends, you will at least record your votes in favor 
of justice, and in favor of your principles, which must not be abandoned 
and you will be guiltless of sin, and shame, and degradation of electing 
men who are pledged to trample on you if they can! (Great 
cheering.) 

" I care not for party men — their professions — their cliques — and all 
that. Bring them to the test, and you find great promise — lean 
perfonnances. It is time that you should convince them, that you, ihe 
interested parties in this great question — you the denizens of a nation 

13 



98 TIIK CATHOLICS A.ND LOCOFO^. v..-. 

proverbially faithful to every engagement — you will convince them at 
least peihaps for the first time, that you are not the pliant tools they 
ni'siake you to be ! (Loud clieering.) You will have nothing to do 
wi h the men w!io go to the Senate ond assembly, pledged to act 
aga'nstyou? (Loud cries of 'no, no, no; that we won't!' and great 
che -ring.) They may tind votes enough to send them — (A voice 'no 
they sh;urt !') — let them go ! But they will in that case, be obliged to 
confess that they were sent by your enemies — let them do the work 
of their masters ! (Laughter and cheers.) 

" T ask then, once for all — and with the answer let the meeting close — 
will this meeting pledge its honor, as the representation of that oppres 
sed portion of our community, for whom I have so often pleaded, here 
as well as elsewhere— Will it pledge its honor that it will standby these 
ca ididates whose names have been read, and that no man composing 
this vast audience will ever vote for any one pledged to oppose our just 
claims and incontrovertible rights? (Terrible cheering, and thunders 
of ppplause,v.-]iich continued for several minutes, amid which Bishop 
Hughes resumed his scat.)" 

Now, then, we call upon every^ Protestant of this country, to whatever 
sect or parly he may belong, to prnder these proceedings. Especially 
do we call upon them to peruse and re-peruse the passage which we 
have marked in italic letters : " / will simply say that tJie decision 
of this night is to be final!" Mark that! True to its arrogant 
pretensions in the days of Hildebrnnd and Ignatus Loyola, when the 
Roman Chvach speaks there can be no appeal— " THE DECISION 
IS FINAL!" — and mark! it is added, ^^ unthoitt amy expression 
of individual opinion of the merits or demerits of the mviries that iinll 
be read !^'' Here, fellow citizens you have the decree. There is to be 
no " INDIVIDUAL OPINION." The Church has spoken, and let its 
votaries tremrle and obey! Will the people of this Protestant 
country stand this ? Will not every denomination opposed to " mystery 
— bahylon^'^ arouse themselves to action on this occasion 7 We shall see."' 

[From the Western CInistian Advocate.] 

CHURCH AND STATE— COxMMON SCHOOLS.— In the State? 
of New York, the Romanists by employing the balance of pow^ei, 
have procured the passage of a law which will shortly destroy the 
e.s:cellent school system of the state, especially the schools in New 
York City. The Roman Catholics know very well that the general 
instruction of all the people, particularly if the Bible be introduced, 
will prove ultimately injurious to their (Jhurch. At present they can- 
not destroy the common schools; but their attempts are directed towards 
crippling their operations, so as linally to render them useless. In this 
antl other inatters, they have united with the Democratic party, as best 
suited to answer their purposes, and they have generally succeeded. 
The Whig party and press however have, for the most part, most 
wooingly solicited their aid, though heretofore with little success. But 
the Jesuit.s, whose policy now govern the Roman Church, will be ready 
to change from side to side, as often, and as soon as necessary. Still, 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS 



99 



from present appearances, thev are likely to clinsf for many years to 
the side of the Democrats, and cajole the Whigs with promises, and 
occasional votes, to save appearances, in order to induce them to remain 
silent, as it regards bringing formally by name the members of the 
Church of Rome into the contest. 

The New Nork Spectator, however, that a few years since took no 
doubtful part in favor of Romanists, in regard to nuns and nunneries, 
speaks out very plainly concerning his Roman neighbors. The school 
question is now a political one in the city of New York, with the Ro- 
manists claiming tlie aid of die Democrats, and the Whigs asking the 
help of Protectants. The Romanists have ccjmmenced this sectarian 
course; and the time is not likely far distant when the political parties 
will be, not Democratic and Whig, but Popish and Protestant. The 
Protestants have not done this ; but the Romanists are the aggressors. — 
These latter will also continue to do so until they are compictely foiled 
by Protestant votes. We deplore these sectarian politics. As a speci- 
men we give the following extract from the New York Spectator, v.liich 
Willi serve as a sample of the unpleasant and aayrchial .state of things 
mto which we are about to enter. The different Protestant Churched 
have lived, and we beheve, would live harmoniously together, as fellow - 
citizens and fellow Christians ; audit is dislressing that the peace of 
this great Protestant country — made what it is by unaided Protestantism 
— should be thrown into anarchy l^y the congregation in this country of 
the low Irish and German Romanists, who are completely mider tlie 
contrrl of their priests. The priests are controlled Ijy the bishops, and 
these ;}y liie popes ; so that what is decided on at Rome is carried out 
into effect, through the confessional, among all the Romanists of the 
United States. But to the extract : — 

John H. Williams. — This gentleman is nominated as (lie Wh'g 
candidate for Congress in the 4th Congressional district, in opposition to 
William B. Maclay, the Bishop's candidate. We say emphatically tlie 
Bishop's candidate — for we assert it fearlessly — and we challenge the 
friends of Mr. Maclay to contradict our assertion if they can, that he was 
nominated, not because he v/as the man most approved by his party, 
but because he had subserved the views of Bishop Hughes, hi his op- 
position to the Public School Society. He was put in nomination by 
the Roman Catholics as a reward for his services, to that body >>f Chris- 
tians. William B. Maclay, the son of a Baptist miui.-!er, is to be 
rewarded with a seat in the Congress of the United Spates for betraying 
the Protestant cause, and the cause of common school education, and 
the Roman Catholic population of his district expect that American 
Protestants will assist them in bestowing that reward. 

We hope they will be disappointed, and we call first upon the Bap- 
tists, and there are no sound^^r Protestants, we call upon the Methodists, 
whose zeal and piety are known of all men, we call upon the Presby- 
terians, Dutch Reformed, and the Episcopalians, to withhold the reward ; 
let not, we beseech you, the thirty pieces of silver be paid, although the 
traitor may think he has earned them. Without the co-operation of 
P-'Otestants, this man cannot be elected. This is no merf' narty question, 



100 THE CATHOLICS AXD L0C0F0C08. 

or rather it is the mingling of a new ingredient in party politics — a 
political party is called upon to pay a rewmd promised by the head of a 
religious denomination. Will the Democrats of the 4th district sanc- 
tion this new principle ? Unused as we are to do so, we appeal to our 
political opponents on this subject ; we ask them to keep asunder, in all 
political movements wide as the poles. Church and State. And where, 
too, are the parents who send their children to those excellent institu- 
tions, the public schools, the very jewels of our city? Under the 
present ] .', the passage of which was greatly aided by the exertions of 
William B. Maclay, these scliools cannot exist another year. We assert 
this with certain knowledge of what we say ; unless the law is 

REPEALED OR AMENDED THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS CANNOT EXIST ANOTHER 
YEAR, 

[From the Philadelphia Christian Observer of 1843.] 

ROMAN CATHOLIC INTERFERENCE WITH THE PUB- 
LIC SCHOOLS OF PHILADELPHIA.— The ecclesinstics of the 
church of Rome have commenced their operations to revolutionize the 
public schools of our city and county. At a late meeting of the Board 
of Controllers, a letter was received from a Roman Catholic priest, av ho 
assuiues the title of bishop of Philadelphia^ thus extending his author- 
ity over all our good citizens, in which he prefers three complaints 
against the Public Schools ; 1st, that the teachers cause the Bible to be 
read in the Schools ; 2d, hat a hymn is sung, or prayer made in opening 
or closing the School ; 3d, that some of the books used in the schools 
contain misrepresentations of the Roman Catholic tenets. The subject 
of these complaints was referred to a committee, which at a meeting 
held on the lOtli inst., reported the following resolutions : 

Resolved^ That no children be required to attend or unite in the 
reading of the Bible in the public schools, whose parents are conscien- 
tiously opposed thereto. 

Resolved^ That those children whose parents conscientiously prefer 
and desire any particular version of the Bible, without note or comment, 
be furnished witli the same. 

The fitst resolution was adopted by the Board without a division. 
Mr. Hollingsworth then moved that the second be indefinitely post- 
poned, which Vv-as lost — and the resolution was adopted: Ayes 12 — 
Nays 7. 

By this vote, the majority of the Board have yielded to the dictation 
of a foreign priest, the subject of a foreign despot, in the very point 
where the pu])lic have a right to demand that their servants should be 
firm and unyicldiug. We would deprive Roman Catholics of no right, 
or privilege, secured to our citizens. If tbey have, ox profess to have any 
scruples against the use of our version of the Scriptures, it is proper that 
their scruples should be respected. We would not see their children 
compelled to read the Bible in opposition to the will of their parents. — 
But here the matter slionld stop. The Board were not authorized by 
public sentiment in our city, to change or modify i\\(^plan or rules of 
fJie Schools to meet the wishes of some persons who have sworn allegi^ 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 101 

ance to a foreign power. On this point, a])ove all others, it became tliem 
to be firm. For it is in this wo-j^ by intermeddling with our institutions 
little by little, that Romanists aim to subvert them. In other countries, 
they openly avow this to be their design and puipose. 

Here, then, American citizens should maintain a sleepless vigilance, 
and resist the first advances of foreigners to modify and change our 
institutions, thus preparing the way to make them the auxiharies of the 
pope. And could the great maiority of our citizens be heard on this 
subject, they would, no doubt, condemn the proceeding of the majority 
of the Board. They would say, give to Roman Catholics perfect lib- 
erty of conscience, and all their rights as citizens, but never permit them 
to intermeddle and change tlie character of our laws &nd institutions, 
and thus pave the way for their overthrow. 

[From the Christian Obser\^er of 1843.] 
THE BURNING OF BIBLES !— Seveml weeks since we publishec^ 
an extract of a letter from Champlain, N. Y., (a township on the boi- 
hers of Lower Canada.) giving an account of the burning of a collection 
of Bibles by order of the Romish Priests. When tlie notice of this 
outrage first a'^peared, it was contradicted by the Romanists. This led 
to investigation. A Committee was appointed, consisting of the pastors 
of the Congregational and Blethodist churches, a clergyman who has 
charge of the Academy in Champlain, and the Postmaster, who have 
reported the facts of the case. The Romanists, seeing that they are 
convicted of the outrage, and that their denial cannot shield them from 
the merited indigTiation of the public, now come foavard in the person 
of Mr. Hughes, a bishop of tlie Romanists of New York, and protest 
against the proceeding. 

" I protest aorainst the burning of Bibles in my own name, (says Mr. 
Hughes,) and in the name of the Catholic clergy, and Catholic laity of 
the diocese of New York. I protest against it, in order that the parties 
immediately concerned in it, shall alone be held responsible." 

Is there any sincerity in this protest ? Can it be credited by those 
who are acquainted with the policy of Romish Priests ? Is it not rather 
a mere device to shield themselves from public odium ? We may have 
occasion to notice this proceeding again. 

[From the Christian Advocate of 1S41.] 

ExcLusivENESs OP THE RoMANisTS. — Many Protestants have 
fondly, though charitably, entertained tlie opinion, that Romanists in 
this country were more liberal in tlieir opinions and feelings toward 
other Christian denominations than they were wont to be in Europe. 
The latitude allowed to their priesthood, and under their superinten- 
dence, to the laity, to acconuiiodate themselves to the prevailing senti- 
ments, tastes, and even the predjudices of the community in which 
they live, provided it is done with a view to the interests of the Church, 
has been used to the utmost limits among us; and thousands have been 
duped by the word "charity," weich they are never weary of repeating 



102 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

when they are sohciting- Protestant aid, in builtling churches, and 
estabhshing colleges . Yet in these churches a Protestant could not 
be allowed to remain during the performance of certain superstitious 
rites, without partaking in the idolatry prescribed in the service — 
Romanists woidd no more peiinit a Protestant to be interred in one of 
these burial places tlian a dog ; and in their colleges every thing is under 
the exclusive and absolute control of some one of their monastic and 
religious orders . 

Perhaps there are few communities in this, or any other country, 
more generally imbued Avith a reverence for religion, and for the minis- 
ters of religion, than the people of Baltimore ; and accordingly the 
convention of temperance delegates determined that it was a duty to 
invite these ministers to invoke the blessing of Godori the enterprise in 
which they were engaged . 

Inconformity with this pious resolution, deputations from the con- 
vention waited on the Rev. Dr. Morris, of the Lnfb.eran Church, and 
the Rev. Mr. Sargeant, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and 
invited them to offer prayers, at the opening of the ceremonies . These 
gentlemen readily cousented, and it was so annoiaiced in the programe . 

But an orator was to be chosen .; and with a liberallity which does 
the conventic«i higl;: honor, they selected him from the Romanist 
communion . Ttie Catholic Temperance Society is a small body, 
compared with the Protestant masses which were to compose the pro 
cession, and it was genereus to accord them the honor of furnishing the 
orator . The convention, therefore, tendered this high honor to Willi- 
am George Reed, Escj., a bigoted Romanist, and a proselyte from 
Protestantism . 

Nothing could be more demonstrative of the unljonnded liberality of 
the convention, than the selection of Mr. Read. He is personally 
among the most unpopular men in Baltimore, and owes whatever con- 
sideration he enjoys, solely to his connection with one of ^the most 
respectable and worthy Protestant families in the State. It w as chiefly 
to his intrigues and management that the disgraceful and disastrous pro- 
ceedings of the mob of 1S34 were allowed to be consumated, and 
Baltimore not only humbled and mortified in tbe sight of her sister 
communities but subjected to a heavy and grievous taxation to reimburse 
the sufferers. Yet, as the Romanists had no better orator to offer, the 
Protestant temperance societies agreed to tender the honor to Mr. Read ; 
and he accepted an offer which would have been considered a proud 
distinction by the most eminent man in the city. 

Four days before the one announced for the celebration, the following 
letter was received from Mr. Read : — 

Baltimore, March 31, 1S41. 
Mr. James Dunn. 

Dear Sir, — When you communicated to me, on Monday last, the 
very flattering request of the committee of arrangements, for the temper- 
ance celebration of the 5th of April, that I woidd officiate as the orator 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 103 

of the day, I was under the impression originally received by the 
committee of the Maiyland Catholic Temperance Societ}^, that there 
was to be no public religious ceremonial connected with it, and 1, 
therefore, promptly expressed my gratification in accepting so distin- 
guished an lionor. To prevent all misconception, however, I accompa- 
nied you to the residence of the Rev. Mr. Schreibe, president of the 
Md. Catholic Temp. Society, and entered fieely into an explanation 
of Catholic principles (which you perfectly understood) which would 
prevent our participating in any proceedings where a religious 
ministry which we do not recognize was to be employed. We sepe- 
rated with a distinct assurance from you that nothing would be done 
requiring any conscientious sacrifice on the part of the Catholics. It 
was therefore, with surprise that I read in the papers of this morning 
a programe announcing prayers by two Protestant clergymen. Un- 
der these circumstances I must decline the execution of a task to which 
I had looked forward with pride and pleasure; and make this commu- 
nication, at the earliest moment, to enable the committee to make such 
arrangements as may become necessary in consequence of my resigna- 
tion. 

I have the honor to be with great respect, your obedient seiTant, 

WILL. GEO. READ. 

The Protestants of this country will now perceive pretty clearly what 
they are to expect, if the Romanists should get possession of their public 
schools. Our children are to be taught to look upon our most venerated 
pastors, and teachers of religion, as intruders into the sacred office, and 
wholly unauthorized to discharge the duties of their holy functions - 
nay, that is heresy even to listen to their most fervent supplications and 
prayers Protestant parents will learn by Mr. Read's letter what their 
sons and daughters are taught in the colleges and schools of the Roman 
ists, which they so liberally patronize. Whatever they may have 
heretofore understood to be the hnport of that " charity ' which 
Romanists always proclaim, when tliey seek Protestant patronage, they 
will now, "v\ith the aid of Mr. Read's commentary, perceive very clearly 
that it really means the most absolute and uncompromising exclusiveness. 

Let it not be said that it is unfair to attribute Mr. Read's bigotr)?" to the 
Romanists. Mr. Read took his measures under the direction of Arch- 
bishop Eccleston himself, aided by the veiy priest who is the president 
of the " Catholic " temperance society. And the society, together with 
the " Catholic " temperance societies of the " District, " did not join 
in the celebration. 

DOCTOR BELCHER'S LETTER.— We respeoifuUy call 
attention here, to the eloquent appeal for the West, from tiie pen of the 
Rev. Dr. Beecher, a distinguished and aged Presbyterian Clergyman, 
urging the union of the East and West, in efforts to save our country 
from the prevalence of papal and other destructive eiTors. We concur 
in all the apprehensions of the Doctor, in respect to the increase of 
Popery — and especially do we concur in his views of the necessity and 
importance of union among the different sects, in opposition to Romanism. 



104 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

But it is not enough to save our countiy from the dominion of Rome— 
our churches should unite in putting down designing politicians, who 
favor the vile schemes of papists : 

[From the Philadelphia Christian Observer of 1S43.] 
IMPORT INT APPEAL FOR THE WEST.— [The following 
letter from the Rev. Dr. BEEcnaR to the Rev. Mr. Barnes presents 
facts and considerations of great moment, which des^erve the earnest 
attention of our Eastern churches. Though addressed to Mr B. the 
letterwas intended for the consideration of many other friends of the 
West. — Ed. Chr. Obs.] 

My Dear Brother BARNES,-The time has come in which we 
must unite our counsels and our forces .r the VVest or a 1 we have 
done will be impotent to exert the controlling influence of Christian 
scTence, cukivation, and holiness over the infinitude of ignorant depra 
ved, and peiTerted mind here bm^ting forth and rolling in from ab oad 
upon us ]\ke a flood. When I came here them was a deep solicitude 
at^'he East for the intellectual culture and civd and religious des my of 
the West. It was this feeling which aided m the endowment of Lane 
Seminary, and founded several literary instituUons and sent out minis- 
ter and men, and women, to sustain schools, academies, and colleges, 
ch as Marie'tta, Hudson, .Tacksonville, and Crawfordsv.lle, besides a 
number of noble female schools; and they have answered and are 
an^verino-, more than would have been anticipated in so short a time. 
Coreiteci with these efforts a powerful f ^^^^ ^^1 ^.^ -f ;trbl ^ 
rnmmon schools wdiich, I trust, will not cease to be felt in public 
"Z'erancl^^^^^^^^ The cause of the BiWe as a class book m 

common schools: has been vindicated and canted in spite of Roman 
CaTlohc and infidel influences. The missionarppirit a so is awake^a^ 
active in all the forms of voluntary association in operation at the East 
and in advance of what they were ten years h'om their origin, and until 
reveres in business they were powerful, and yearly augmenting the 
stream of charity. 

Progress of the church-lane seminary-new evils 
THREATENED.-Revivals of religion also have kept pace with these 
IZsor Christian munificence. Our ministry and our churches ar-e 
unted and cordial, and evangelical in counsel and doctrine and our 
seminiy, more than ever before, has the confidence and patronage of 
ouTShes in young, men and the ciiaritablc aid of benehcianes ; and 
Z-po^^^^^^^^^^^^ Indeed,sogreatisourpiosperity 

compared with the state of things when our ^^^'^'T^inZr flZtod 
that one might lift up his hands and exclaim, " ^^ hat halh God 
wroZht ' » The inteiTcnlion of pecuniary embariassments has so 
hiiSed 'the resources of our western institutions, that without more aid 
<^^?coTleges, and Lane herself, nmst be embarrassed, and some probably 
nXen their necessity is every hour becoming more imperious and 
unspeakably great. 

But while the efforts made the last ten years for us, would have been 
with our growing strength more than sufficient to meet tlie exigency, a 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 105 

flood of new evils has come upon us more alarming than those which 
roused the fears and called forth the e/Torts of the Enptern churches ten 
years ago — evils, which, unaided by our I ".tain our 

churches camioi. avert, and wliich, luiob . . v;iy foun- 

dations and prostrate civil and religious lib-.'y. I'ii'jso daiigcrs result 
ill part fronr the character of our population. Sagacious, shrewd, 
thinking, talking, independent, fearless, and self-confident, demanding 
as sagacious, learned, and powerful a ministry as au}'- population on 
the globe, and ensuring the defeat of any thing beiow mediocrity in the 
ministry. Tliey result in part also from our suc;:e>- in awjilcening the 
conscience and religious susceptibilities of th" coimsruiiiiy without a 
sufficiency of discreet guidance. This rt^nders tlagrant infidelity unpop- 
ular, and gives aflippmt Mormon, Uni versalist, Campbellite, and Roman 
Catholic deceivers an easy ascendancy over nnindoctrinated and unsta- 
ble minds. It desires only to be quieted under some form of nominal 
Christianity which least demands spirituali*}', eelf-denial, and good 
works. 

The scheime and zeal of romanists. — But the Romati Catholic 
religion is assuming just now a more formidable aspect than all other 
causes. There can be no doubt of a settled conspiracy of the civil and 
ecclesiastical Roman CatJiolic despotisms of Europe to destroy our 
republican institutions, and tuiM.-ct i^^- nliimately to Romish domination. 
The declaration of the Duke of Ili/'iiiiond, in the presence of Mr. H. 
G. Gates, at a dinner party in ?,Ionireal, " that our government is weak, 
inconsistent, and bad " — '' will be destroyed " — " ought not and will not 
be permitted to exist ''— lliat the curse of the French Revolution and 
the subsequent vans a;>,d commotions of Europe, are to be attributed to 
its example " — " thai so long as it exists no prince will be safe on his 
throne" — " that the sovereigns »f Europe, av/arc of i(, lunr dplermined 
upon its destruction '' — " have conic to an raidersiandingon lJ;e subject, 
and have decided on the means to accomplish it, and that they will 
succeed by subveision rather than by conquest " — " that for this purpose 
all the low and suiplns population of Europe will be canied into our 
country, to be made a receptacle of all the bad and disaffect-ed popula- 
tion of Europe, (the fanaticism and filth and ofF-scouring,) that this 
will create a surplus and a majority of low population, easily excited, 
bringing their pruiciples with them, still adherents to their former gov- 
ernments, laws, manners, customs, and religion — will become citizens, 
iavested with the right of sufifragc. Then the different gi'ades of 
society will be created by the elevation of a few and the degredation of 
the many, and hence envy among a heterogeneous population of 
different languages, religion, and public sentiments — hence discord, 
dissension, anarchy, and civil war will ensue, and some popular 
individual will assume the government, and the sovereigns of Euiope, 
and the emigrants, and many of the natives, will sustain him " — " that 
the Church of Rome has a design upon that country, and will in time 
be the established religion, and will aid in the destruction of the republic." 

These declarations, made ten or twelve years ago, contain a chart, 
which, every year since, has been filling up with a notoriety and accu- 

14 



wm 



\0 T.OCOFOCOS, 



racy a? i^rt^u as u m -y iuui lici'i 

luuuilioiis, ami l.)iiildiii;j- f'i'n ;, :;: 

subjiiiratioii by foics'. 

Roniou Uailiolic, coiiUi!;., 

subversion of our liberty, is a in, 

Their plan is by richly ciulowc^ 

and music, to provid;' the ;i|)-i; 

imagination, ivnd taste. Iw i;i 

governineiit, and a thorou'.';h clIi 

and taxation, and tlieir own people, day-laI)orers,ai 

they connnainl a revenue vvliicli places Vvilliin th 



over soldiers, and olncers, ravd 
yau'j: and driiiing armies for our 
i' !!;■■ army among us under 



!iO\v or2,-anizing for the 



er of fact, if it iiad no! 
vnd splendid chun brs 
kim i'or persons w\ilu 
sciKiols, to surpass i 
Ailon, and isy resourr; -• 



ambition n)ay desire. By ti 
of property around them, ih' 
far and wide, pvofitable in\ cs 
cathedrals, and collep'es, ;>,,!; 
present population, but prepi 
times, the destined eniigraut 
— to stand, as (hey say,wh(-] 
houses are '• rotten dovrn.'" 
positions, and iVn" ■';-'■ '''■ ' 
to the battle y:hh h 
influence shall or, :; 



n predicted. 

A paintings, 
rc!j;^ion, of 

.. , w.aldK 
ji Vvliatever 
pie resources, proiiting by the v:reck 
y arc ;ji."kini:f in our cities and coimtry, 
: Ml. is in land, and building and rearing 
ciu.r'-hes, and scliools, demanded by no 
red, no doubt, to receive, in the fulness of 
uuilutude. They build also for duration 
I Protestant wooden churches and school 
Thus they are seizing the romraanding' 
posts throughout this valley wiili reference 
: ■!: v.'jictiier U.onian Calhoiic or Protestant 



Ro:\iAxis'rs in cincixx \ti. — L> 
have juore than doididc' • ' • ■'' ' '■ 
churches, and lauds, s ■ 
all the Protesttint denoii' 
efforts to preixidice their peoph^ agai 
the power of caste, the access of ev 
little conception of the h' 
Catholics have swariDCi 
mechanics, and diiv iciii 
poor negroes, as sdinr s 
At the same time, tl;;}- 
able, in times of inmn; 
the liigher powers v.iil 
elfecf, bvit witliout dec!; 
the West are not rouse 



riiicinnati, the Ron:ian Catliolic&- 

;■, ^;^- vf.^)'< no'i djf'ir schools, and 

iivcsdrients of 

liike assiduous 

St tii" ri-.;!i'S!;uiis-,to shut out, by 

iifvcnic;.! iiduieiice. You can have 

lent manner in wiiick iris!) . nd (>ennan Roman 

in among iss the last few y;'ars, as merchantSy 

irrrs, underselling Americans, and robbing the 

j>pi)se ; to dr!v<> them out and lake iheir places. 

i!(' ciirollcd and cfjuippcd in military companies, 

;i:;d \io!ence. lo eXi":! iheir power as policy and 

siui'' ir i ■.::- i;;)l these Jhings thetoricall}r,for 

m;i!;" ; sadness. 1 say if the East and 

lui united action, thcie is no 



to IS s 

visible power to prevent, at no distant day, the predontinance of a 
Roman Catholic influence at the West, which shall controll the desti- 
nies of om- country. Tliis Roman Catliolic influence, direct and alone, 
might suflice to induce us to gird up our loins — to prepare for the con- 
flict. But they rest tlieir hopes as much on dividing us, as they do on 
the force of the concentrated energies of their own assault. Their plan 
is, as dev(,4opcd in Nevr York, and justifled here, to make tliemselves 
the political balance power at the polls, and by giving their votes to 
those wdio will favor their demands, to unsettle and destroy the common 
schools and literary institutions of the nation connected with legislation, 
and build up their own aVnid their niins. 

And when I consider (ho recklessness of party spirit, the madness of 
ambition, and (hf- <lesperation of unprincipled men, without patriotism, 



THE CATHOLICS AMt LOCoFOCOS lU7 

honor, honesty, or yliame, 1 see i>o{, wu}' {he Ron inn ('afholic?, as a 
balance power, may not corrupt, divide, and destroy us. But, in addi- 
tion to political auxiliaries, we nuistaniicipate that on their side will be 
enlisted' (he hilidelity, irrelii^ion, sr;norancr-, juk! prnMio;acy of the land. 
And wlien the wrath of party spirit, ami uf \u:u\ .-innhition, and of 
reckless vice, and envious i^j-aoraLice, dvAl !;;■ iiiiii<-d ;uk1 wielded by 
Roman Gatliolic hatred to destroy (he Proii-^Miit rili iion, and republican 
institutions, wiiicli are its offspring-, duMi li-'P.- wiii be persecution and 
blood. And when I perceive the cou'.siwiyi of eojistitution and laws in 
high places, and llie violence of pi'.rty spirii, and the envy of the poor 
towards the rich, inflamed In <\'-<u:vxo-x\\v:<, i:uA witness the frequent 
resorts to physical power, instcjij of hiv/, amliiii^ (h-i'ls. and assassina- 
tions, and rohberi^'s wliicii load .^vcry pi.ov of our periodirals, I cannot 
but appreheiid, if nothing !)e done to overt our do(,::s, liiat the day of 
our destiny nray be liear, even at ihi^drx r. 

The co-oPEiiATiON of the Ea,-t i.viii-PENsnH.E. — Before God, 
my brother, there is, in my judgment, Im! euc tlsingthat can save us, 
and that is the renewed and augmented eo-opeva! ion of the East Avith 
the West. Oar clnirehes, young and smaii, end many of them enfee- 
bled by divisi-)!!, cannot provide the unniiiieiis fui iiggressive and 
defensive movement There must !)e a .Mleiit, hiU universal and 
determined concert of ad ion. You will ncit fail (o observe with joy, 
tho.t, though d-ivided, we remain, from (he litalscn oisward to the last 
verge of civilization, the great body of h riiifiui!.' S:!xo-Pnritane migra- 
tions with tlieir descendants, ^/hom God h:,s r: '. d ennnently to the 
fomidingof republican and lileniry in-^iiiiitions, of evangelical churches 
with the doctrines and dis.ipiinr aud [)rrac!nng, associated with the 
revivals and missions, o^i lire fucit line of tlie aggressive movements for 
the conversion of the world — how, if these two hands. Eastern and 
Western, are intehigently united in the fail view of danger to meet the 
exigency — all is certain to go gloricusI_v w '!. a- [. is to go disastrously 
evil, if we do not unite. What, then,d> vce v.\u!t ? We want men — 
2/ouno- men — all that can possibly be raised at the W^est and enlisted at 
the East, and educated for the ministry— spending some portion of their 
time, if possible, wi;h ns, to secure, by the union of faith and sight, their 
zeal , and courage, and adaptation to the work. Our churches are coining 
up to this work nobly ; but they cannot^ cannot do it alone. 

The Roman Catholics have laid plans prospective for centuries, to 
be steadily tilled up by European population and funds; while all our 
plans are uicomplete, and, for the most part, ephemeral. Nothing but 
regeneration can save the West, and that oidy by the preaching of the 
gospel by inen of cultured mind and holy heart, and the Holy Ghost 
sent down from on high. And with such nteans, there is not another 
field on earth so vast as the West, and ss favorable for the planting of 
churches, and the establishment of Christian civilization. We have not 
to learn new languages, or to.concihate the confidence of strangers. Of 
our own blood and religion, exlT^asively are the millions needing and 
willing to receive our aid — and the results of our endeavors may be a 
mighty nation of vigorous evangelical churclw^-s. No human means can 
so certainly meet and repel this invasion of Roman Catholic Eiu'ope, as 



108 



THK CA'IHOLICS AXD LOCOKOCOS 



a compefenf, < 
speediiv \\u! i^: 
salvation ia,^- ;. 



ra(!gel:cal iTiiniytry and revival? cf religion. These 

jw ail r!\-a!:-ii'n <:>' <■^ H inis. iiif (ii^uutce, anr! render our 
■ \\a\e>oi' [lu- .y-\K ;.:;;! vur nUnV like tlic iinsettiair sun. 



De?.iand for ^ 
churches of ihf I' 
as I see and :' 
men for tin? S:.. 
theni ; Vi'liateve). Ju , ; 
fulfilled itsde^;iny ;■!!': 
for its aid for tli*^ r. 
consequences of ;: 
streams of urr\ " 
prayers of < ':. 
hand of b.-;: 
confines of i! : 
glowed in it v ' 

wliat our Sc!;a(:;i- 
munificence io liii , 
gion, and milU';;niai i!'; 
the coniiicts ansi ^inj'-ii:; 
providence M' CukI .' ' 
Cometh in like a I'-. :. 

May God. i ' 
to actimmetii: 
trumpet arouK;l\;:;. .:.. 
coming on here. f'oi. h 
shall we lead in the agu 
world ? I am oi:i the fi- 
no!h( 
eln. 



klse 
iu! 



nch w 
ith w! 

iucaii' 
til at / 

H:-rious 

readlu! 



d t!ie ministers and 
iiand for ministers 
e could fit young 



lirh we could settle 
m Society having 
ncrcrwas tlw call 
IS j/oic, and tlie 
TJ] ere fore, the 
f'ow again — the 
l; night — and (he 
iipproarhing the 
wiih ih'' fire that 
hen I see 
Western 
s of reli- 
lade, <and 
n the far-reaching 
w!;ere the enemy 



d V 



1 reviv 
have 



to our fathers and 



ling, and fire your heart 

.;f the West, to blow the 

': ! host for the onset that is 

-;t own in our own land, how 

, .liiems lor the conversion of the 

!e is begun. We give notice of it 

'iers and si-fers. and children at the 

the Lord^s side? AVho ? 



vou. this long letter for your 

: i!sorbing influence of interests 

I oi' sight are, in tlie bustle of our 

save just written to give these 



My dear brother, 1 ha > 
intellectual edificahon ; I 
which are near, and ho^^' aps oijiecis cii 
daily cares, to fall out of mind, I 1 
great interests of the W^cst and the world their propoitionate estimate, 
their vivid presence, and practical influ.ence. I conversed with Brother 
Brainerd, (a few months since.) about concentrating your Education 
patronage on lis, of which he thought favorably, and (in a recent letter) 
he informs me that you and the other brethren are disposed to do so. — 
The statistics of our condition, and the importance of our acting in close 
concert for the West, will be submitted to yom- consideration in a letter 
from Prof Alh^n. We can increase the number of our students and 
clnirches indefinitely with our means. W\^ can even swell the classes 
of your new college with Western benificaries; if your churches will 
take care of (hem, to fill up with (hem oni- Soninary and the West, 
and by our union and strength break down the Alleghanies and make 
them a plain. Give my most ardent love to all (he brethren, and say to 
them that we have stood upon the defensive long enough ;, it is time to 
charge here in the West, which, if they will help us to do, God also 



THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 109 

will help us, and make it a Waterloo defeat to his enemies, and a 
Waterloo victory to his saints. 

I an}, aliectionatel3^ your brother, 

LYMAN UEECHER. 

MR. VAN BUREN'S LETTER TO THE POPE.— We embrace 
this opportunity of laying before our numerous readers, the letter of 
Martin V'anBuren to one of the subordinates of Rome, hit ended expressly 
for the eye of his holiness. This extraordinary letter refers to others — 
io a private correspondence, which had been carried on between the 
Pope and Mr Van Buren, and which to this day, has never been pub- 
lished, for reasons obvious to every reflecting mind, and no doubt 
satisfactory to the parties. 

For the first time in the history of this government, we see a man 
seeking the highest office in the country, carrying his electioneering' 
■^ntrigues before the Pope of Rome, and writing him a most fulsome 
letter — calls him 'Hob/ /^a^/^er,' congratulates him on his accession to 
the "Tiara — gives him to understand that lie is his devoted friend — that 
liis -church finds favor in these United States — and that the dogmas of 
his church will lie tolerated to the fullest extent in this country ! Oh ! 
niycotmtry, art thou fallen so low, and art thou so debased, that thy 
Chief Magistrate, will supplicate a foreign tyrant, for the sole pmpose 
of obtaining the votes of his minions within thy borders? And will 
©irr people any longer support this cringing sycophant? Do they not see 
tlie object of his servile devotion to a cormpt despot? 

Washington, July 20, 1830. 
Your letters of the 11th of April, and 5th of May, the first anticipa- 
tiiig the favorable sentiments of his Holiness the Pope, towards the 
^lovernment and the people of the United States, and the last confirming 
your anticipations, have been received at this department, and submitted 
to the President, by whom I am directed to tender his Holiness through 
die same channel, an assurance of the satisfaction, wliich he derives 
from his communication of the FRANK AND LIBERAL OPINION 
ENTERTAINED BY THE APOSTOLIC SEE towards the Gov- 
ernment and the people, and of the policy wiiicli you likewise state his 
Holiness has adopted ; and which is SO WORTHY THE HEAD OF 
A GREAT CHRISTIAN CHURCH— assiduous to cultivate in his 
intercourse with foreign nations, the relations of unity and good will, and 
sedulously to abstain from all interference in their occasional difficulties 
with each other, except with that benignant view of ellecting reconcili- 
ation between them. 

You will accordingly seek an early opportunity to make known to 
the Pope in terms and manner best sitited to the occasion, the light in 
which the President views the communication referred to, and likeAvise 
you will assure him that the President reciprocates in their full extent 
and spirit tiie friendly and liberal sentiments entertained by his HolinesSj 



110 THE C.VrHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

towards the i?"o\-?rn!iient of the Apostolic See, and it is the President's 
wish tha! -o;; -'i :l ],upon the same occasion offer his congratulations 
to the HdI:; F'l'.ln r upon his recent succession to the Tiara^ not from a 
preponderating influence wiiich a just estimation of his talents and 
private virtues naturally had upon the enlightened councils by which 
that high distinct ioa was conferred; and which affords the pledge that 
his pontilicafe will he a ^afe and a benificent one. 

You will fake care likev. i^c, lo a;:>ure his Holiness, in reference to the 
paterudl solicitude which is rrprcsscd in behalf of ihe Romnu Catholics 
of the United States, that all uur citizens professing that religion stand 
iTpon the elevated ground wliich citizens of other religious denomina- 
tions occupy, in regard to the rights of conscience — that of perfect 
liberty contradistinguished from toleration ; that they enjoy an entire 
exception from coercion in every possible shape upon the score of 
religious faiih,and that they are free, in common with their fellow citizens 
of all Other sects, to adhere to or adopt the creeds, and practice the wor- 
ship best adapted to their reason and prejudices, and that there exists a 
perfect unity of faith in the United States among religionists of all 
professions, as to the wisdom and policy of that cardinal feature of all 
our constitutions and forms of government, those of the United States 
and the seperate States of the Union, by which this inestimable right is 
recognized, and the enjoyment of it inviolaliiy secured. 

MARTIN VAN BUREN. 

This letter of Mr. Van Buren's needs no connnent, further than for it to 
be said, that it at once accounts for all the Roman Catholics voting with 
the Locofoco party, in all their elections. Did any man ever hear of a 
Romanists who Avas not a modern Democrat? We have yet the first to 
see or converse with. Did ever any one see an article in a Locofoco 
newspaper, against tiie Catholics? We never did, and we have exam- 
ined closely for ten years. While many of the Locofoco journals of the 
country have not gone into a defence of the Catholic religion, as we 
allow ; yet, we have observed, in some portentous instances, with what 
unembarrassed freedom, many of the influential politicians of the same 
school, l:a\^' expatiated on the splendors of the Catholic consecrations; — 
the divine charity of Catholic orphan asylinnns; — the forbearance of 
the oppressed Catholics ; — the imposing ceremonies of their worship ; — 
the god-like deeds of their sisters of charity — and the superior excellency 
of their schools ! 

Now, in view of every Catholic on the continent being a modern 
Democrat, and of no one Democratic paper saying one word agamst 
them, on the one hand, and this complacency of Locofoco papers and 
politicians towards a corrupt Christianity on the other, we ask you 
reader, we ask you fellow country in en of the Protestant faith ! ought we 
not to arouse from our slumbers, and go foilh to the ' help of the liOrd — the 
help of the Lord against the mighty ? " If the friends of a Repubhcan 



THE CATHOLICS AA'D LOCOFOCOS. Ill 

form of Government, and of Reiioiousfree(Iom,remainsilent, while the 
designing Catholics, aided by man}' of our leading politicians, with Ex- 
President Van Biiren at their head, are corroding, the very vitals of the 
Christian community on the one Iiand, and our beloved country is 
becoming the seat of Papal thraldom on the other, we shall all be con- 
victed both Whigs ;md Democrats, in Heaven's High Court of Cliancery, 
of treason to the interests of true religion. And in the end, HELL will 
requite us, for oiu- soulless-apathy, and false P-mociary, out of its 
infinite and most liberal tortures ! 

But there is one other importaat fact which vre cannot omit setting forth 
here. This letter was written while Mr. Tan Buren was Gen. Jackson's 
Secretary of State. Aboutthat time, too, Roger B. TA]VEY,one of the 
most bigoted and uncompromising Romanists in the United States, was 
taken into the Cabinet at Washington, and made the dirty instumentto 
remove the Deposits from the Bank of the United States, for which, in 
part, he was afterAvaixls made Chief Justice of the United States, an 
office he still holds, to the disgrace of Protestant America. Not only so, 
but shortly after this degrading letter avos written to the Pope, and this tool 
of a foreign tyrant, Mr. Taney, was taken into the Cabinet, a Roman 
Catholic Priest was elected Chaplain to Congress, by the Jackson Van 
Buren Democrats, when there were Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist 
Clergymen at the very door of the Capital of the first talents, ready to 
sei-ve if called upon ! Let Protestants look at these things and wonder! 

TO THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES— Most of you, are 
opposed, and justly too, to the Roman Catholic Religion. You desire, 
if we understand you, never to be placed within the grasp of the strong 
holds of Catholic despotism. To rid themselves of the dogmas of 
Rome, in part, our forofathers first left the Old World, and encountered 
the horrors of the War of the Revolution in this country. And shall 
we, their descendants, now aid those in getting into power, who would 
sanction the introduction into our country, by Roman Priests, of feeding 
us and our children, upon latin masses and ivafer gods 9 

Here, then, not only the members of the various Protestant Churches, 
but likewise every American should maintain a sleepless vigilance, and 
resist the first advances of foreigners to modify and change our institu- 
tions, thus preparing the way to make them the auxiliaries of the Pope. 
And could the great majority of our citizens be heard on this subject, 
they would, no doubt, condenm all who favor the designs of Romanists. 
They would soy, give to Roman Catholics perfect liberty of conscience 
and all their riijhtcj as citizens, but never nermi' (Jicm to intermeddle 



112 THE CATHOLICS AND LOCOFOCOS. 

and chnn' acter of our laws and instilutioiis, and thus pave the 

way for ili^i!' «,•■■ >-.,aio\v. 

As an item oi news, relalive to the spread of RomaJiism in the V/est 
we give the following- from the Boonsville Obser\'cr, of May 10, 1843 : 

" The Roman Catholics are ]ireparing- to Iniild a very larg-e Monas- 
teiy and College within two mile;^ of South Bend, Li. It is to he brick, 
three stories higli, two hundred feet liy fortv, ;i;:;d "Ai'.i co^!. about 
$15,000. TlieRomanCiUliohcChn;, : , ":; L:,v (|u;;atiiy of real 
estate in St. Joseph County, wlticii i > inj used towards 

defraying the expenses of building ili^^ i.u;;< ..lu.K.oiery. Tliere are ]7 
Monks and two Priests there novv'.'' 

Not only in Indin^-;'^ ^"'' ■■'■" "■! ' !;"^^".ina, and even in Tennessee, 
and indeed in all tho ''ates, ore the Catholics now 

making inroads, andii^.civ liiciKN vw ddcnding them. VVe novv" have 
before us, the " Tuscaloosa Flaci- of The Union^^'' of [''li, thf^ organ 
of Locofocoism at the seat of Government in Ahibama, in wiiich " A 
Catholic" occupies foiu" entire columns, in defence of the Roman 
Catholic Religion — misrepreseiv: of History — and endeavors to 

hold up Romanists as the frien - _ ;!i)lican Government. This 

writer says that the Cathohcshave never aiiemj)ted to control odier sects, 
and that " the Catholic Church has coiiiinucd lis vnchaiicfing course 
for eighteen centuries !'■ Now,s:;!i: wrkrr^ iirc^ eiilier unacquainted 
with Church History or diey preciKuc l;r:;;-.:iy tr;;.o)i the jgnoitTnce of the 
People, when they make such declaraiions as i'iis. History teaches 
us that the arrogant Church of Rome was declared to be the head of all 
other Churches, and tliat Bonface HI. v'as declared Universal Bishop, 
in the year 600, from which source sprang the Roman Cadiolics of the 
present day. 

Another serious objection to the Catholic religion is, that the Priests 
are all reciuired to take an oath, to die Pope, as binding as the oath of a 
Mason to his fraterniiy. These Priests too, whether in Europe or 
America, or elsewhere, belong to the order of the Jesuits, and to show 
that they are dangerous men iii a Repubhe, we give the foMowhig 
notice of them from Goodrich's Church History, which is good author- 
ity we know in the United States : 

" Having formed the plan of the order of which he was ambitious 
to become the founder, Loyola submitted it to the pope Paul HI. for 
his sanction -, declaring it to have been revealed from heaven. Paul, 
fearful of its effects, at first refused to grant it his approbation. But at 
length, Loyola removed his scruples by an offer, v/hich was addicssed 
to his pride and ambition. He proposed that, besides the three vov/s of 
poverty, chastity, and monastic obedience, common to other orders, the 
members of this should lake a fourth, viz. obedience to the pope ; bin- 
ding themselves to go whidiersoeverhe shotdd command, for the service 
of religion, without requiring any thing for their support. 



THE CATHOLICS AND C()COI'(iC0.S. 113 

Thcacquiyilioti of a body of nieji, lliu^; pccuJitirly dc\rlfd to ihc see 
of Rome, and whom it miglit set in oppoyition to all ils enemies, 
was ,at thi.-' timr, an object of the liioiicPt u.ociciit. The order 
of Je.su it. s Wii^^, therefore, conhniieci; aud liii- u[u>:i jcnpie privi]e"-(;.i 
g-ratitcd to its luciubcu^. 

The beue/iria/ co/ise'/7inccs of thi-^ insiiintiois wrre ,-!)on ripnp.r<>;it. 

Iti Ic-'^s than half a ceiitiiiy, the society o!)laitie(l eshiiihshinciiC-; ii! cxerv 
'•-ountiy that adhered to the KoiiKin Cudiohc f'iiiirch ; i;s power and 
weahh increased with even o;reat.er rapiiHty th;;;i its piitKuis hnd aniiri- 
pated ; the tnimber of its nieinl>ers muhiphed to m;inv ihon^n.nds, Vv lio 
were (hsting-uished for their h>arni!i!X, ciwiraclcr, v\)d fiCfoinph.^hmeni.s 
and, by their art. and address, were j)o\verfui aii\il:;irii's ;:: AirwardJuothc 
plans of the court, of Rome. 

The government of tliis order \va- despotic. Ai;-encr;d, Ciio?ca bv 
thc pope for life, possessed si iprenn; aod indeper\dej)t power; extending- 
to every person and to every cp^<\ Uy his sole ciuib.ority, and at his 
pleasure, ho elected officers and removed th'^m ; controlh;d the fnnda 
and enacted laws. Every nicnd)er was at his dispusid, iuid siibjectto 
his commands. 

Thus su])seiTient to their leader, and he, tlie indei'.itiij^ib!- L-crvant of 
the pope, the .Tesnits wetn forth, and soon lihcd evciy laud. (Jontr.-irv 
to other orders, they sou!:»'ht nosecdusiott ; pr;iciisod no nusierities, adop- 
ted no peculiar habit. On the contrary, tltey miniih-i! in ail iho active 
scenes of life ; they becarne lawyers and physicians, nj;;f;;<'iiia!ici;ms, 
painters and artists, that they )niii-ht find a readier access lo men, and 
exert more successfully their inihu'nc-. ir) favor of the pope and his 
cause. 

"Before the expiration of the si>:teenth cenfury , the .Icsuits had obtaiiicd 

the chief instruction of youth, in every Catholic country in Europe. 

They had Itecome confessors to monarchs and nobles ; and were en- 
gag;e'd in nearly every intrigue and revolution. As they wore no peculiar 
habit, and observed uncommon s(ric(ness,they lived insocieiy, disr^uised 
as to their real character. .Jesuits were known by Jesuils; Iml to die 
eye of the world, they passed unsuspected. 

Such is a brief account of on order of men, who, ai this time, enlisted 
in the service of popal Rom<; ; and beino- aciuatcd b}- an incredib'e 
attachment to that power, were ready to sacrifice, even life, for the 
purposes of its ag-grandizcnaent. Their exertions powcrfuilv tended fo 
keep alive the attachment of many others to the Roukci la,i;ii, and to 
prevent so rapid an advance, as might otherwise h;ivc been, of the 
Protestant cause." 

[From the Jonesborough Whig, of jNoveniber ISlO.j 

BISHOP ENGLAND.— The letter of Mr. Van Buren,to the Pope, 
it will be recollected, was written on the 20th of July, 1830 ; and now, 
in July 1840, ten years from that date, Bishop England, of Charleston, 
South Carolina, the acknowledged head of the Catholic Church in the 

15 



i l-'i TfirC CATHOMf S ASH L'JCOFOCOS. 

IJriiN'-:] S:rl■'^'-^ ruulrc'^^!-"! ;-: PoLiTiCAL Pn'K r..\:^.TATic)X to the znombcrf? 
of hi- f '!.•,:■■';. ■; 'i' i!i!_ . Ur.u\ whirl, we ^iihjuiii !!;>> }uil(<\vin;:: extract : 

vn<rc. \'\ |.. s ill (;;;|- Stnhs, ;is it had in 

pruiiiiciii^- ii,:. , , ::r;(j liuii i!. lias as /if.f/c ])()\ver to 

allcviaie thai ui-.;it rr^ a.- it iui.;rr*:ahiiiuuoi!al i;;:;ht to intrifV-rc with itis 
causes-. 

o,)iiir of ')ur :;i.. : :. :^ ex nr''s.^((] dclioei-ato opinions 

wiiicly dih'T.;'! ;■ . ,\futi;i! roiic^ideration of their 

roasoiiiiia;, 1' ' '.uicinto ihr;!- ('onclus!<jns.'' 

Thus ii w:.; , . ;:, that tlie BisJicp. arier hti.onnrr to acquit Mr. 
Tan I?uiTU of the ciiarp'i^ of '■ producing i!i;> prcsriit distress in our 
Stafc?;' adniitt^t-!:;; < "- :- ••■''■ r -.-■■'^ '-Un. Tlivn iu an extract from a 
Cross-decorated (,; 'dressed to his joc.';-/?~rt;/ serfs, 

and sr3ded a cii;ci;la!^ is/vvk:', !'<j iic.rras /or Vaa Buren in these words : 

" Beh)vrd bi'cduTii. flee tldr ci)n;r:;>i!i;{tion ; keep aloof from these 
crimes — reilect, ttiat voi: are : ■ not only lo society but to God, 

for the lionesi, iiidependi'iit : ('xcrcise of your own franchise ; 

that it is Iru^i c(;i;iid( d .--■ \: : ; . :; \ i.;!;rpri\ ate Gain but lor the puldic 
good, aiuilliai yichi';:;; ;■• ;;: ■ ■'::!iu; inlluence }<ai act either throngli 
iavor, atleciion or li!;- ii;ij;i\ !■■, ,,; i!i:>iionest g-ain airainst your own dehb 
eratc virw of wb.at v/ill picmotc your country's good, yon iiave violated 
your Irusi, and }'ou ii;v, c !i'i;;^yed ycur conscience, and you are a 
ren-'gade to yor.r coiireiv." 

'MjA'i'IKJLKJ MISCE; J.\:-:V/'---Th:? is the title of Bishop 
laigland's org;;?], printed and publi-licd bu Ciiarloston, under his own 
eye, and since the publicaition of tlie Bishop's elccticnecring letters, ft 
hv.i held forth in Van Burcn's defence, and in opposition to the Whigs, 
in these words :— 

" We know that« large av.d pov^erful party have long been engaged 
under tlie pretence of protecting om- liberties from her foreign influence, 
to create a stale of irldte slavery for all future Catholic emigrants, and 
tifen to ;.;:■(;' I < die: modes of degrading (hose who cannot be stripped 
of the ci;i/eii-bi[' wiich tiicy have obtained. Whether Van Buren or 
Hanison be our next President wdll have no influence upon our cause. 
We /j/?.oi^ our opponents, and we have studied them closely, and whether 
in or out of the administration, their feelings and their dispositions in 
our regard are as insusceptible of change as is our own determination to 
protect, to (he best of our ability, ourselves and those whose cause wc 
advocate, from the evil which is contemplated by those iclio, thank God^ 
have not as yet the power wducli if once in their hands, would not be 
left to slumber. The spirit wdiich ardmatcs the men towltoon we allude 
spoke out plainly and openly in that petition from a little tow^n in Mas- 
sg.chusetts, presented by MR. CLAY to the Senate of the United StRtcs. 
pravincr against the naturalization of foreigners and the admission of 
Catholics." 



THE C A'riIi'>I,K'S A-VI) LOCOI'OCOS 115 

CATHOIJO OPPOSITIONTOOURFIiEE INS'ril'l'TIO.NS.- 
The Catholic Bishop of B:i!iiniore, in ri i ■;' ". ( » '.'.is ••■ li'iid God the 
Pope," ill iS32, spenJcs ns foiiows of lii/ '' . i;^::!:;\ ; — 

" I s;>iit (c) ■ ' ' ■).;:,;■;;■, a aaiivc of Ainciira.— 

He travi-lled m;.. The ProL'^tatils jiu. k^'d 

oaull sides to h-;.; Ij:;.;, \\L:m \ ;.::siii,r, lor \\\v pv-oph- :;re 

divided into v,iinieroi:s ;^ci:lx. :.,!l fnifh to fiahrarr ! — 

la consequeMi-e (m' '' ' ,;.Mri;<-!ion. fVo::i ilir jlLmi- 

ODISTS and l il:. y ^\ ih \\u\:- rv-rv thinir 

themselves; the) , IIn ;. ,o,, . ,:■ ,: v .1 ,, ..\ , rvciy //■■//• rr;/;/^;- / " 

TheBit^hop of Burd^'owi!, Ky . i;i a ieitn- ti. il:*' corrupt powers cf 
Austria, iulSoO, inul ':vhirh \\ a^ i;i!■a!l(i<)U^d; jn:i);ir^!i;'d. soys : — 

" The prtnc-iphi dlliieuliy the Cufholic iii\->MU[\yw> h;'ve to coiio^nd 
with, ill coiiveriiiis^ die indi:!!is, ;;■■ wAi as di:' v. \^\\^••r. ;s iii' i;- rooliiiual 
trauc^. which cautiol h- hiiid. 'It'll, AS LUX( J .\>) ddilS KMPl'BLI- 
CAN GOVERNMENT d' ' ■.', 'dXiSld!:'-' 

A Catholic priest in I: i' Jlicidu-.Mi, tiieu a Terriiory, in a 

letter to the Pope of Kouie, ;-iia:o pndii.di-d in llial for^y-i-n di'sj)otic 
clinie, say? : — 

'' The reason wliy we cannot mala? converts to the fduurh of Korne 
here, or g-et leave to bapti/.e the cinUiren, it^, THIS (;vO\ EHNilENT 
IS TOO FKIU':!!!" 

The " Ki^aister and Diary," u Catholic Journal pnblislied in New- 
York, says ; — 

*■' Weserious'v ad.is' Citljiihc pari'nis not to h/t thfdr cljildi.'n ri'ad 
Protestant h(.)!)ivs. ';'!;-.■,■ :< :iiorc daii^rcr hi Si" ao;;r; iii-iu!, d in due 
(juarter, tlian onr frien;is can cum- i ' ', '.:;,.,■. 

not always the time to ("xainine tie : .Ji- 

ritly to ns, we sliall, wifli (^od's luy, .,.,,,,. ,;,,,;,, , , ,. ,,.:^ ,.,,,[ 
lh(\y nia\' )iat read ! 

A Catholic Priest in lh<' ciu of d' " ' d ':d . i;; ] Sd,). in n letter to die 
Pope, who acts whody l)y til • ;>::, :i:;' '.i^.^irluit Caliihct ; 

and wdio, in the plenutnde of [■.i^ Jureii^ii. vsinyjatioiis, lin-oug'ii tide 
inlluence of Martin Van Bnren has a heady extended his iron sceptre 
over our land, Ull V, c f: \ de Priest. v,<> sav, 

declares : — 

" If the Protestant sects are beforehand wii 1 he diflicnll to 

</ei-/ro?/ their ijiliuencc. Zeal for ft/ror. is a!wa, ^ .cnlarlv amoni?; 

the METHODISTS and PRESBYTERIAiSS,wiionothiiii:'can turn 
from their track, and avIiO lK\aT) .\Hst-ni)iTV upon .■lnsuKDrl^^' ! I ! • ' 

We could multiply r ; it is useless. What say the Prot.es- 

Umt CluHches to all this .- ^\}ui what say tiiey to Van Buren., wlio 
extols the corrupt head of this fJhurch, calling him his '^ Holy Ihther ') '' 
Kft7^ more, by his influence, he had Bnn-f>r />. Tanry^ a violent 



116 




Calholir, 


r.'n 


Ji!s;;(r o 


■ i! 



rilOLK S AM) I.OCOFOCOf 



, vo;r(! -l;iv(; of n Pord^pi Despot, np])r)inted Chiuf 
■;■-■' \'.ii\ liy l]i< ii!;iii;i!;<i)ienMoo, Ik; IumI hn 
in fniiiou'^ ./;■;■*, .. . iqiju.-Kitc;! ( 'I;;ii;l;iiil h) ail Anicl"R-ail Con- 

pr . ;;i;,M;ia ;n.l l;-;;-^! (if all, lie tais ad()))tcd a Siib-Treasiuy 

>S_\ - ! ; ; . '1'." w t.rlii, a pcrfc'ft viodd of tlie Pope's ?\ationri! Bank 

"We ro;K-l!ule])ya2:;i.!ii a-^kii;:;" tliiMpie^stioii, what fliiiik yo, Protestants, 
©f ail tlif.-c thin;i-.s? Can y;>u <io iliiMii for tlu- sake of partij 9 This 
will explain tooih.MS, \^l!y it i-^. ibat llic rc-j/eclnljle and intelligent por- 
tion ol" the ('!(■!_•>, ('f r\;T\ di'in'., 1 1 i;K!i ioi! arc nrra)'c.d against Mr, Van 
Bur.:.. 

PllO'ri::STA'N'r A>;SGC;[A'rU»X.— W.- pre^-nt to om readers, 
he!(M.>, . ;'i ■ ; ' .;; -, ii'.M of ilie " Photf.st.wt As.soci.vTrox," entered 
into r;,!U.T i!:(' ;;'i,ni'Ts of ai] tlie Protestant Clergy of PiUsburg and 
Allegiinn}' ritii's. in Pe!)i)sy'\;ra::i. Tla' niciMing M'as held on the eve- 
n'ngof tlie'i-Mfi [''clraiary, ] S 13, and was numerously attended, as \xe 
loam from the r-jMs]>iirg pap-rs. It was held in the 1st Presbjlerian 
church, and an Address cxplanalory of the object for wliich the meeting 
had h'en <-,,nve;M-.^ w:m d.'iiv-Tcd by the Rev. Dr. Wilson. Almost 
cv(w • i.f i-r!)trsi;M!'s in liie hvo oiiies were represented at 

the .;(■!, / aillmis us j>';M.-u;r i<is._'es<) lively an interest taken 

— not onlv bv i'l^' Kcv-'r^'rid Clergy, but by tlie Protestant people 
generally, on [i subjrrt which has oerupied so much of our thoughts, 
ever ^i'.1'.v■. Jlr. "r a;! ]]\]r;-:i addriv-snl his noiorious letter to the Pope. — ■ 
Ii lias !)";-■■! fKT ^Mi!-.!a;!t endi'axcr, as our readers will testify, tlirougliout 
(!ur e.liioriai rnr ;■;•, in rou^;- the ])ublic feeling on this subject, and in 
fiitrirc, we cv;:! '.v.oiiiis ■ to l)e more vigilant. Too much cannot be said 
on tliis r-;:'. ;''.■;, if sai.i io pu; ;>i(.-;c, and in accordance Avith facts. It will 
not be (irna -; ,' ,ii;cii apa'liv has pervaded the Protestant j)ublic 

on ih;— ;]',;;( : i< li'!- to -cf tl lis dawuiug of increased attention, 

ere iris io.i i Tread of Ivomanism. and its insej)erable 

rompaiu!.;!, ; ', .. iih ail ilirir train of error, of plunder, 

i^tipt'i-siiMoM. ci.!-.i:|>:;' .' and blasphemy. 

Kven if ue (h-claiwied having any thing to do w'wh any man's mode 
of worshiping (-^od ; — if we cared not a fig, whether he oflers liis 
prayers to Catholic images, or to the (iod who made him; — or whether 
the Priest pray him out of liell for a stipulated sum, or the price of 
man's redemption through Christ, and by means of repentance and faith, 
effect his salvation — still, we would warn the people against Eomanism, 
^Vo fhoidd warn the people against its l)ancful influence upon poliiical 
grounds, had we no other objection to the system. If is tlie political 
hear'nT of the principle? of the Cadiolics that we are opposed to — their 



<:(<Je of iTii.rals and system of educatioji — in perfoci iini.^on wlih those ■ 
of the Locofocopaity,Vihoi:o}iiusd iii haiul in clcciions. Vrillanymnn 
point us to a Roman Catholic in ilie cniu-d Siah't^ wlio is not a Jackson 
"Van Buren Dcmocnit, turn wlio do(v not vote with tlsat patty ? Then 
indeed we tiiall havtseen, \vhaL we nevtn- yet iiave laid our eye.- upon. 
But to the Association at Pillshurg, siniihir a.ssocititiotis to which, we 
hope wiil he fonned in every town and conniy in Piotesiant Chri.sl<'n- 
dom, in Europe and Anavica. 'j'he conunittee appointed for that 
purpo.-^5\ ivporicd i!io drnfi of a Constitution — which was unanhnously 
adop;<'i!. ;;)iJ i;-; as lV>!!ows : — 

coxsTrn TirjN of the pittsburg and allegha- 

NY PROTi'^STANT ASSOCIATION.— Wiieieas, The system of 
Popery i-- w!>ul dt;.sii-oyinij hoth in its dnc^rins's and j)iact!ce.s, and also 
r,i;h\ risive */i' thn iTihSs of man, and so ruinous to the welfare of nations ; 
and 

"Wiierea^, oifst ciTorts are no\\' lieij^Er u'\ade and with alarming' aucccs.9 
to propicv!''. thai system in the United States ; and 

Vrhereas. we Iteheve it to be our duly, as the disciph^s of our Lord 
jcsiis (Miii, t, x'iio is (lod overall, and blessed forever, in reliance on the 
omnipfjteiit iiiifucy of liisHoly Spirit, to luiite for tlic purpose of defen- 
ding the irreat interests of the Christian relio^ion, as transmitted to us by 
our Protestant forefathers, we t!ierefore adopt the following constitution : 

Article I. The Pittsburg and Alleghany Protestant Association 
auxiliary to (.he AraericaTi Protestant Association shall be the name of 

this society. 

Arn\ II. The ol>iecis shall he: 

1. To give aid and encouragement to all the disciples of Clinst in thf* 
diffusion of knowledge on ihe Popish coruroversy. 

2. To make (MTorts for tJie n-2ore extensive circtdatioii and study of the> 
Holy Scriptures. 1. Anmng the destitute of all chtsscs, especially 
among Papists. 2- The introduction of the Bilileinto all schools, as a 
-class book. 3. To distribute books, pamphlets, journals, in the 
English, German and French languages, to inform the public on the her- 
<;sy, idolatry, lyianny and conuption of popery. 4. To enlighten the 
-comrnnnitv in relation to tiie dangers wdiicli threaten our country from 
the insiduous designs and doings of Romanism. 

Art. III. This Association, sliall be composed of such persons as 
are reputiible for their evangelical profession of the faith, for their 
christian morality ; who adopt thaprinciples of this constitution and 
who contribute to its funds. 

Art. IV. (Quarterly meetings shall be held for the purpose of public 
discussion on the evils of Popery, and the means of reclaiming those 
who are deluded by the deceivableness of its unrighteousness. 

Art. T. The officers of the Association shall be a President, tbrea 



i|3 'nii-: ■.■.vriiuiAi^ a:su locofoc(;s. 

Vice Pi->i('o"!!l<, a 'rr<-a.=;urer, a KorualMJ-' ^W>rivl.ny, a Corresponding: 
Scrrctai-v ain! iwo Lav l)ii'->cU>rs iVniu (>:u-li eh-r.ojr.iiialion connected 
Nvhis tlnsSu(';.'tv, tu-e;!;rr wiili a]l iniiii.!''!^ of tliC Gospel belonging lo 
It "'l!"->' ■iiricVrs ; li;!.'! r!;;Mi a Ixkw'I un ihe tra'isuctio]! of business, 
and si'Vi'H o*' iJ!;'!:) at, a;!\' i'loennu' diilv cotnened, Kliall fonn a quorum. 
The board AinW hwld sSatiii jjie.-iitur:^ ([iiaii(>rly. 

Av'T \ 1. 'i'!^'' bo ud of l\3anai;-ers at tlie first meeting after their 
clei^ion, shall elioos- an exenilivc comndttee of three members, who, 
togetlier wiih the -ecrcuiries and treas-iivr. shall ineet as often as they 
find it expciiieii! forila- (ratrsaction of Midi liusinessas may be commit- 
ted to them hv lhe!-.o;u-d,!o wliu'h ih'V f-'liali re!i.,ler an account at lis 
quarterly int-elings. 

\nT. VIl- The duties of the Koani sjui!! ])e to collect infonnation 
in relation to the -progress, plans and e\ iis of Popery, and otherwise by 
all tlic most proper m^'aris, lo carry out the '.ciievoleut objects of tliia 
Association, and to report to it their procfM'(iiji<.'s annually on its anniver- 
sary, v/hi(d!'sl!a!] be (.n the evening of the lihof July. 

Art. "Vril. The board shall have power to enact such Ijy-Iaws as aro 
not inconsistent with this coiisiiti)^ioir, and to fill all vacrincies that may 
occur between the amuial meeiidgs of the society. 

AuT. I.V. This constitution shall be altered at the annual meetinga 
only of this society and by a majority of two thirds of the nrembers 
present, and no alteration shall lie made that is contrary to the word of 
<^od or euhversjve of the principh^s set forth in the od article. 

JAMES R. WILSON, 

Feb 28 18-13. Chairman (Committee. 

Tlie following persons were elected olTicers of the Association for the 
ensuing year. 

PREsii-»E.vr, 

REY. FRANCIS HERRON, D. D. 

} Rev. Johx Black D. D. 
Tick Presidkxtr. ' S- " Jas. Wilson D. D. 

3 " Mr. l^RESTON. 

nN:-.^.<vRER, John Shea. 

Rec. Secretap-y, Rev. A. W. Black. 

CoR. Secretary, Rev. D. H. Riddle. 

Laymen fnjrn the dilTerent Denominations belonging to the Association. 
■ . ,„ , } Dr. Wrav, 

Presbyterian ( dmrrn iMoses Af'wood. 

, ^,, , 7 -i-O Odioine, 

F.piscopal Church J^ ^^^ y^^^^^^^ 

,^ ^ , ^-,, , *T* Thomas Hamia, 

Ass. Reformed Church y ^^ ^^^ g,.^^^,^^^ 

_ ^ , ... 1 7 (Jabriel Adams, 

Ref. Presbyterian ( hurch | ^j^j,;^^ Mowbry. 

_ , . ,,, , ) John Grnliam, 
Ase. Presbyterinn C hurch J- ^^^^^ gpjj_ 



THK CA'Vlir.X.XCn A.1VD LOOO:--OCOP. 113 



Methodist Episco. Church ^- 
Prot. -Methodist Church }- 



John 


Irwia, 




Jo 


ha 


Miichel!. 






Cr 


lie;-, 




[■^. 


W. 


SLrphen 




B." 


L. 


l''';thnps 


oc 


L. 


(;. 


Jiuisoii. 




S.' 


Bi 


I ford, 




J. 


Ru 


-sh.. 





Baptist Ch.urch ^- 

Cumherland Church !- 

Resolved, That all ]>apcrs in ihe city frieudly to tho cause of 
Protcstanism, be requested to pubhsh these proceeding;-;?. 

F. HERRDN, President. 

A. W. Black, Secretary. 

OUR CONCLUSION.— AVitii this pul/icatinn, we dose our dis- 
cussion of the (,\ifho]ic question. The plan adopted by the Protestant 
Churches of Pennsylvania, is exactly ihe tiling. Let the Clergy of 
every order go to work, because they, aljove all other men, will constitute 
a body of most efficient allies, which the cause of liberty can sunmion 
into the field of argument, in any emergency, brouglit about by the 
Romanists, or any otiier foes to liberty. We do not call on the Clergy 
to become common bar-room politicians, or to eml^ark m an election- 
eering crusade, for, or against this, that, or the other partizan ; but let 
them acquaint themselves with the constitutions of the Church and of 
the Union, and wiUi the leading principles of the science of Government, 
that they may be prepared, when forced to it by Romanists, to exert a 
salutary influence in this country, in behalf of that liberty for which 
our fathers bled and died ! 

We are happy to find, that the various Churches, and numeror.a 
friends of liberty, in all parts of the LThion, are becoming alive tq the 
importance of these things. Still, we are sorry to say, that the sentiment 
of Shakespeare will apply to thousands, even of Proiestmits : 

" W^e hear this fearful tempest sing, 
Yet seek no shelter to avoid the storm ; 
We see the wind set sore upon our sails, 
And yet we strike not, but securely perish. " . 



CeAPTER VUI, 



A WORD TO LABCiRKRS — TllF.TAKlFV CirKSTIU.-C - \ t . UA:'iK~- 

IIENRV CLVV AXM) THE PltKSlDKACV TKKASU i; V >, o I i..- ;. F.PtDI ATKD 



LiKK the Aral)-, the Aiuericans are fa>f bfci.iniii;; a -;v::;ir!oi;s nation, 
and must finally travel from ypot to spot, a> airrifuhniji-fs aiui hunter?, 
with all our iiiaaufarinriMg and producing ea'Tji'-s crippled and 
destroyed ! The nuhlc-s war waged againi-t t})e bu.-iric-.-. rujnmfncc, 
and currency of the coiuriry, by the leaders of the Jackson Van Buren 
party, for the last twelve years, has had the effecl to paralize all our 
operations, and has brought bankruptcy on our nation, tlie SintTs and 
their citizens ! 

"With these inevitable tendencies before us, wliat can we do ? Slrall 
we sit down and cry over our misfortunes — look at ilie departure of our 
former greatness — sigh after our precious metals, drained In' a ruinous 
balance of trade against us — wh.ile tlic politi.>;"d ([iiacks of i!ie country, 
like the Madagascar Bat, fan us to sleep with the wide 'spread wings of 
'free trade and sailors rights,' at die san ic time htendly su- : ; I , ; _ n - ; - ■,'.: ath < 
Shall we sec our laborers and nrtizans starving and wiiness the distres; , 
loss of credit and mortification whidi nmst follow all Locofoco i/ico/ri- 
ical abstractions, concerning an idle state of free trade, low w'Gges, ivvA 
an exclusive hard cm-rency? Already our produce is worth nothing — 
live stock brings nothing in the market — and the result is, that our stock 
is eating up all the grain in the country — and many of the poor arc 
suflfering for bread. Beside this, farmers have ceased to cultivate their 
usual amount of acres — they have ceased too, to give laborers meat and 
bread for their work, because they cannot sell what they raise— and 
hence, wc again say, the poor are suffering. To the day laborers of the 
country, therefore, these facts present a subject for contemplation on 
evils, which many of them, by their votes, aid in fastening upon the 
country. And were they not ignorantly going against their own and 
their country's interests, we should say starve them to death, as a reward 
for their doings ! But bear with them a litde longer, and their naked- 
ness and hunger will address them in language that cannot be 
controverted ! They will then contend for the protection of the manu- 
facturers, thcindustiy, and the labor of the nation by an adequate tariff 
—and they will show their/ai7A by their works at the ballot-box. They 



A WORD TO LABOKEUS, A.(. . 121 

will act rcgaid that as an American policy, wiiicli would fc;aciifice their 
interests to the visionary theories of "//-ee trade " — which would open 
our ports, aiidclose the doors of our factories — which would render us 
dependent on foreig"n countries for the most common and most essential 
fabrics . No — tliey will take their stand by the foiges, the ploughs, the 
loorns^and the sliutdes of the country, and inscnbe fu-st and foremost 
upon dieir standards, — "^Protection to American Industry!" 
Here we have long sii-ice taken our stand, and if we fall, wc fall with the 
strong arnictl laborers of llic couiilry . But in (heir cause v,c cannot 
fail — no, never ! n.cver ! ! 

But not only i^ - T'r:''V ■' •.,-,,,. j-d . Tltis nation wants a national 
cuu-c!iv"y — ;i cirr:i;;ii;nj , en;:;;} va'nc in Maine and Florida, 

at home and abroaii, and i!!'^. \v iiigpav;}- i-^ {'.rsl^id to give it, while 
the whole of the Lorolbco ibrces are Just ;;: ;•- ■bi'-ly c'])' ■ iled against 
eveiy thing of tlic kind . Against tlie great relief measures 
proposed by the V/higs, the Locofoco leaders are to a man, opposed . 
The Whig parly, therefore, are the national party — the People's party, 
identified witli all their pursuit;^, and interests, and as certainly as IN'ov- 
ember 1S14 comes, (lie VVIiig parly will again bo placed in power, to 
carry out thes;: measures — and IIkxrv Clav, will be the chosen in- 
strument of relief, reform, and na'ioiriJ ri-iieneration . We go for Mr. 
Clay now, then, and fore\e;— .not because he; is generally agreed upon 
by the Whig party, but because ice ircrc ah rays for him — becanse we 
know the jian— know that we can confide in him — know that he is an 
enlightencrl and patriotic statesman — know that he is the Doctor to 
devise a suitable remedy for these disjointed times — and know that, he 
will reinstate the National Constitution, and bring back the Govern- 
ment to the good old Republican track in which it travelled under the 
guidance of Washington, Madison and other fathers wdiose honesty, 
patriotism, and love of connuy made '• a-snrance doubly sure," in 
whatever pertained to American interests. 

We have seen it announced fo:- weeks pasts in the Government 
official at Washington, b)ji^the Secretary of the Treasury, that certain 
Treasury Notes, to the amount of hundreds of thousands of dollars, 
would not be redeemed by the Department, because as alleged, they 
have been re-zSvWerf without authority after "cancellation.'" Speak- 
ing of these same Notes, the United States Gazette says, — 

* " Now wc have seen some of these very notes which have been 
decribed by the Secretary, and ou.a most careful and spectacled examina 
tion of every part of them, we failed to discover the least sign or token of 
cancellation, or any inaik or note by which any of the most skilled iu 

10 



122, ■ A WORD TO LAnOllEKS, &C. 

- tiiini-T that, tliey had ever heen redeemed 
:Lofthc track of circulatiou . 

:,(■ value of tlie paper of the Goveninient, 

' '■ • il Legislature, and now in the 

t outrages, not to say highest 

; . c ever heard of, and ought to be 

There is no exam pie, ^on record, we 

'/ a N'j.iio)ial Government, to repudiate- 

.jdy . The agent of Great Britain once 

, I fraudulent way to an alarming amount ; 

)!ly met them, and never once thought of 

J-,. r.i bills in the hands of innocent holders. 

\^ ,., ,.,.; , , '>]ited States refuse, in the case of these 

noLcs, beca'! : 'iilcutly re-issned by the corrupt adniin- 

i. • ;■ :-n? Certainly not. This Government 

I t iI:o.?e Yvdio put confidence in her prom- 

; ;,nire, she will bear, as she ougl bear, 

I ■ iuis!ni;na<.!;ft)>cnt, antl corruptions of those 

■ >aUonal purse when these notes were 

i'lcr to convince the sul)stantial farmers, 
i li^riiKM'ouutry, of tlie extravagant fancies 

( ' i : lying on tlie machinery of the 

; ! i J -(iuUeu IJank of the United States . In 

;iles Government issued twenty millions 
, ' ■• y '-r since, the United States Gov- 

, ;'.cs have been paper! It has 

- \PEU CREDITS, professing to go alone for 
\v, forsooth, slie turns about and. re/)wrfi«^es 

' wl 10 " trade on borrowed capital 
^J^:..,,^, ^,; : 'cr demand a National Bank of 

their ruler ■ ii ^o do. We never will prosper 

till wet^eL sue.: ;•,-. i.i-.in-.;-!., .uiu luurfuoucr we go about establishing 
it tljX3 better. 



CHAPTER !X. 



kYPOCRTSY OF MODERN LOCOPOCOIS?! 

PARTY NAMES DEFINlTluX Oi 



The advocates of had morale ;!n;] p"nr!ci(c 'last 

ten J'^ears, have greatly iiiciea?eu ihei:' • ^' '"'' 

borders, on the continent, of America. 

saying, that if the Devil had traversed tin-' <• ' nci 

breadth, in tlie character of an Angel of iig!/ ■ not 

more elTectually have deceived t^onie pcopl- ;;.;>: i.adcrs of 

Locofoco misrule have done, in the nari);- -f I J";;' 

The Locofoco ?-ero/i^//r;/(r/.-;y .'/,■■ .V('/vY^-.'' )n of 

the Tennessee Legislature, vrliich caii-J : , . '^'^ai 

party, the just indii:'-nation of every real friciid to his country, ihrongh- 
out the Union, was begun and carried ' ; ' > ''■ - ■ ■ '>f .'?;■.-., r-/ • 
and upon the false pretence, that the c\. 

Senators to Congress, upon the joiiit J ' : iin*. 

General Assembly, which had prcvailo.: ^ of 

the State Government, was viiroiis:. •' of 

Tennessee, for the lirst lime in her Iks' pre- 

sented in the most imporlai:! 
the honest yeomanry of the , 

infamous " tidrteen immortals ''' ^'iei^' isiiii 

more infamous abettors, Ex-Gov. • ,, paper edi- 

torg, who with their lymg tongues profe^^t-d to ciiii rtahi the liighest 
regard tor the welfare of ilie l^iople. •'- '- ^- " ^ --:.■■ *p rrn.|r in 
sacrifice liberty and liie in d-fcivKng // 

of political leaders, were their only objccis, wwi. //r,/./.-,/^' ;■!:.. ^..-'/.uy 
the vile means by which' they sought to obtain their unholy ends. 

And what is Locofocoism— genuine unadulterated Locofocoism, of 
the modern Jackson Van Buren stamp, in Tennessee, to excite the preja 
dices and inflame the passions of men, and tlius to send " nrel-rauds 
arrows and deatli " into every portion of American society, and American 
interests. And while they do this, \X\&y prof ess a sacred regard for tlic 
interests of the People— following the unworthy example of their great 
prototype, jRo6e.s/;ierre, who, in the bloody days of the French Revolu- 
tion, in order to incite the inous Jacohlhs to the conmiisslon of 



12.1 



nvpocniKv or 



llioas— 


'dug of 


:nv,by 


x.ii ihe 


nls with 


'I! lion — 


.iiful the 



.Dcmocralic de(:i\.<,i-nn'j: ill l]ir,. ,. , ... 

'•'■ Pauvrr, Feuple ! V'trtueiu: }\'U[j!c ! ' v\lii<- 
signifies Fooi^Pcoph ! Ylrt,;nii:-; Pcitple! Aiu'' 
their " ilhiotvioiis j)i. ' 'raurc, ii;i\-(: i; 

infuriated mobs kk \^ • ,..,;:'li^-:- — ci^\n^\:■^'■^' 

stores in .Rhode I:^l;inAl—l!i<' pliitul'.TJn;^- ^:: 

villaiuO':^:oll!ecdinldci : - ^jr'Tr;!!;:'-,] i ' ' 

laws and coii-lii;!; 'i';^ <>! \ '■,:!"-' -:!: . 

ananricd force — !!idi;ii''d die iaw.- . 

trampled npon-.lie i,V)i; ;dUifion of i; 

.-^acred ahars of God! Lorofoeoism i.- v.\ ■;r-i-ira — 

il lias sweptover ihecouniry and in:!;- / MH.siiaie 

tlie l^est currenc)^ the world ever kiiew, Am.eriean rommcrre., and ruined 

credit— the sunk(^n i;iory, and ])lasied 'uoiior of a once v'lea'. nation, and 

a prosperous and hatiny prt^prlr! 

Whena Lor,,f,ro,bv .', 
a rs'ational 01 kSuiu.' e!;'i'i!-.,::, 

sober scconil thoii<jhls of ih<; .w w]n-n 

iu 1840, assert their rights, ao,; i.-i: ,•,■•",• • 
olliee, (hey are said to he'- '■.- i/,/.V v.i /-.v.'- 
lif modern ]>eiiM>eracy iu !iie eiii-arilv < ^ 
p(dves! Weiepc;.!^ liieujhnl die lilai ; 
t'rance, were ro;iiii!;i;« d in ■ 
Reries of oulra;ics tliat :ia\<' 
< 'ong-re.^s, nndi ihe \ari(.'f-^ !, •., 
anil [»i'r|.)etrated io li: ' k i . ' i^- 

{.■very where exh;! ! id , 

which spread ecu is: < ,iM.,^.u; ; :^) ::;. ,.,„,,...,,.,, I'ii 

found supportei's in iiic /-.ira rica'; ' <'ir su i ! idling- 

doctriiKi of /^.'/;^v/; , ' 'lississippi I ^ei^ niem • urri/maudcriuz; 

(lie Stale of \ ir-ii. r to prevent the election of Whigs lo Con- 

gress! Behold the Staleaoi 11 hnois, Missouri and Michigan, catching 
the dishonest spirit, of their lirednen in other St^ites, and of their leaders 
in ( U)ngress, and iiidir. ' . " ii!!o ihc slongh of Repudiation, by 
the enactmeni ol n I'uj' !.,. i.|k aucl odious iJiievingiBiha nltirnale 

design of liocofocoisni, and the cold, creeping, calculaling hypociits of 
the parly, conceal tJieir secret purposes, and swindhng doctrines by 
raising the mad-dog cry of Democracy ! the dear People! love of 
country! An honest party, or an honest man, who intends to pay a 
debt, never speaks, thinks, or even dreams, of any informality in its 
fjcation. His enf|uiry is, do \ owe il,and liave ] ralitc rccewccl for the 



> Whig 


l^arly, in 


y calls 


it '' the 


icn aroused, as 


■'Isls ' 


out of 


> !; is t 


he fahh 


. jTOVer 


I them- 


! oM-r ( 


lis;;rocrd 


,; and 


lie long 


1 1];- ' 


.d 



12- 



note or ijond i^iveu ? P:; 

dis!ioiK>si. princlpK^, ruulr\-';, ■ 
fiworaiHonii: po]ii!cian^,sii)co '., 
Jackson, hii?,])ccn ouil:<raccd by llic Lucorocod, 
in thonamo of Dciiiocrxcii. And will"; tlipni 
the pasport of thieves and scoundrL; 
the hypociisy of tliis pavty lo !>!' 
Democracy should ]->e forsi from them — liich- 
held up to t!lO i;azo of n^' ';!.nrc':l ; 
generations yet un])oi"n, . 
lihhy slon^^h of I.ocoibcv.ic..:, =., .,- 

The h'/rinrs \y\nch pcrlnin io 1!n 
numerous, ahnosi, as th 
the one most expressive : 
"Locofoco, " andwasgivea to the . 
New YDrlc. In i 
and " ;' 

"Biitt-(j.w>. >., V 
" Wring necks." 
opponc^nts 'oy thv 



nu 

'V 



arts of New Er 
:.is." In Mxr 
,c.. lu Mniiie, 



., s, that every 

: -; w'lucli have fonnd 

rcv-idency, ol' Ainlrew 

! 1 promulgated 

. , tliis name is 

power. Ouglit not 

,;^, (lie false garb of 

> ;>'t\i should be 

■1 iiisuit,,; . _ -:-, as a beacon to 

- sh.ufi. in all time to come, the 

.. ,>iuus;;iids are now ifydloiDhtg-. 

' r^-rent democratic party," are as 

The genuine term, and 

i sentiments, seems to be 

i)ut.laws of the party in 

sre called " Pig-Ringers " 

I tluMc ;ire those who are called 

moLc rabid of tliem are known as 



Nullifi( 



In South Caroh'na ihcy are dislinguished from their 
impo-iug oppelatio'i of " State Rights Republican 
In Oliio they style t!:rmss!ves " The Entire Swine Party. " 
'!!" ■•iraclionists," while 



In Virginia, (iiey are k)!. 
in Illinois, Missouri an;: 
Party, " and in Tennes 
bm-ners,'"' WoohSfeiii : 

And, now, for a dclinition of die 
following article from <he Paltimo!-!' 

" Demociiacv [of the t^^'reck v, : 
exercise power over,] a foi-m of go\- 



'A the " Relief Law 
■ - as th<^" Barn- 

Dc. . ■ snlijoin the 

- ;md /:rateo, to 
•re the supreme or legis- 



lative power is lodged iu the people, or persons chosen out from them. — 
I-jaileT/. 



H;iving given ti, 
let us see what claim ti; 



>rt]io word lliat 
(othelillc c 



Dcinocyalk. 



Persons'chosen out (is, ' s / . '- I'cpresculaiivcs of the 

people, make laws, and John Tyler vetoes tiiem — arrogates to himself 
the right to legislate. ii/<^ will exercise the sw;?rc7/?e ^mrer. (^an this 
be called a "form of government where the supreme or legislative power 
is lodged in the people, or persons chosen out from them ? " No ! But 
this is the form of government that the Loco Focos uphold and approve. 
^^hen can the Locofocos properly be called Democrats 9 No ! No ! — 
NO! 

Transpose the Greek words given aI)ove, however, and you have the 
definition of Loco Foco Democracy. Instead of (deimos) the people^ 



12G HYPOCRISY OF MOPERX LOCOFOCOISM, &• C. 

(KRAT:io) cx^vrise Ulc povcr, lead (krateo) to exercise pou-cr over 
(demos) the people, and you iiave modern patent Democracy. 

A \vag" of our acquaintance, who pretends to more skill in Dutch than 
Greek, says that the word demos, literally translated, means dem lis, 
or damn, us, and therefore that krateo and demos signifies rw/e us and 
damn us — which is the latter-day^ deiiniiion of Democracy. We sus- 
pect the fellow is as near correct "as it is possible to get in this age of 
crooked wa3's and Tyler swat. '' 



CHAPTER X. 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAND FUND GENERAL JACKSON AND DISTRI- 
BUTION — MR. VAN BUREN AND DISTRIBUTION A DEAIOCRATIC 

MEASURE WHEN INTRODUCED BY THESE MEN A FEDERAL MEASURE 

WHEN ADVOCATED BY MR. CLAY AND THE WHHIG PARTY. 



The policy of distdbuting the proceeds of the sales of Pu])lic Lands, 
among the several States of the Union, was not originally a party 
question, and ought nut now to be such. The necessity of the measure 
— not to say propriety thereof, urge themselves by too many important 
considerations, affecting both the interests of the Slates and of the people, 
ever to allow of its becoming; solely a party question. And indeed, as 
high a pitch as party spirit has arisen to, there are yet but few of the 
States so ultra in their Locofocoism , and so suicidal in their policy as. 
pertinaciously to reject their shares of the proceeds of the sales of the 
Public Lands. Several States though have refused. And it is a dis- 
tinguishing ciiaracteristic of the violence of Van Buren Democracy^ 
which bounds eveiy question of policy within the contracted limits of 
partizan interests — so that, a subject which, but a few years since, was a 
most decided Democratic, Jackson measure, should now be reprobated 
as a Federal Clay Whig policy, and wanting eveiy essential quality of 
republicanism ! 

The temis of the cession were, that these " lands shall be a common 
fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States d&have become, 
or shall become members of the Confederacy, according to their usual 
respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure, " after 
the objects of cession shall have been answered. And with respect to 
the lands acquired by treaty — the Constitution explicitly provides, that 
" THE Congress shall have power to DISPOSE of, and make 

ALL needful rules AND REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE TERRI- 
TORY OR OTHER PROPERTY belonging to the United 
States. " Congress, then, has a rightful power to dispose of these 
lands, which at once settles the question of constitutionality. But 
Congress has, in repeated instances, exercised the power of disposing of 
these lands at discretion. We will only mention one case — the case of 
Gen. Lafayette, to whom Congress gave large quantities of lands in 
Florida, besides paying him for his services in money. Moreover, the 
Supreme Court of ihe United States decided, in the case of Jackson vs 



GovI•:R^ 


MENT 


-IE USE 


AND 


■( i.M'EDERACY. " 


ill \n\i\g forwa 


d our 


omiiiencc wit 


li au 


■ "' •: ' .. we 


tliiiik, 



rifle! 



l:iS 

BENEFIT Oh' 

Bii^ - ■■■- ' 
aiUhu;' 
extraci Irc: i 
to have p r. ; 

" ,\^ 

the ]■■'■ , :i aul 

i'l :■ • :.iiiiin[i(jiiorthe 

] ; ! a poriioii of 

i- ■ '^i ilie United 

8^ meet the 

1 ■ adopted, 

;r t Jonnecti- 

(■'^ , :.[ Georgia, 

::•' jr whicli it had been asked. As the 

E. .^RELIEYED from (his PLEDGE 

tlic OSJEUi' il^r v;Ii;.ii .iiov ^.cr^ f':;^ ■ - ; ACCOM- 

PLISHED, it is ia the di^crcM.xx of L .... ::: offhem, 

in Pilch way as best to conduce to the cjiucl, iiAK.UUNY AND 
GENEI'AL INTEREST of the AMERICAN PEOPLE. In ex- 
amii.- this q:ic-tion, all LOCAL and SECTIONAL FEELING 
slioukl 1)6 (hscarded, and the wnole United States regarded as one people 

jnfjvv. -;;,..! :.:','- , ;,, il,.. ,-,,-. MP-f- ,-,i' t; ,.;,• ,'.,.:v:-. >•> , --111, fry * # # # 

- at the Public 
i ; SOURCE OF 

REVENUE, asui iluK ■ m hmited parcels., at a 

price barely suflici"]:' ; 'iilted States, the expense 

of the presents}- .^- imdcr our Indian compact.' ? 

Guch was tlic '; ik jii-k! jS32, speaking for 

the pariy 1: ■ .-roceeds of the 

sales of Pal;. i.- .,. . .>.,..._.;. ad authoritative 

response in the report of the dcnir .litlcc on i'aiih(^ l^aads, 

(Mr. King Chairinan,) who on a sm\e\ 01 die whole question, came 
to the conclusion expressed in the following most emphatic sentence : 

" The Committee TURN with confidence fi;om THE LAND 
OFFICES to the CUSTOM HOUSE, and say, HERE are tire TRUE 
SOURCES OF FEDERAL REVENUE— GIVE LAND to the 
CULTIVATOR; tell him to keep HIS MONEY, and lay it out in 
their cultivation. " 

We have now shown that General Jackson and his party saw no 
Constitutional difficulty in substantially^zViy?^«;ra?/, the Public Liands 
to the Western States, in 1832. Has the Constitution CHANGED 
since that time ? It is proved that they considered tlic Tariif, excli- 
sivELY and SOLELY, as the true f ource of revenue, and a means of 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAND FUNDS, fcC- 129 

ninintainauce to the General Government. Has an increase of revetiue 
arising from duties on imports, not been in proportion. 

Reader, all this was Democratic, wlien it came from Ge neral 
Jackson and Mr. King, and was advocated by the Globe— but it is 
" Federal " when it comes from Mr. Clay, and is supported by Whig 
papers and politicians . These things illustrate very strikingly, the 
facilities with which politicians and parties can " turn about and wheel 
about "and still go-ahead-politicians, v/ith unblushing impudence, 
repudiatiating — not only old debts, but likewise old opinions; and 
parties, without a particle of independence, following tliem in their 
" winding way. '' ''■' 
Truly, 

" They wire in and wire out, 
And leave a body still in doubt. 
Whether the snake that made the track; 
Was going South or coming back. " 

When President Jackson reccommended ^ Distribution in this Mes- 
sage, and when Mr. King, that uncompromising Democrat, as Chair- 
man of the Committee on public Lands, likewise urged tho measure, 
the Richmond Enquirer, the exponent of Virginia Democracy, broke 
forth in the following strain of rapturous approbation: 

" What might not Virginia do with an annual dividend of $800,0007 
or even half of it? How many miles of road might she not complete? 
How many scheols est ablish ? How many of her degraded population 
might she not transport to the shores of Africa ? Putting aside, how- 
ever, all the allurementsof self interest, and viewing the question alone 
as between the United States and the States where the lands are 
situated — ice are prompted to ACQ,IESCE «^ o?icei?i the proposition 
of the Secretary^ and Very much for the reason which he assigns, that 
all causes of difficulty with genera] government on the subject would 
then be removed. " 

We will next submit the testimony of Martin Van Buren, in 
favor of this measure. He is good authority with the Democracy of 
the country, as he is expected to be their candidate for the Presidency 
in 1844. The following extract is from liis speech delivered in the 
Senate of the United States in 1826: 

" The subject of the public lands was becoming daily more and 
more interesting, and Avould occupy much time in legislation. It 
extended the patronage of the Government over the States in which 
they were situated, to a great extent ; it subjected them to an unwise 
and uproiitable dependence on Federal Government . No man could 
render the counu y n greater service, than he who should devise some 
plan by which the United States might be relieved from the ownership 
of this property by some equitable mode . He would vote for no 
proposition to invest the lands in the States in which they stood a 

17 



r 13U DISTEIBITION OF THE LAKD FINDS, &C. 

s some just and cqitable terms, as related to the other States in the con- 
federacy. He hoped, that after haying full information on the sub- 
ject, they should be able to effect that great object . He believed that 
if those lands were disposed of at once to the several States, it would be 
satisfactory to all. " 

The chief ground upon which the Whig party, with Mr. Clay at 
their head, advocate the Distribution among the States, of the proceeds 
arising from the sales of the Public Lands, is, that it is a trust fund, 
in the hands of the Government properly belonging to die States, which 
the General Government has no right to appropriate to its own uses . 
Hear what Hugh L. White says, on this subj>- , in his letter of 
resignation to the Tennessee Lsgislature, as a Senator in Congress ; 

" IT IS A TRUST FUND, Vv^HICH BELONGS NOT TO THE 
FEDERAL, BUT TO THE STATE GOVERNMENTS. " 

What need we more explicit? And who will say that Judge White 
\vi\snotSiJud"-eofthe Z,f«;.'; or that he was dishonest in pronouncing 
this decision? But the Judge further says in this same letter of resig- 
nation : 

# * « * " The ordinary duties necessary and proper for the 
regulation of our commerce with foreign nations ought to be sufficient 
to brino- into the Treasury as much money as would defray the eco- 
nomical expenses of the Federal Government, AND EACH OF 
THE STATES OUGHT TO RECEIVE ITS FAIR PROPOR- 
TION OF THE PROCEEDS OF THE SALES OF THE PUB- 
LIC LANDS. 

" I consider Tennessee as honestly entitled to her proportion of this 
fund as any of your honorable body is to a tract of land devised to him 
by his father. 

" It appears to me, even at this time, our State very mucli needs her 
portion of this fund, and that in a short time wo sliall lie mucli more 
in want of it. Yom* honorable body may be satisfied that a majority 
of our citizens are willing to relinquish their interest in this fund, but I 
am not so satisfied ; and as a Senator in Congress / icill not do any 
act by which such an idea is to be sanctioned. 

" It may be in the course of a very short time, that this fund will be 
indispensably necessary to save our citizens from heavy taxation, and 
I shoidd never forgive myself, if by yielding to your instructions, I did 
an act which produced "a serious injury to the people who have so 
long honored rac with their confidence." 

The following extract from a work entitled "THE TEXT; OR, 
PARTIES TR IFD BY IlIEIR ACTS, " published in Philadelphia, 
m 1843, gives the argument in favor of Distribution, in a nut shell. — 
We quote from page 12 :^ 

" Besides the equity and consequent obligations of the case, there 



DISTRIBUTION OP THE LAND FUNDS, &C. 131 

are four cogent political and eminently practical reasons, which urge 
distribution In some form. 1. The States are but integral parts of a 
whole— the Union. If the parts are weak, the whole is weak ; and if 
the parts are strong, the whole is strong. The interests of the parts 
cannot be disjoined from those of the whole. 2. In the Federal Con- 
stitution, the States have relinquished the right of collecting revenue 
from imposts, and it is vested in the United States. This will naturally 
be regarded as conferring some obligations on the United States to be 
at least considerate and A'mf/ towards the States in iheir needs, when 
in danger of being driven to direct ta\-ation for want of this power, and 
to help them if diey can without violating the Constitution. 3. It 
will always be felt, and we think with truth and justice, and felt more 
and more, that it vvas the action of tlie Federal Government, which 
brought the indebted States and other parties, and the countiy gener- 
ally, into these difficulties. Hence arises the obligation to render assis- 
tance, when it can be done in a proper and Constitutional way. 4. 
The importance of rescuing the tariff system from the fluctuating in- 
fluence of an ever shifting land revenue, and the practical evils result- 
ing from tliis connexion, would seem suflicient to make it better io give 
away the public lands, than to have such a disturbing cause for ever 
acting on the Tariff policy. Once dispose of this agitating question, 
and let the General Government depend on a Tariff for support, we 
may then hope for a permanent and unifcrm system of revenue and 
iinance." 



CHAPTER XL 



THE SUBTREASXTRV KCIIEME 



So much has l)een already •'^aid in reference to tliia scheme that 
nothing niore tlian a cursory view — a mere ovtli/ie of llie f^chcme will 
be presented in this chapter. It is an iniquitous, selfish , narrow-minded, 
part.izan Executive measure, intended for the benefit of ofike-holders, 
and the oppression of tlie people. 

No advocate of the cmrency scheme, to our knowledge, has yet had 
the hardihood to pretend that it will relieve tlie pecuniary distress of the 
country. No — all the merit claimed for it, by its friends, is that it pro- 
videa for the safe keepinrr and disbursement of the public monies. It 
18 the third and last, of three miserable experiments by Messrs. Jackson 
and Van Buren, in their attempts to regulate the currency, and to fur- 
,ni8h the country a sound circulaiing medium. The first experiment 
was by Dr. Jackson, who undertook to furnish an exclusive metalic 
currency. This experiment failed, to all intents and purposes, and the 
country has less gold and silver in it now, than when this humbug com- 
menced. The second experiment was a resort to State banks; and 
this, too, signally failed. Our readers are aware that State banks were 
multiplied, and that their issues became abundant; but the paper of 
these institutions depreciated in the hands of the holders, and some of 
the States have even repudicUed the debts t!M;\ created to get capital to 
bank upon! We need only refer to the ru,a k many of the Georgia 
banks — the ruinous discount at which Alabama money is got oft'-— and 
the repudiation of Mississippi State Bonds— Locofoco States and Loco- 
foco measures. The third experimeiit, is the Sub-Treasury scheme, 
which was in operation from the issuance of Treasury Notes by Con- 
gress in 1837, till the repeal of the infamous law, by a Whig Congress 
in 1841. 

The subjoined extract, touching the nature and object of the Sub- 
Treasury scheme, is from tlie speech of Mr. Clay, when the bill was 
under consideration in the Senate chamber, and gives the true features 
of the system : 

" And now allow me to examine, and candidly and carefully con- 
sider, the remedy which this bill offers to a suffering People for the un- 
paralleled distresses under which they are writhing. I will first analyze 



THE SITRTREASUIIV SCIIEIME. ] 33 

and investigate it as ils riiVn(]^ and a'.l^ ocnlos icpresent it. What is it? 
^Vhat is this nicasiiro, wiiicli Jias so long and so deeply agitatgd this 
country, imdcr the various denominations of Sub-Treasury, Indepen- 
dent Treasury, and Divorce of the State from Banks? 'Wiiat is it? 
IjCt us define it truly and clear!}'. lis vdiolc principle consists in an 
exaction from the People of sirrir. in paymeiU of all their duties and 
dues to Government, and 'intiit of .v-). ■•,''' ]>y the Govern- 

jnent, in payment of all s;ii > ■;" (ill \]\t^ civdiiors of the Govern- 

ment. This is its simple aiui entire principle. Divest the bill under 
consideration of all its drapers and paraphernalia, this is its naked, un- 
varnished, and uucx " principle, according to iis own friends. 
This exclusive use (- i all receipts and payments of the Go- 
vernment, it is true, is iio; !o be instantaneously enforced; but that is 
the direct and avowed aim and object of the measure, to be accom- 
plished gradually, but in the short space oi a little more than three 
years. The twenty-eight sections of the bill, with all its safes,' and 
vaults, and bars, and bolti., aivd rcc2i'v(Mv;-!T;i'",-,!l, and examiners, have 
nothing Q?iore nor lcr.< in -\ ' if specie from the Peo- 
ple, and the subsequen; di: ■ among the officers of 
the Government and (he creditors of the Government. It does not 
touch, nor profess to touch, the actual currency of the country. It 
leaves the loorJ Iianks v/here it found them, unreformed, uncontrolled, 
unchecked iu ail tlieir operations. It is a narrow, selfish, heartless 
measure. It turns away from the People, and abandons them to their 
hard inexorable fate; leaving them exposed to all the pernicious conse- 
quences of an unsound currency, utterly irregular and disordered ex- 
changes, and ihe greatest derangement, in al! I>risiness. It is worse ; it 
aggravates and perpetuates the very e\ ils wliich the Government will 
not redress; for by tlie going into the marl-rcf, and creating a new and 
additional demand for specie, it cripples and (■isables the State banks, 
renders tJiem incapable of furnishin;:; to the People which a 
parental Government is bound to e\- energies and powers to 
afibrd. The divorce of the State fron:: rm : -li its friends boast, 
is not the only separation which it makes- ,r:;!ioa of the Go- 
vernment from the constiluency — a disunion oi ;;)e interests of the ser- 
vants of the People from the inlcrcots of the People. 

This bill, then, is wholly incommesurate with the evils under which 
the country is suffering. It leaves tiiem not only altogether unprovided 
for, but aggravates ihem. It carries no word of cheering hope or 
encouragement to a depressed People. It leaves their languishing busi- 
«ess in the same state of hopeless discouragement." 

The Sub-Treasury scheme is now called a Republican measure by 
the Democratic parly, and all who oppose it are denounced as Feder- 
alists, when, but a few years ago, as we shall sliow, it was denounced 
by that party as a federal measure. Thus it will be seen, that whatever 
they advocate, however fedeml it may be, their defence of it jnakes it 
purely RepiMican! And whatever measure the Whigs advocate, 
however Republican if mav be, bv llioir defence of it. it beromes a 
*«deral mea=nre ' 



134 THE SUBTREASUUY SCIIEiME. 

When Gen. Gordon, of Virg-inia, first inlroduced the Sab-Treasury 
scheme into Congtess, it was opposed by ncarl}^ the entire Locofoco 
party, and the following is the opinion expressed of its merits, by the 
Albany Argus, the great exponent of New York Democratic princi- 
ples : — 

" The germ of the Sul:) Treasury system is founded in a report of 
Alexander HamiUon [that great federalist,] to Congress in 1790. It 
was not a Republican measure then; on the contrary, it was denovmced 
by the friends of the Administration, the professed followers of Jeffer- 
son, snd by those, too, who are now so vociferous in its ftivor." 

The organ of Virginia Democracy, the Richmond Enquirer, thus took 
off the sub-Treasury scheme, when President Van Burcn first proposed 
it:— 

" We have objected to the Sub-Treasury system, so called, that in 
tlie first place, it w^ill ENLARGE the E xe entice power ^ already TOO 
GREAT for a Republic ; 2dly, that it contributes to endanger \\.\e.secu- 
ritij of the public funds — and 3dly, that it is calculated to produce two 
currencies ; a baser one for the people, and a better one for the Govern- 
ment. The more we reflect on the matter, the more tt^e read the 
speeches of the orators on l^oth sides, the more firmly are Ave satisfied 
of the STRENGTH of these objections. THERE is NO security IN 
IT, and it will involve HEAVY and unnecessary expense.'^ 

In 1834, when Gen. Gordon had proposed this scheme, the Washing- 
ton Globe newspaper, the true exponent of genuine Jacksonian Democ- 
racy, thus discoursed upon the hetrodoxi/ of the measure — read it 
Democrats, and wonder ! 

" The proposition [the Sub-Treasury] is DISORGANIZING and 
REVOLUTIONARY, submersive of the fundamental principles of 
our government, and its entire practice from 1789 down to this day. It 
is as palpable as the sun, that the effect of the [Sub Treasury] scheme 
would be to bring the public treasure much nearer the actual ' custody 
and control of ihe President' than it is now, and expose it to be plun- 
de)'ed by a hundred hands, where one cannot now reach it !" 

We will now show what a " dlstin^-uishcd De7nocrat'*' thought of 
this '■^ plant of foreign groirth,^'' in 1830, when it had been suggested 
by Gen. Gordon, and discussed in the Congress of the United States. 
Gen. Jackson — who, all will allow, is good Z>e;?/C6'r«^ft' authority — thus 
noticed the scheme in his Message to Congress, of Oct., 183G : — 

" To retain public revenue in the Treasury, unemployed, in any 
way is impracticable. It is considered against the genius of our free 
institutions to lock up in the vaults the treasures of the nation. Such 
a treasure wonld, doubtless, be employed at some time, as it has been 
in other countries, wheii oppo)'tunity tempted ambitiofi.^' 

" It is gratifying to reflect, however, that the credit given by the Gov- 
ernment, whether to Bank paper or Bank agents, has been accompanied 



THK SUnTREASURY SCHEME 135 

by smaller losses in the expcricnctNS luicler (he system of Slate Banks, 
ill thJs coujitry, at their worst periotis, ami under their severest calami- 
ties, than any other kind of credit the Government has ever given in 
relation to its pecuniary transactions," 

Levi WooDBcrRv, President Jackson's Secretary of the Treasur}^, 
and now a Democratic Senator in Congress, in his Report for Oct., 
1835, against a Sub-Tressury, and in favor of State Banks, as deposi- 
tories for the pidjlic funds, says : — 

^' INDIVIDUAL AGENTS WOULD PROBABLY BE FOUND 
LESS RESPONSIBLE, SAFE, CONVENIENT AND ECONO- 
MICAL!" 

In the House of Representatives, on the 1 0th of February, 1835, 
while the bill regulating the Deposits was under consideration, EX- 
GOVERNOR POLK delivered a speech against the Sub-Treasury, 
of which the following is an extract : — 

" Whilst I am up, it may be well to notice some other propositions of 
arueudment, v/hicli the House have been notified will be made to this 
bill, especially as I may not have another opportimity to address the 
House. A gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Gordon] has signified his in- 
tention to move the amendment to this bill which he presented and 
had printed by oj-der of the House some days ago. Tliat amendment 
provides that the ' collectors of the public revenue,' when the amounts 
collected are small, ' shall be agents of the Treasurer, to keep and dis- 
burse the same;' and that tliey shall receive annual compensation. It 
provides, further, that, at places where the amount collected shall be 
large, ' receivers ' shall be appointed, ' to be agents of the Treasurer, to 
keep and disburse the public moneys,' and that they shall be paid an 
annual compensation for their services. The Secretary of the Treas- 
luy, in his Report, has not overlooked the description of personal agency 
here proposed, bat has submitted to Congress h!s views in relation to 
it. He states that ' this kind of personal agency is, in his opinion, to 
be avoided in all practicable and safe cases, under our present system of 
selected Banks ; because it would render the system less convenieHt, 
less secure, and more complex, if not more expensive." * * 

m * % u Unless the States and the United States, should 
both deem it proper, gradually, and in the end entirely, to dispense with 
the paper system, and which result is not anticipated, the Government 
cannot escape occasional losses from that quarter, and can never have to 
escape all losses from Banks as fiscal agents, except by the employment, 
in their place, of other and individual agents, who will probably be 
found less responsible, safe, convenient or economical.' He concedes 
that it would be practicable to employ such agents, but does not recom- 
mend it, for the reasons stated in the paragraphs of the Report which I 
have read, and because it would not, ' in the present condition of things, 
be so elegible a system as the present one.' 

" A corporation may be safer than any individual agent, hov/ever 
responsible he may be, because it consists of an association of individ- 
uals who have thrown together their aggregate wealth, and who are 



]36 Tl: dlTilY SClIErvIE. 

bound in tlvir corp(Hatc <'h;ii:\c!!n-, to (he ex'lent of (lieir whole cnpilal 
stock, lort]ie cl<^|)u:-i(c. lii addiiioii to l]iis,tljc Secro!;viy of the Treas- 
ury n:ay rcxiinro as heavy collaieial scciiiity, in adtiition to their capital 
paid in, from siu-Ii a corporation, as lie could from an individual col- 
lector or receiver, which makes the Government SAFER IN THE 
HANDS OF A BANK THAN IT COULD BE WITH AN IN- 
DIVIDUAL. 

It may be well quesfioncd wlielher the heaviest i?ecTiri(y which the 
most wealth.^ individual coidd !;i\c, covild make the public deposite 
safe at tlie point of larsTii coilectiou. hi tlie cily of ^c\v York half the 
revenue is collected. Several millions of p.ublic moncjy may be in the 
hands of a receiver at one lime ; and if he be corrupt, or shall engage 
in specidation or trade, and meet with a i(:>verse of fortune, the loss sus- 
tained by Government woidd be inevitJible. With ample security, as 
it was supposed, the Government lot^t a million or more in the tea cases, 
a few years ago. The losses ia the three cases alone, as already stated, 
in IS27 and 1823, when it was supposed ample cai-e had been taken to 
secure the debt, amounted to near two millions. As, then, the respon- 
sibility of a public receiver and Bank corporations, as Banks do exist, 
and are likely to exist, under Slate authoiity, the latter upon grounds of 
SAFETY TO THE PUBLIC ARE TO BE PREFERRED. 

" Banks, wlien tii ' •, recommend themselves to the service 

of the Treasury for ( i 

" L Tb.o incrnatf^d facility ihoy pr-i-^ess over individual collectors or 
receivers, in making transfers of pu!)]ic money to distant points for dis- 
bursement, without charge to the puldic. Indcetl, tins is a service which 
individuals, to the extent of our large revenues, could not perform^ 

" 2. It may happen ia the ilucruation of the amount of revenne and 
expenditnn^- t!::.f, !;]■■)." w^' h\ r-.i s-me ti!;i.".-', a c(vosid(M-able surplus 
inthoTi. :.\ ! ■ i -iniwi.u-y, ii' i^ be with- 

drawn fr:t; ..i .'. ^ •■■> -iiu : I'iiK <i\ a T'^ceiver, the 

amount of cjrculaiioii V. ill \xi iujuii' . i i^i :!i;b(-d, hy hoarding the 
Deposits, by which the vah;e of e\ei\ .■[-' : [ ' .u' i}ieicliandize and prop 
erty would l)e iiiiected. So that, inasiimch as v/e caimot anticipate or 
estimate what the exact amount of revenue may be from year to year, 

fhore may occur an excessof revenue in t!ie Tn^asury, not immediately 
railed for to be disbiu'sed, whicii would be xcry inconvenient to abstract; 
from trade and circvdation. Whilst the Deposite is in Bank, the Bank 
may use it, and it is not withdrawn from the general circulation, as so 
much money hoarded and withdrawn from the use of the community. 

" If in the hands of receivers, they must cither hoard it, by keeping 
it locked up in a strong box, or use it at their own risk in private specu- 
lation or trade, or they must, for their own responsibility, place it at leaslj 
on deposit in Banks for safe keeping, until they are called on by the 
Government for it. 

" This temporary use of the money on deposit in a Bank, consti- 
tutes the only compensation which the Bank receives for the risk oil 
iseeping it, and for the services it pcrfojnis. li' receivers be employed^, 



THE SUBTllEASURY ^CIIEiME. 137 

they can pciform no other service than to keep the money, and must be 
paid a cojnpensation from the Treasury." 

At this time, every one of these papers and pohticians, call the Sub- 
Treasury a Repuhlicaii measure, and call the Whigs Federalists because 
they oppose it. Ex-Governor Polk, it is well known to the people of 
Tennessee, is at this hour [June, 1843,] advocating the Sub Treasuiy 
on the stuinp, in opposition to a National Bank, and expects to be run 
on the ticket with Van Buren for the Vice Presidency ! And what 
opinion does M:r. Van Buren entertain of the measure ? Why, he ex- 
tolled it to the skies, in his message to Congress, after it had been in 
operation one year — said that it had been adopted "by twenty two out 
of twenty-seven foreign governments," where, as here, he said it had 
" worked well !" Now, reader, allow us to risk you, and do us the 
the kindness, alid yourself the justice to answer — what reliance can be 
placed in a party, or a set of party leaders, who change their tests of 
Republicanism almost every year ? What reliance can a person pu t 
in a party which makes men who have never changed, nt one time 
Republicans, aJnd at another time Federalists 7 

The very derivation itself, of the term Sub-Treasury, shows it to be 
a Federal measure. Suh signifies under, and the Sub-Treasury sys- 
tem means a system under the management of the Treasurer of the 
United States ; and the Treasurer being under the President, the sys- 
tem consequently gives to the President the people's purse. 



IS 



CHAPTER XII. 



A CAM1ID STATEMENT OF THE FACTIOUS CONDUCT OF THE " IMMORTAl, 
TIUUTEF.N " SENATORS OF THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE, IN K.EFU- 

SFNG TO ELECT UNITED STATES SENATORS TO WHICH IS ADDED A 

HISTORY OF THE ELECTION OF SENATORS TO CONGRESS, IN TENNE-S- 
SEE FROrH 'TOE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE DOWN TO THE 

PRESENT DATE ALSO, POLK's ENDORSEMENT OF THIS TILE AND 

REVOLUTIONARY CONDUCT — WITH CONCLUDING REMARKS, &C. 



The histoiy of American Legislation fornislies no casein wliich the ,. 
will of the People has been so grossly oiUraged, as in the flagitious 
conduct of the faithless and factious " lmmortal thirteen " inipiac- 
licable and destmctive Senators in the late Legislature of Tennessee, in 
d -feating llie election of United States Senators. This gross outrage, 
too, upon the laws, usages, honor, and constitution, was inflicted by men 
prqfessifig to bow with calmsul^mission to the will and wishes of the 
l^eople— by i\ forsworn faction of the self styled Democracy of the 
Slate— the ardent lovers and friends of the " dear People ! " 

For the parlicidars of the hypocrisy, intrigue, and outrageous con- 
duct, of the liocofoco party in the Legislature of this Stale, on th s 
subjcrt, we call the attention of thereader to an editorial we wrote about 
that time and published in the Jonesborongh Whig, of February 9th, 
1842. Thisarticle embodies all the material facts in the case, and isi* 
the " follow ing vrords and figures, to-wit : " — 

[From the Jonesborongh Whig of February 9th 1842.] 
" KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE "—That after a long and 
animated contest in TcMuiessee, for Oovernor and members of the 
rJen<M-a1 Asscmlilv, in whic'n the party lest was fairly and fully made, 
the Whigs succeeded in ekrliuga Ooxcnu.r, by a majority of more than 
three tJwumnd votes, and upon joint ballot, tliey had a majority of tiro 
in the Legislature. 

Keep it before, the People— Vu^xV iliissaiiu> Sial.^ •' - s then, as it is 
now,without"Senators in Congrr^., b<MMg ^^ll(.lly u,.; -r.snnted in the 
National Legislatm-e-that the partv iu ihe majority m the General 
Assembly as well as throughout the State— made repeated eflorts to go 
inm the election of Senators, but were as often defeated by the reckless, 
disorganizing minority, calling themselves Democrats. 

Keep it before the Pco/;/c— That after the real sovreigns, of one Sabi 
TruNEY'a District, five hundred of, a majority of whom arcAVhigs. 



THE SENATOKTAt O.rESTION, &.C. 



139 



iustructcd him to vote ia llie Senate, to bring on the election of Senators, 
lie rekictanfly clone .so, nnd thereby the so called Deniorralic majority 
of that liody'was overcome, and the election was ordered to be held on 
a certain day. 

Keep it before the People — That when the appointed day arri\ed, 
and the Whig Senators started into the Hivll of the House, accompanied 
by this aforesaid Tmney, every oilier Senator of the J iOcofoco sirii)e, 
remained in their cliamlit-r and uilcily rej'dsed to join tlu^ Honse, ami a 
maiority of (heir own body, in electing Senators to Congress, bt-cavise, 
forsooth, they conld not elect two men wlio would iiihrepre^teut the 
wishes oi tire General Assembly, and of a n^,ajoiity of the people of the 
State. 

Keep it before tlte People — That the Convention ef the two b.onses. 
repeatedly sent the doordceeper into the Senate chamber after these dis- 
org;mizer"s, apprising them of their readiness to discharge an obligation 
iuiposed npon them ]>y their oaths, and by the Constitution of 
Tennessee, and inviting their co-operation — but these rebellious vagrant.s, 
Q3 repeatedly returned them insulting verbal and written answers. 

Keep it before the People — TJiat when the House attempted to 
organize, and with the majority of the Senators, who liad consented lo 
GU election, proceed to business, some twenty odd other disorgnnizers, 
members of the House, gathered their hats and canes, and left the Hall 
— crossed over into the Senate chamber — ;joined those spirits of the 
same kidney — took other by the hand, hmghed and sneered — thus 
breaking the quorum, and defeating the wishes of the people. 

Keep it before tlie People— 'Ylmt this disgraceful scene was acted 
over, and over again, four days together, widiont efiecting an election — 
and that, besides, this same ])nrty caused twelve other days to be con- 
sumed in die discussion of tins question, in all sixteen days, at an 
expense to the State of six hundred dollars per day, making the round 

Bum of NINE THOUSAND SIX HUNDRED DOLLARS ! 

Keep it before the People — That die perpetrators of this foul deed 
took the ground, from first (o last, that there was no express law ef 
ike State requiring lie convention of the two Houses to elect Senators, 
though it had been the custom of the State, as it has been of every Stale 
in the Union, from time immemoiial. 

Keep it before the People — That the aforesaid Tmney, a Locofoco 
representing a Whig district, and under instructions from his consdtuents, 
introduced a bill in the Senate, wdiere las party had a majority of one, 
to enact die necessary law to" convene the two houses, hoping, in tlie 
absence of one Whig, that the bdl would be lost, though he sliould 
himself vote for it — but that Senator reiurning to his post, very unex- 
pectedly Tumey bolted mid voted against his oini bill ! 

Keep it before the People — That diis same General Assembly 
adjourned, after a session of four months, wddiout electing United 
States Senators — diatdie same set met in Extra Session since, and again 
utterly refused to elect Senators to Congress — and that this State is 
unrepresented in that body, and must so remain at least for a while, f=ny 



140 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION, &C. 

toll the People ai the approaching August election, tend honest men to 
Nashville to legislate. 

Keep it before the People — Tliat such an outrage has never been 
comnjittcd in any State in the Union, since the organization of this 
Government — and that, beside the reckless Locofoco papers of this 
State, the Globe^ the most venal and prostituted sheet in'America, is the 
only paper, of any party which has dared to advocate the conduct of 
these " thiiteen Senators," and their kindred spirits in the House. 

Keep it before the People — That this dastardly and de^^-adingly 
revolutionary conduct, is the conduct of the enemies of freedom and 
the friends of despotism, in its most hideous forms — and that all who 
were concerned therein, deserves the scorn, contempt and .everlasting 
hatred of all honest men, and under their lashes sliould be made to 
writhe the remainder of their days. 

Keep it before the People — That however much these miscreants 
may quibble, or try to excuse themselves, they are guilty of the violation 
of their oaths — of the State constitution, and of the most barefaced 
treachery and that the election of any such men, in future, would be 
one of the greatest curses that could fall upon any people. 

We next propose to give a history of the electlou of Senators to 
CongTCfis, from Tennessee, for a period of Forty five years — and wo 
beg the reader, of whatever politics — and a candid and impartial Pub- 
lic, to arraign these ardcntlovers of the People, the Laws and Corjoiitu- 
tion,and see with what jo/ea they justify such conduct — snch revolution- 
ary^ high-handed, factious, destructive conduct. 

The public are called upon to bear in mind, that from die veiy 
earliest period of Tennessee's existence as a State, her Legislature 
elected Senators to Congress, by a joint vote of both Houses in 
Convention assembled. Li this way and in no piher, tlia Journals of 
each Session shows, — 

1. Joseph ? Anderson, elected in 1798. 

2. Daniel Smith " 179 7^ 

3. Joseph Anderson ic-elected 180^- 

4. Daniel Smith, " ISO^. 

5. Jenkin Whiteside, elected 1809. 

6. Joseph Anderson, re-elected 180^' 

8. G. W. Campbell, elected ISll- 

7. G.W.Campbell, re-elected 1SI6. 

9. John Williams, elected i8l5 

10. John Williams, re-elected 1817 

11. John H. Eaton, elected 1819. 
vice Campbell 

12. John H.Eaton, re-elected 1821. 

13. Andrew Jackson " 1823. 
vice Williams. 

14. Hugh L. White, " 1825. 
vice Jackson (by a unanimous vote.) 



THE SENATORIAT, QUESTION, &C. 



141 



In. Hugh L. White, re-elected 1S29. 

16 Felix Gmndy, elected IS??*^ 

r John H. Eaton, J^^J- ) 

J Felix Gkimdy, ^^^ • ^ 

/ Eph. H. Foster, 18310 
■voted for in Convention thirty times and no election. 

17. Felix Grundy, re-elected 1833- 

18 HuE^h L. Wliite, re-elected 1835. 

19. Ephraim H Foster, " 1837. 

20 Felix Grundy, Nov. 19. IWi. 

vice Foster. , ^ , , 1000 

21, Felix Grundy, Dec. 14, li^oJ. 
vice Grundy, resigned. 

22. Alexander Anderson, Jan. 9, J MU. 
vice White. 

Here then gentle reader, are TWENTY TWO Legislative elections 
ofUnited States Senators, since the organization of our State,— ei-cry 
one —without a sohtary exception, being by Joint Ballot of the two 
Houses, giving us a practice of Forty-five ijears—ihe usage of this, and 
all other States, the sanction of the United States, ever since the forma- 
tion of the General Government, and the sanction 'of such finmesn^ 
George Washington Campbell, John Williams, JohnH. Eaton, 
Andrew Jackson, Hugh L. White, Felix Grundy, andEpHRAiM 
H. Foster! 

But what other authority ? Why in addition to this, the Whig 
party, who contend for electing Senators in the old way, have the 
Comtitution on their side, positively requiring: tie Legislatures of the 
different States, to elect United States Senators. Let the reader 
examine for himself: 
Art. n. 3. 
« 1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two 
Senators, from each State, chosen by the Legislatures thereof/or «r 
years: " 

2 " And if vacancies happen by resignation, ox olhcrmsc, during 
the recess of the Legislature in any State, the Executive thereof, may 
make temporary appointments untill the next meeting of the Legisla- 
ture, Wkkh SHALL then FILL SUCH VACANCIES. " 

Sect. IV. 

"1. The times, places and manner of holding the elections for 
Senators and Representative shall be prescribed in each State, by 
the Legislature thereof. " 

What candid Democrat, what candid man of any party, witli these 
facts before his eyes, can approve the conduct of these revolutionary 
disorga}iizers9 No candid man, or honest politician will do it. But 
James K. Polk, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Teuuessee, 



144 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION. &C. 

very recently, in an extraordinary onissik', being- an an^^^ver to what arc 
known in this State, by the title of tlu' " .Mciiiph is Interrogatories, " 

COMPLETELY ^\NU FL'LLY KNT)ORSED THE CONDUCT 01' -J'nE " THIR- 
TEEN, " tOUching" this subject! His answer occupies nine colurnyts 
in the "Memphis Appeal; " and in liis answer to the last interrogatory, 
he SHOULDERS the responsibility, in effect acknowledging that HE led 
in that outrage! Hear his own words: — 

" Our practice has been to elect (Senators) b-y joint hdlot. in other 
States a dillbrent mode has been adopted, and in some of them the 
practice lias been to choose by the concurrent vole of the two Houses 
— each House acting in its seperate and distinct Lc'sisldtirc cJiaractci\ 
as it does in passing laws or performing any other Legislative act. 
Senators elected in each of thes modes liave been pcrmilted tu ake their 
seats and serve as such — no consutulional question as to the " manner " 
of their election, so far as I know, having been raised. I think then in 
the absence of a Legislative provision prescribing the " manner " that 
it rests in the sound discretion of each House of the 'Le<yi:iJaturc^ to 
select the tnode or nianher^ ■wliich in its judge nient ■\rill. subserve the 
public interestl Tha niodohy concwrent vote oj' each House is con- 
cededly constitutional, and if by insisting upon it as the preferable 
mode — that be the only means of. efiecling a great public good, or 
preventing a great public injmy — such as preventing the election of 
persons to the Senate of the United States who CONCEAL THEHl 
OPINIONS upon pu^ic subjects interesting to the people, and m ho 
refuse to make them known, or to say whether they admit or den}. :.:. 
right of instruction, when respectfuhy interrogated upon these points by 
any portion of the constituent body. In sucli cases, or similnr, I hold 
that either branch of the Legislature, would not only bo JUSTIFIED 
in adhering, but it would be due to the rights of their constituents whose 
interests w^pre to be deeply afiected that they SHOULD ADHERE TO 
THE ^.lANNER, by which these rights would be protected and 
prese rvrd/' 

That the Public may kn">\v who the "THiRTEEN'\arcand be enabled 
to hold them up to the g;!::^*, scorn and contempt, of all honest and 
honorable men, we prescni, ilieir names, with their respective counties 
annexed, in bold relief. Honest men of all parties, understanding the 
facts in the refusal of the "thirteen" to elect Senators, must regard their 
conduct as the grosest outreige upon the rights of the people, ever per- 
petrated in a civilized country, especially by the minority of a Legisla- 
tive body. Most of these men are now candidates before the very 
people whose rights they have trodden under foot, for re-election, but 
whether they are to be rebuked or sustained, remains to be seen on the 
3id of August next. We appeal to to the Republican in heart — not 
in word — tothe-lionest lovers of represcntstive rights, of all parties — to 
stand forth and show to the authors of this outrage upon the rights of 
tlie Mu-VJORITY of the people and their representatives, that such 



Tlin SEXATOUIAL QUES TiOX, &C . 



143 



coiuUiCb will not be toleratod. We appeal to dispassionate men, men 
who love their country, and desire their country's good, to set their 
faces against such outkiifs as are presented wiihin tliese black Imcs : 



^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 



SastBsse? Tiia'Biey, of TVhite County. 
jr. F Slardwicke, of Dickson County. 
1^, M. liai^^liSiii, of Warren County. 
T. J. MatlliCWS, of Laurence County. 
AsTJjIrciV J'ohBisoiBj of Greene County. 
aSfi-chard Warwcr, of Bedford County, 
^T' T. Moss, of Lincoln County. 
Sacklield Maclill, of Fayette County. 
.fohn f.^ockj m\\\e\% of McMh; County. 
R«l)ei't ^^ Powell, of Carter County. 
Barkiey ]?IarU8i, of Maury County. 
Jolm \. CJarcliier, of Weakly County. 
Richai'd "WattcaiBOiisc, of Rhea County. 



There are one or more topics, connected with this grave question, 
upon which we desire to make a passing remark or so, and then we are 
done with the snliject, at least for the present. The only pretext for this 
revolutionary conduct, and unprecedented outrage, are, first, that Messrs. 
Foster & Jarxaoin, who were understood to be the Whig candidates, 
or rather we should say, the choice of the Whig party in the State, 
refused to answer the insulting and inquisitorial (picslion propounded to 
them, by these " Black Knighls ; " and next, it is urged that tlic Whig 
members of the Legislature refused to " compromise," and elect a 
Senator from the ranks of each political party, wdiich the " thirteen" 
would have agreed to, without an avowal of opinions from cithcf ! As 
to those who put the questions to Messrs. Foster & JaMagin, it was well 
understood by them, that they were detemuacd to vote against them; that 
they did not ask for their opinions in good faith — they having learned 
iheir opinions on the stump, as they had just canvassed the whole State 



144 THE SENATORIAL QUESTION, &C. 

and tliat neither these g-entlemen or their friends expected or desired 

them to vote for them, or in any way promote their election to the U. 
States Senate. This pretext, then, for thirteen members having 
controlled eighty-seven others, in that they prevented an election, falls 
to the ^lound, as flimsy and unworthy the senmis consideration of 
honest men. 

As to the proposition for a " cow^rwwVe," the Kke never was heard 
of before in the State, till a resolution to this effect was introduced by Mr. 
Laughlin, and amended by Mr. Waterhouse. (See Senate Journal, 
page 709-'10.) And the inconsistency of these men will appear, when 
it is seen, by examining their resolution, that they proposed to elect one 
Senator from the Whig party, and one from the Democratic party, 
without requiring them to answer any questiom, from any source! — 
Beside the Whig party had carried the State in the Presidential election 
the year before, by a majority of TWELVE THOUSAND, and 
again, in a fiercely contested battle, the prece6ding August, they had 
elected a Whig Governor, by a majority of more than TlHREE 
THOUSAND, and upon joint ballot, they had a majority in the 
Legislature — hence, they were entitled to both Senators or hone. 

But in concluding this chapter, we propose to show, that these 
'• Black Knl^hts,''^ in censuring the silence of Messrs. Foster «fc Jama- 
gin, condemn the doctrine taught by their great leader, Martin Van 
BuREN. In a letter to Shen-od Williams, dated April 20th, 1836, Mr. 
Van Buren says : — 

" The duty of a candidate for the suffrages of the people to answer 
in full all enquiries made by an elector undetermined as to his course, 
and scckirnj:, in good faith, infdrmation as to the opinions of the can- 
didate, toucliing the appropriate duties of the office to be filled, is one 
which I cheerfully acknowledge and will upon all occasions faithfully 
discliarge. 

" The rights of an elector, on the other haml, who has already 
determined to oppose the individual to whom his enquiries are addressed 
and who makes them wit! i the sole view of exposing, at his own time, 
and in the mode Jia may select, the opinions of iJtc candidate to 
unfrieiidh/ crilicism, and lite candidate himself to prejudice in the 
estimation of portions (f his fellow-citizens, stand in my judgment, 
UPON A DIFFERENT FOOTING. To such enquiries, I hold the candidate 
to be at liberty to REPLY OR NOT, as justice to his countiy, and to 
his own character may in his opinion dictate.-' 

After introducing the foregoing extract, in an article on this same 
sul)ject, the Roiwublican Banner, justly remarks: — 

"Now what are the facts as to the interrogatories propounded to 
Messrs. Foster and .Tarnn ;in ? It is well known ihat those who put the 
questions were "already delcrinined to oppose " their election— that 



THB SENATORIAL QUESTION, «fcC- 145 

they did not seek information *in g^ood faith' — that the opinions of Messrs. 
Foster and Jarnagin, who had just canvassed the whole State, were 
well known — that the " sole view " of the intenog'atoi's was to " expose, 
at their own time, and in tlie mode they mig'ht select, the opinions " of 
Messrs. F. and J. " to unfriendly criticism " and those g-entleraen 
themselves " to prejudice in the estimation of portions of their fellow- 
citizens." So regarding the inquisitorial questions put to tiiem, tlie 
insult of which was heightened by a threat to prevent the election 
unless they would answer, they had the right to " REPLY OR NOT " 
as they chose." 

0' Locofoco prints still designate Messrs. Foster and Jarnagin as 
" dumb candidates." Why more so than Messrs. Nicholson and Polk ? 
Mr. Nicholson was confessedly a " candidate," and Mr. Polk will hardly 
deny that his friends earnestly sought to make him Senator; yet, neither 
of these gentlemen answerecf the interrogatories propounded. One of 
the ^' thirteen," openly confessed Mr. Nicholson a candidate in his place 
in the Senate — where is there to be found such evide)ice that Messrs. 
Foster and Jarnagin were candidates ? 

" The inicrrogatGries will be proposed to Mr. NicJwlson^^^ boldly 
exclaimed Mr. Senator Ro^s ; " it was not the object to arraign and try 
any particular indiviekjal." 

indeed ! Then why did not Mr. Nicholson amimr ! Why attempt 
to " arraign and try" Messrs. Foster and Jarnagin, and at the same time 
suffer Mr. Nicholson to escape ; for precisely the same omission ? Do 
our. opponents expect any advantage from sueh'open hUmbuggery ? — 
Whig Banner^ 



m 



CHAPTER XIII. 



THE BANKRUPT LAW-A DEMOCRATIC MEASURE-EVIDENCE OP THE FACT 

From first to last, we have advocated, with whatever of abihty we 
possessed, tliis humane law— this beneficent and judicious act of le- 
gislation. A law, we scruple not to say, which is indispensable in all 
civilized governments. Moreover, among <he Whig editors in Ten- 
nessee, wc alone took the field in defence of this law. We did it pre- 
vious to the Presidential election— we did it after the law -\\ as passed at 
the extra session of Congress, and we have continued to advocate the 
measure, even since its repeal. 

We never availed ourselves of the benefits of the law, and never in, 
tended to do so, though urged to it by several estimable friends. Our 
liabilities are greater than we can meet, but they are not our own— 
they are security debts, and m justice we might have become an appli- 
cant for the benefit of this law. We have advocated the law, then, 
not from iiitercst^hwi ixom principle , as indeed we have all other lead- 
ing measures of the day, which we have discussed. 

We profess not to have a heart callous to every generous sympathy 
of human nature, and therefore, we have constantly appeared in 
defence of this compassionate measure ; next, we have gone for it on 
Scriptural grounds. The doctrine of forgiving debtors^ was a part of 
the religion of the Old Testament, as it is also of the New. From 
time immemorial, debtors have been '^ dischcuged" from their liabih- 
ties at stated periods. God himself first proclaimed a " Uniform Sys- 
tem of Bankruptcy'' for the government of his peculiar and favorite 
people, the Jews ; and not only did the Prophets of old teach the prin- 
ciples oif this beneficent law, but Christ and his Apostles enforced its 
precepts. 

The truth is, that the 1 5th chapter of the book of Deuteronomy, is 
nothing more or less than the Jewish Ikaikrupt Law, difiering only in 
its phraseology from the late law of Congress. That was called the 
f^ sabaticalycarof release : ours is called the year of discharges from 
liabilities, <^^c. The first provision of this Mosaic law of bankruptcy 
is in these words* — 

" At the end of every seven years thou shalt make a release. And 



THE BAKRUPT LAW, &C. 14T 

tliig is the manner of the release : every creditor that lendetli aught unto 
Ilia neighbor shall release it ; he shall not exact it of his neighbor, or 
of his brother ; because it is called the Lord's release." 

Heic it will be seen, tliat what our law terms a certificate of discharge ^ 
the law of Moses called " the Lord's release ! " 

The next provision of the .lewisli law worthy of particular notice, is 
at the 7th and Sth verses, and is in these words : — 

" If there 1:)e among you a poor man of one of thy brethren, within 
any of thy gates in thy land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou 
Rhalt not harden thy heart,, norsliut thine hand from thy poor brother: 
But thou shalt open thine hand wide unto him and thou shalt surely 
lend him suFFicrENT for his need, in that which he wanteth." 

This section of God's ancient Bankrupt Law, like the late law of 
Congress, provided for the setting apart, by an Assignee^ whatever was 
deemed necessary for tlie comfort and support of die family of the 
Bankrupt 

But the length to which the principles of the Bankrupt Law wero 
carried, under the Old Testiiment dispensation, was such, that it waa 
absolutely a maxim among the ancient people of God, that no man 
should lie down in his bed at night, without forgiving the liabilities of 
his neighbor — without a willingness to rise up in the morning rub out 
and begin anew ! There was no such thing as objecting to the petition 
of a Banknipt in those days: and in this respect that law was superior 
to ours, in the present day. 

Oar adorable Saviour, in his universal prayer, which involves the 
compass of our intercourse with God, and which may w^ell be denomina- 
ted an assemblage of doctrinal perfection, embodies the spirit and prin- 
ciples of a Unifonn System of Bankruptcy , is the spirit and principles 
on which tdone men can expect their final discJiarge from the bondage 
of sin and death. The petition is in these words — "And forgive us our 
debts as we forgive our debtors. " Some learned Commentators say, 
-that this petition should be rendered /orijiY-e us our debts; for we for- 
give those luho are indebted to us. If this be so, how dare those mem- 
bers of the Church, who rail out against unfortunate B ankrupts, pray 
thus to God and tell him a downright lie ? Other learned Commenta- 
tors have thought that the petition implies, " Malvo my forgiveness of an 
unfortunate debtor " the measure of thy forgiveness to me: — with the 
same measure I meet to others let it be measured to me. " Well, how 
do we forgive others? We denounce them as scoundrels, swindlers 
and thieves. We appoint Committees, who report that they should not 
be allowed to hold an official station in the Church ! Well, just so we 
pray that God may deal with us ! We desire no intercourse with a 



14S THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 

Bankmpt neighbor ; we will not credit him for n ninepence : just so we 
pray God to deal with us ! And says our Saviour, dwelling on this 
passage with a peculiar emphasis, — " If ye forgi\'e not men their debts, 
neither will your Father forgive your debts.'''' 

Once more : men who apply to God, through Christ, for a discharge 
from their long and heavy indebtedness to him, ^/'without money 
and without price," and oppose the "/-e/ease" of a fellow mortal, who 
owes them but an inconsiderable amount, m-e very inconsistent. A 
sinner has less wherewith to pay his God the debts, he o^ves him, than 
many of the Bankrupts in this country have to pay off their creditors 
with : if his debts be not forgiven, they must stand charged against 
hij^i forever, as-he is absolutely insolvent; and if the Reverend Attornies, 
who "labor in \vord and doctrine," to obtain a certificate of discharge, 
for the sinner i?ithe High Court of Heaven, were to tax him with such 
fees as are required of Bankrupts here, why. Hell would be his portion. 
But the Bajikrupt law in force, in the GovernnieiV- of God, fortunately 
for the nior^l Bankrupt, transfers the credit.s in his case, from justice 
to mercy. Accojding to the. Gospel plan of Bankruptcy, which is a 
display of the divine perfections, it is only necessar}'- that the sinner 
repent for his indebtedness to God — become 5or?'y for his liabilities, 
and believe in the willingness and ability of his Great^Creditor to forgive 
his debts, and he is at once set at hbertv. But if a poor Bankrupt in 
this country, under the late law of Congress, and especially among a 
portion of the Locpfocos, "repents m sackcloth and ashes," believing 
"with all his heart," in the abihty of his earthly creditor to forgive him, 
he will scarcely let liim have jubilee ! 

[From ilic Tuscaloosa Moniter ] 

- ADVANTAGES OF THE BANKRUPT LAW.— Tiic conso- 
quences that will flow from this benificent and judicioiis act of legislation, 
will, in a few years, prove such as its friends and supporters had in 
view — the release of men from bondage, and a dividend among creditois, 
exceeding, generally, what ihey would otherwise have obtained. That 
many bankaipts, who have availed themselves of the benefit of the 
law, have returned no assets with their petitions, is true, because it was 
their misfortune to be deprived, hy legal process, of all they had, or they 
voluntary surrendered it to their ciedilors. To suppose that a man 
after final prostration, could recover, when old debts, constantly increa- 
sing in amount weic suspended over him, would require a better field 
for gain than this country- at present aJlbids, and more forbearance and 
sympathy on the part of odiers, than tliere is reason to expect. Men 
are not so constituted as to labor freely and (hriitily, when die product, 
of fheir toil, is liable to be swept away for that which has been nobenef t 
to them, l>ut on the contrary, has caused (heir ruin. Such is the char- 
acter of mo«t debts which are exhibited in the schedules of bankrupts 



THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 



149 



Under this view of the case, who can possibly be injured by the 
bankrupt law ? Not creditors, for all is given up to tlieni before the law 
will aflbrd protection to the petitioner : and it is clear that a man, let 
liiaibe ever so honest is powerless, while the chains of debt, that worst 
form of slaver^', are galling him every moment of his life The law 
in question will do much to prevent immorality ; for thousirnds of the 
unfortunate who will now l^e free, would in the absence of such a law, 
have been driven to desperation, and not only destroyed themselves by 
vice, as the easiest mode of ending their troubles, but by the contagion 
of their example would have drawn myriads of youth into the same 
vortex of ruin. There is no aspect in which the bankrupt law can be 
considered but what its tendency is beneficial to both creditors and debt- 
ors. It is time and thought uselessly expended, to moan over tho 
calamities of debt after a man is once its victim. He looks around and 
sees the indifference, nay the cruel delight witli which his situation 
is regarded by a large portion of '.he community. Let him, then 
gather up courage enough to burst his shackles and once restored to 
liberty, he will avoid the malestrom which in its distant circles is scarce- 
ly perceived but as the unhappy voyager goes on, the circles contract 
and gather momentum, until he is aroused to danger, not in time to 
escape, but to witness his own destruction. We say then, it is the 
duty of every man who knows that his debts exceed his means, to 
equare off under the bankrupt law, and if fortune is propitious he will 
be the more able to rend-er justice to his creditors. As to any disgrace 
t(5 a man's character, for having so acted- It is all imaoinar>', We 
know there are some tyrants, misanthropes and ignorant people that 
pretend to look upon the Bankrupt Law with horror, and all those who 
seek its benefits as dishonorable ; but such creatures have as little moral 
influence as their hearts are callous to every generous sympathy of 
human nature — Bankrupts be of good cheer. Bear up steadily under 
yo,ur trials and mortifications ; do not be discouraged. You have ex- 
perience which is better l-o start upon fresh in the w^orld, than a fortune 
without experience. 

[From the Jonesborough Whig of 1842.] 
THE BANKRUPT LAW.— Denunciations of the Bankrupt Law 
16 now the order of the day in East Tennessee, with the Locofoco 
Presses and leaders. Indeed it is their favorite theme, since Ex-Goy. 
Polk opened against it at Rogersville. By raising a great dust on this 
eubject, they hope to effect two objects, first to excite the prejudices 
of the people against the Whigs ; and next, to conceal from public 
gaze, their own political sins. We have, therefore, seated ourself this 
one time more, for the purpose of troubling Democracy on this point, 
which we have it completely in our power to do. And. now for it. 

NUMBER ONE.— In the House of Representatives, in Congress, 
January 3, 1815, Mr. Ingersol, a notorious Locofoco, from the Com- 
mittee on the Judiciary, reported a bill to establish a uniform system, 
of Bankruptcy throughout the United States. 

NUMBER TWO.— On the 5tli day of September, 1837, (extra 
tSessiou) Martin Van Buren, a Democratic President of the United 



150 THE BANKHUPT LAW, SiC. 

xStates, recommended in his Message to botli Houses of Congress, the 
passage of a nnifoi^ni Bankrupt Lau\ to apply in paiticular \o Banlcs 
nnd Bankers! 

NUMBER THREE. -On the 5th of September, 1837. Mr. Van 
Buren's Democratic Secretary of tlie Treasury, mad(^. a report to Con- 
gress, praying the passage of a umform Bankrupt Law, wliich was 
refered to the Connnittee on the Judiciary. 

NUMBER FOUR.— On the 13th day of January, 1840, Mr Nor- 
VELL,a Demacratic Senator from Michigan, moved that the Judiciary 
be instrucred to enquire into the expediency of ' reporting a bill for the 
estabhshment o[ aGermrd Bankrupt Laio. 

NUMBER FIVE.— On the 22iid. of April, 1840, Garret D. Wall, 
a flaming Democratic Senator in Congress, reported certain amendments 
to a Bankrupt Law, from a minority of the Committee, which were 
referred to the Senate's select Connnittee, and reported by Mr. Wallj 
and passed — 21 to 19, and sent to the House. 

NUMBER SIX.— In the Senate, July 23, 1S41, Mr. Nicholson, 
a Democratic Senator from Tennessee, delivered an able speech in 
favor of a uniform system of Bankruptcy, and moved to amend tlie bill 
then pending, by inserting " BANKS AND OTHER CORPORA- 
TIONS, " which motion was lost, by a vote of 34 to 16. 

NUMBER SEVEN.— That great light of Democracy, Coi. 
Richard M. Johnson, late Vice President of the United States, wrote 
and spoke in favor of a General Bankrupt Law. In a letter of his now 
before us, dated, Washington, January 18, 1841, he says speaking of 
such a law, " My opinion is that it tvill j-edound to the honor of our 
country. " 

NUMBER EIGHT.— We now introduce a still gi-eater name, whose 
authority no Democrat dare question — we mean Gen. Jackson. In 
February, 1840, a committee of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives o/' tde Ohio Legislature, invited Gen. Jackson to unite with them 
in llic <cicbration of the ensuing anniversary of American Independence. 
To this invitation. Gen. Jackson replied under date of the 11th of May 
1840, and in allusion to a s\ taem of relief says : 

*' If in addition to this reform of our financial system. Congress would 
at the same time pass a GENERA Li BANKRUPT LAW, by which 
the banks now in existence, or may be hereafter chartered by the States 
would he hound to make an equitahle distribution of their rffncts to 
tlieir creditors, when they refuse to redeem their notes with specie, it 
cannot be doubted that there would be an end to the evils of a depre- 
ciated paper currency. " 

NUMBER NINE.— In the Tennessee Sentinel, a Locofoco 
paper published in Jonesborough, and under the editorial head, of the 
date of February 12, 1842, we find the following bulger : 

" This [the Bankrupt Law] is a measure to which BOTH THE 
WHIG ANDDl'MOCRATIC PARTIES STAND WITH BUT 
FEW EXCEPTIONS OPPOSED. " 



THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 161 

NUMBER TEN.— Two Democtratic Senators in Congress, Messra 
Walker and Willlvms, by their votes, on the 2Sth day of January, 
1842, prevented the repeal of the " odious bankrupt law. " And the 
^'iminortal thirteen.'' in the General Assembly of Tennessee, did the 
same thins?, by obstinately refusing to elect Senators to Congress. 

Xn conclusion— we ask every candid man in the country, who has 
gone for the Bankrupt Law front first to last, and through thick end 
thin? WeaskW/o are responsible for this law, the Whigs or Loco - 
focos? And we ask, in all sincerity, if the present so called Democrat 
ic party, are not the last set of men on earth, who should rail out against 
the law ? Reader, look at i\\& facts in this case as we have given them 
referrino- you to chapter and verse, day and date— and not to the lies 
of desi<niing men. — Hold these " self-evident " truths before the leaders' 
-of Democracy, aiid then " Let the galled jade wince! " 

[From the Nashville Banner.] 

MR. VAN BUREN'S OPINIONS OF A BANKRUPT LAW— 

On the 13th August, 1840, a letter was addressed to Mr. Van Buren, by 
Messrs. S. L. Dantield, Wm. H. Brasher, arid other citizens of New 
York interrogating him as to his opinions with reference to a general 
Bankrupt Law. Extracts from his reply dated Washington, Sept. 14, 
1840, we present below— which fully explain the kinds of law referred 
to, and the positions of the Ex President thereon : 

" The subject, as now pending before the country and as embraced 
in your questions, presents itself in several points of view. 

First, As to a General Bankrupt Law, applicable to bankers and 
traders only. 

Second, As to the propriety of subjecting corporations to its opeta- 
ration; and 

Third, As to the propriety of embracing voluntarily or involuntarily, 
all other classes within its provisions. 

It is anile, the sacred observance of which is indispensible to the well 
being of Society, that Government should never interfere with private 
contracts even when the authority to do so is conferred by the Consti- 
tution, except upon the ground of evident public necessity and then 
with a degree of cautionand circmnspection which shall guard ill an 
effectual manner against fraud and injustice. That occasions may arise 
when those who have the rightful power to interfere, maij do so, and 
are required to do so,bjj a regard for the best interests of the commu- 
nity, THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT. I thought there loas occasion 
for such an interference in 1827, and gave my vote for a general 
Bankrupt Law, applicable to bankers and traders, classes which all 
agree, were intended to be embraced by the clause of the constitution 
relating to this subject. An occasion of at least equal urgency for such 
^ law exists at this time. The embarrassments caused by the pernicious 
expansion of the currency, and the consequent facilities of credit and 
cash enterprises, which have inifortunately characterized tlie last few 
years, are suck as to render an interference of this kind greatly cote- 



152 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 

dubive, IF NOT ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY'! TO THE PUB- 
LIC GOOD. I WOULD THEREFORE HAVE UNHESITA- 
TINGLY, CO-OPERATED AT THE LAST SESSION OF 
CONGRESS, IN THE PASSAGE OF SUCH A LAW, properly 
guarded against frauds, and so framed as to secure to the creditors the 
present estate of tlieir debtors, when the latter were discharged from 
their obUfsations.^'' 



"It would constitute no objection with me, if corporations were, in 
proper fonn, embraced by the provisions of such a bill." 



" Objections to the power of Congress to pass a voluntar\- bankmp! 
law applicable to all classes of debtors, have been principally founded 
on the following considerations." 

[Following" in this connexion he enumerates the points of argumei>^ 
both for and against it, which V/e of course omit as foreign to the 
illustration of his own position.] 

" The evils of a Bankrupt Law, with such an extended range, 
would, it is justly to be feared, more than counterbalance the benefits 
it might otherwise' produce. T am not aware that any government has 
deemed it wise or safe to Extend the operations of a bankrupt law, to 
all these classes of its citizens or subjects. I am well aware that these 
latter objections are sought to be obviated by making- the operations 
of this part of the law voli'.ntaiy only. But it well cle^erves to be re- 
membered, that such' a law would be but the entering wedge — the first 
movement of Congress in a new direction, under a general power, and 
no one can tell what might be the next." 

Thus it is apparent that Mr. Van Burcn is for a worse Bankrupt Law 
than that which passed Congress. He is for a "general Bankrupt I<aw 
applicable to Bankers and Traders^' (embracing of course, merchants, 
factors, and many other classes of private citizens) including "banking 
incorporations. But excluding other classes of citizens, equally mer- 
itorious, such as farmers, mechanics, &c., from its operations. He is 
opposed to extending the law to "a^^ classes of debtors," but agrees to 
embrace a few favored and generally moneyed classes, to the exclusion 
of all small debtors. 

This odious distinction he seems to wish to palliate, when he intimates 
that were the law, as applicable to farmers, mechanics, and other small 
debtors, made " voluntary only," (the precise condition of the law 
passed) it would be unobjectionable, only as it might prove an entering 
wedge to something worse hereafter. But it must be allowed that lie 
no where distinctly approves such an extension of the law to "all 
xlasses. " The extent of his wishes is, a general Bankrupt Law, ap- 
plicable so bankers and traders. " 



THE BANKRUPT LAW, JtC. 153 

Senator Benton^ it is well known, voted for a retrospective Bankrupt 
Law, in 182T. He still maintained his position in 1840, in a speech 
in the Senate. In that speech, as the following extract will show, he 
was the advocate of the voluntary feature : 

" I dm ready to assist info-rming an act which shall be general in 
its provisions, and just in its application— which shall do justice to the 
creditor as well as" to the debtor — which shall be compulsory with 
regard to traders and dealers, whether natural or artificial — which shall 
be optional with other classes of the c6mmunity\^^ i^^t'- ^'c- (See Ap. 
Con. Globe, p. 505.) 

In another speech in the Senate" in 1840, he said', 

" Persons who are not merchants or traders, have been carried away 
by the spirit of the tunes, and have been involved' in debts from \yhich 
they see no means of extrication. These have aright to th^ relief of 
a bankrupt Idiv, as loell as those regularly engaged in trdd6^ at the 
same time they should not be subject to the compulsory application of 
the law. With them the application of the law should be voluntary 
dnd optional: it should only be applied to them on their own petition ; 
while with those regularly engaged in trade, and particularly bound to 
know the laws of trade, and obey these laws, the application of the law 
should be compulsory, and should take effect upon the petition of « 
given proportion of their creditors. This extension of the prinfciples of 
the act would make it universal in its application to persons ; its 
extension to corporations would be all that would )oe wanting to make 
it entirely national, and fitly applicable to every case in which the rela- 
tion of debtor and' creditor existed. (See Congressional Globe, p. 237.) 
' But Old Federal Democratic Senator Wall, of New Jersey, made 
a speech on this subject, at the same time, and said, aiiti^A^e would call 
especial attention to his language : 

" The cowifry dema}ids that relief of Congress wliich they suppose 
they can constitutionally apply. They have, in numerous petitions, 
clearly and expUcitly made known the remedy which they suppose 
can and ought to be granted. It is the passage of an uniform law on 
the subject of bankruptcy.''^ 

" The first movement on the subject of a banlrtupt law, made durin^^ 
the present session, proceeded from my honorable (democratic) friend 
from xVIichigan, (Mr. Noi-vell.) * He is entitled to the merit, what 
ever it may be, of first presenting the subject for the consideration of this 
body. It seems to have awakened the attentions of the whole country, 
from one extremity to the other. There were soon on the files of the 
Judiciary Committee, fifty one petitions, praying lor the passage of an 
uniform law on the subject of bankruptcy, twenty-nine of which arc 
from N. York, five from New Jersey, two from Indiana, two from Mas- 
sachusetts, three from Ohio, and one from each of the States of 
Tennessee and Mississippi. There are twenty-five other petititioqs, 
praying for the passage of a general bankrupt law or using some 
equivolent expression to uniform or general ; fifteen of which are from 

20 



154 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &C. 

New York, eight from Pennsylvania, four from Illinois, one from each 
of the States of Ohio, Maine, and New Hampshire, three from Missis- 
sippi, and two from Alabama. Resolutions have also been passed by 
the Legislatiu-es of Maine and Michigan, in favor of the same measure." 
(See Ap. Con. Globe, p. 460.) 

Mr. Wall makes mention of that prominent Democratic Senator 
from Michigan, Mr. Norvell, having first introduced this glorious relief 
measure ; and we will here introduce his strong commendation, in an 
extract from his (Mr. NorvelPs) speech, delivered on the 20th of May, 
1840: 

" Mr. President, said Mr. 'N. my deep conviction is, that no legislation, 
no mecisure, no combination of measures that we can adopt, would 
afford one tenth part of the relief to the country which will be secured 
to it by the passage of a umform law of Bankruptcy. * " The 
process of voluntary hankrupicy affords an effective and lasting relief 
to the debtor, upon the honest srun^ender of his effects for the benefit 
of his creditors, and protects his future acquisitions of property. He 
can begin the world anew." * " The vivifying principle of relief 
ought to be extended to all ; to the cottage of the farmer and the 
humble dwelling of the 7nechanic, as well as to the princely palace of 
the merchant." Again — " No benefit could accrue to the nation from 
a bankrupt law merely prospective in its. operation on future contracts." 
* " The Supreme Court has also repeatedly decided that the power 
to pass bankrupt laws retrospective in their operation, was constitutional." 
(See Ap. Con. Globe, p. 464-5. 

Col. R. M. Johnson, the late Democratic Vice President, as we have 
already shown, is the advocate of the retrosp)CCtive feature in this law, 
so much complained of. While a Senator in Congress, from Kentucky, 
in 1827, he voted for a Bankrupt bill then before the Senate, embracing 
this feature. He has taken still stronger ground since. In his famous 
letter of 1839, already alluded to, he says: 

" Credit in trade is based upon confidence in the success of him who 
obtains it, and ought not in any degree to depend upon a contingent 
right which the creditor may claim on the liberty or the future indepen- 
dence of the debtor. If he chance to be unsuccessful, all that they can 
claim is a faithful surrender of his remaining effects. Let him give 
these and begin the world again. What is the effect of subjecting his 
future acquisitions to the seizure of his creditors ? It is to stifle in him 
the spirit of enterprise and to bind him and his family down to perpet- 
ual poverty, without the remotest prospect of benefit to his creditors or 
to society." 

" We should provide a uniform system of Ifankruptcy upon as liberal 
principles as justice will warrant — and as experience shall show its 
imperfections, we should give it such consideration and amendment as 
will be found equitable. I should expect its provisions to be 

EXTENDED TO ALL CLASSES OF EVERY PROFESSION, INVOLUNTARY A3 
TO MERCH.iNTS, AND VOLUNTAHY AS TO OTHERS." 



THE BAKRUPT L.WV, &C. 



" The law slioul J embrace all cases existing at the passixg oP 
THE LAW, as well as all which may happen in future. Such are my 
views upon this subject. I do not set up myst-lf as a standard for 
others — organized as I am, I could not act otherwise without a violation 
of conscience and the obligations of solemn duty. For I have no 
doubt that if the system should be established, its beneficial effects 
would be felt in every part of our country, and especially throughout 
our whole trading community. It is a system which I believe prevails 
in every commercial country in Europe, and in every civilized nation 
on the globe- Indeed, from the earliest anticputy, the Jews, though an 
agricultural nation, had their general jubilees. It is the same measure 
in a different form, the same great conservative principle for tlie same 
great object. In this country all power is based on the will of the 
people. We have no legal or constitutional classes; but the rich and 
the poor, the fortunate and unfortunate, are all equal. There is a peiv 
petual revolution of property ; the poor becoming rich and the rich 
becoming poor ; and to suffer any unnecessary impediment to enterprise, 
is to interrupt the prosperity of the nation. If then the relief which a 
bankrupt law gives EXTENDING ALL ITS PROVISIONS TO 
ALL WHO DESIRE IT, is proper for any other country, it is much 

MORE DUE to THIS GREAT REPUBLIC." 

That unflinching Demovratic Senator from Mississippi, M\ Walker , 
is repotted more explicitl}'^, by the Globe newspaper, in his defence of 
this now odious Whig ^neasure. The " bill to establish a general 
system of Bankruptcy," being under consideration, Mr. Walker said : 

" Mr. Walker spoke emphatically in favor of passing such 
A bill, (including the banks if it could be done,) and insisted that 
PUPLIC OPINION WOULD SOON RENDER IT INEVITA- 
BLE." (See Con. Globe, p. 445.) 

Again, July 25, 1841, Mr. Walker said : 

" If this law was not passed, the thousands of unfortunate debtors in 
this country would either have to wear the chains of the slave, 
OR become exiles prom their native land." 

* " No Qnan could doubt that Congress has the power to grant the 
relief so loudly called for, and the State had not the power." 

But, to cap the climax, Mr. A. O. P. Q. X Y. Z. NICHOLSON, 
whilst a Senator in (congress from Tennessee, in 1841 , delivered a speech 
in which he went the entire stripe in defence of this law. He is a 
Democrat of the first water, and in his speech delivered on the 16th of 
February, he says : 

" If evidence were want-^d of the immense amount and extent of the 
distress and suffering which exist in every portion and in every rank 
andTcondition of our country, enough to satisfy tiry mind may be 
found in the Tnemorials which are daily presented here ^ calling upon 
us to interpose relief by passing a bankrupt laio. THERE ARE 
HIGH CONSIDERATIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY, AS WELL 



1.56 THE BANKRUPT LAW, &.C. 

AS OF HUMANITY, WHICH STRONGLY INCLINE MP TO 
LEND A FAVORABLE EAR TO THtiSE APPEALS. / am 

satisfied that ichilst thi passage of a Bankrupt Law would OPEN 
A SPEEDY WAY TO DELIVERANCE OF THOUSANDS OF 
HONEST bnt UNFORTUNATE Ti^BTO^^, who have fallen vic- 
tims to the abuses of the credit system., it xcould. at tlie same time^ 
RESTORE THEIR ENERGIES, AND ENABLE THEM TO 
BECOME AGAIN VALUABLE MEMBERS OF SOCIETY. I 

HOLD THAT, IN TOO MANY CASES, THE MAN WHO IS BOUND DOWN 
UNDER A WEIGHT OF INDEBTEDNESS, FROM WHICH HE CANNOT 

HOPE TO RELIEVE HIMSELF BY HIS OWN EXERTIONS, 

IS WORTH BUT LITTLE TO HIMSELF, HIS FAMILY, OR HIS COUNTRY." 

On the 23d of July, 1841, in a subsequent speech, Wyhprotem Sen- 
ator, appointed by Gop. Polk, renewed his efibrts in behalf of this Qwuy 
c«/tow5 TI7«o-fe?r, and held forth after this fashion, if he be correectly 
reported by the Congressional Globe, on page 241-2 : 

" Mr. Nicholson moved to amend tlie bill, so as to ificlu.de corpor^.' 
/;io/^s within its provisions. '^— Mr. Nicholson rose and said, " It ^^ 
known, Mr. President, that tjiere is a difference of opinion in the Sen- 
ate as to the porcer of Congress to subject bnnki^ig corporations to tho 
provisions of a bankrupt law. I took occasion at the las,t session to 
express my opinion at length on this question. — ^That opinion is still 
the sanw, and I shall not detain the Senate by repeating the grounds 
upon which / believe we are authorized under the Constitution to 
exfivcise the p,ower. I shall content myself by remarking, that Jregard 
the clause in the Constitution which autltorizes Congress to ^^pass 
uniform laws o?i the subject of bankruptcies^^ as conferring a spe- 
cific AND EXPRESS power TO LEGISLATE ON THIS SUBJECT. " 

In addition to all these, we could give other and numerous extracts, 
from these distinguished sources, infavor of (}i' Geti.eralBonkrupt Law, 
but we have now exhausted both our space and patience, with these 
Locofoco authorities, favoring this Federal Whig ^neasuxe ! It has 
already been shown, however, that, AS A PARTY, the Locofocoa 
actually brought forward in the Senate, in 1840, A BANKRUPT 
BILL, to all the fcatui.es of which, they tlLemsclves noiv object ! — that 
the FIRST MOVEMENT in favor of such a law, was made by A 
DISTINGUISHED LOGOF.OCD SENATOR !— that LOCOFO- 
COS generally, and LOCOFOCO LEGISLATURES in particular, 
were most active in forwarding petitions to Congress, praying the passage 
of such a law!— and that the leading men of that parly, Messi^s Van 
Burcn.,Joh?ison, Benton, Wall, Walker, Norvell and Nicholson, were 
really its champions, each notoriously and fully committing himself, 
and his party to the very worst features of the law that did pass, and 
which lias since been repealed ! Is any thing further necessary ? Cer- 
tainly not. liCt the people before whom Ex-Gov. Polk has recently 
denounced this law ciiarging it as a AVhig measure, carefully examine 
and bear in mind these facts^and reward ihe hypocracy as ihey think it 
des/?rvcs. 



CHAPTER XIV 



THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNNESSE REFUSAL OF THE "IM- 
MORTAL thirteen" to allow an investigation, or change its 

DIRECTORS — insolvency OF THE BANK AND BRANCHES — DIREC- 
TORS candidates for THE LEGISLATURE GENERAL FAVORITISM 

AND corruption ! 



[From the Joesborough Whig, of March, 8th 1843.] 

THE BANK OF THE STATE— Number one.— No act of the 
'^ immortal thirteen, ^^ in out late General Assembly, carries on its face, 
more terpitr.de than their refusal to ratify the Boards of Directors sent 
into them by Gov. Jones. We say that no act of theirs was more base, 
because we look to the motives, which governed them, and in reference 
to these we speak. Some have supposed that these worthies acted 
upon the great Locofoco prlnciple,'of holding on to all the power and 
spoils they possessed, and by all means foul and fair. It is true, that 
so far as they were governed by principle at all, this was the principle 
on which they acted. But tliere was ^no\hev fundamental principle of 
Locofocoism, which rested w'Mh ponderous weight upon their minds— 
t. was that oi self-interest, in contradistinction to the interest oi party. 
It has been ascertained satisfactorily, that nine out of the thirteen 
Senators refusing an investigation into the condition of the Bank of 
Tennessee and its branches, and who voted against a change of the 
Directors, in the Mother Bank, and consequently in all her Branches, 
are either indebted to these Banks hey ond their abilities to pay, or they 
are Attorniesfor Banks, or forsooth, they have friends and relatives 
who are, and loho oivc more than they can pay! 

The foregoing items — and which are a mere drop in the bucket to 
what shall appear, will serve for the present, to show the people why 
these thirteen immortals refused to confirm the nominations made by 
Gov. Jones. They will show too, why Mr. Polk of Maury, a member 
of the House, attempted to hire Mr. Lain of Claiborne, not to support 
the Governor's nominations. One other reason why Gov. Jones' Boards 
were neither of them acceptabe, doubtless was, because there were in 
each two or three respectable Mechanics, a class of men who never had 
been represented in the Bank before. The Governor did not know 
before that Mechanics were obnoxious to the Democracy of the coun- 



158 THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNESSEE. 

try. His reason for attempting to place Mechanics at the head of this 
institution was, that as the late census fliowed there were 17,000 Mechan- 
ics in the State, and as he understood the Bank to be the Peoplt's Banky 
lie thought the diflerent interests in the State, ought to be represented 
in the administration, at least as far as practicable. 

But the Bank of Tennessee is doomed to wind up the moststupen- 
douis fuiliue ever witnessed in the State. It is now insolvent beyond a 
doubt. And its two branches in this end of the State, the one at 
Rogersville, and that at Athens, are fit subjects to apply for the,benefits 
of the Bankrupt Law! Senator Johnson of Greene himself says that 
the Bank and its Branches will ultimately fail, but that their notes will 
be redeemed, because the People's heads are in for their redemption. 
Do you hear that sovreigns ? Your guilty heads are good for the frauds, 
thefts, and extravagancies of the last two years of misrule and plunder! 

But Senator Johnson further says, that the Report of the Legislature 
by the Bank at Nashville, was false, and that the Bank and Brandies 
have not the amount of funds set forth in the Report, We believe 
every word of this. But did the Senator find this out since he left 
Nashville ? No he knew it there, as well as he knows it now. Well 
why did he vote to retain a set of Directors in office, who had made to 
Iiim and others k false Report ? This question he can answer to his 
constituents. And if he desires it, he can answer them through our 
paper. 

To conclude — we are strongly inclined to go against all State Banks 
in future; and if a National Bank cannot be had, wc shall advocate 
Stock Banks in preference to a State Institution. Look at the history 
of such institutions in Tennessee. The old State Bank was literally 
plundered of its last dollar, by ihc then organized Jackson Party ^ 
as they were called — who diviti* d iis funds among them for the purpose 
of establishing Presses and other necessary means to elect Jackson to 
the Presidency They look the everlasting oath of Masonry, not to tell 
on other, or to account for the funds of the nistitution in any way — and 
they never have been accounted for, nor never will be, till the unclouded 
light of eternity reveals the secret. The notorious Joel Parish, cashier 
nt Nashville, said he would suffer his riglrt arm to come off before ho 
would divugle the secret ! 

Well, this modern Bank of the State of Tennessee^ has been 
completely used up, in three short years, by the Locofoco party, in an 
effort to elect James K, Polk Govcnnor, and Van Biuen President. — 
Docs any one doubt the fact? The Locofocos themselves say it is a 
gone case, but console the people by telling them that its notes will all 
be redeemed, and that there will be no failure, such as we have recently 



THE BANK OF THE STATE OP TENNESSEE. 159 

witnessed in the cases of Hiwassee and Kincannon small bills ! But 
why will the notes be redeemed ? Why, because the faith of the State 
s pledged for their redemption — the people's heads are in for their 
redemption. A direct fax will be laid to create a fund to cany on the 
State Government, while all the State dues will be collected in the notes 
of the Bank of the State, as was the case with the notes of the old 
State Bank, which were in circulation when it was plundered, and 
when Yeatman & Woods, we believe it was, loaned the members of 
the General Assembly, money to bear their expenses home ! Are the 
people prepared for this ? 

This is the state of things which has grown up in Tennessee, since 
the best currency the world ever knew was destroyed, the United States 
Bank. Here too, are some of the fruits of Democratic Legislation. 

[From the Jonesborough Whig of March 15, 1843.] 
THE BANK OF THE STATE.— Number Two.-In our last 
week's paper, we alluded briefly to the affairs of the Bank of Tennes- 
oessee, under the management of its Locofoco Directors. This week 
we propose a few additional remarks, principylly, hov/ever, in reference 
io the rejection, by the Locofocos, of the proposition to appoint Commis- 
sioners to investigate the affairs of the Bank and its branches. 

We have been taught, by the professions and avowals of the self- 
styled Democratic party, to believe, that if there be any one thing in 
this lower world, which this party regard with less favor and confidence 
than all others, it is Banks and banking institutions. There is nothing 
in their estimation, so unworthy of confidence, and so corrupt as these 
institutions and their paper issuses. They are the anti-Bank party — 
the hard money party — the constitutional currency party — and they too, 
are the friends of trade and commerce. But all who go for Banks, are 
Fedemhsts, Aristocrats, and enemies to the best interests of the country. 
These are certainly the sentiments of the party, if the clamour, speeches 
and papers of the piity are to be regarded as true exponents of their 
sentiments. Well, how was it, reader, but the other day, when a call 
was made for an investigation of an institution that had been in the 
hands of tliese same Bank-hating Democrats, for several years? They 
shrunk from that investigation, and told the people that there was no 
necessity for it ! 

Some of the ultra Locofocos pretended to object to the appointment 
of Commissioners, on the score that the Executive would select them 
from among his partizan friends, and that they would go through the 
State electioneering ybr a party ^ at the expense of the people. To 
meet this, Mr. Reneau, a Whig Senator offered a resolution, in which 



160 THE BANK THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 

it was proposed that the State Treasurer, Miller Francis (a good 
Democrat !) should appoint the Commissioners to look into the affaira 
of the Bank and its branches. And behold! Democracy, so called, 
voted tliat down ! 

And yet, at that very moment, suspicions existed in the public mind, 
to a very great extent indeed, that most of the branches of this institu- 
tion had been badly managed — and proof positive, was before the 
Legislature, as to the bad mnnagement of the branches at Athens and 
Rogersville. But how are we to arrive at a knowledge of the guilt or 
innocence of an institution of any sort, without an examination? — 
This the " immGrtal thirteen " refused. Is innocence afraid of investi- 
gation? Does not honesty seek, aye, challenge and demand the most 
rigid scrutiny whenever an imputation is hinted at ? It will not do for 
a man suspected of slipping into his pocket, an article off of a merchant's 
counter, to exclaim I am innocent, and at the same time refuse to be 
searched ; that would at once convict him in the eyes of all honest men. 
So it is with the Locofoco party in this State, who refused to surrender 
the Bank of the State and Branches, into the hands of the Whigs, 
when they came into power, and also to deny their request to investigate 
their alleged frauds and abuses — they are guilty before the country. 

Senators of the Locofoco stripe, when this investigation into th6' 
Bank and its branches was demanded, urged that- the officers of the 
several Banks had sent up statements to the Legislature, and that these 
statements represented these institutions to be ina prosperous condition ! 
What sort of logic is this ? Who ever knew a' statement by a Bank, 
without any reference to its books — its internal management— its purity 
or con-uptions, to show any thing but a fair state of things ? 

This finding of the money of a Bank in the written reports of its 
officers, reminds us of the anecdote of Senator Macon of North Garolina. 
Mr Macon on starting for Congress on one occasion, gave his overseer 
written directions as to the management of his plantation during hiaf 
absence, which he calculated would not be longer than May. One • itercr 
of the instructions was, that his sheep were to be kept in a' certain freld. 
Well the o^verseer obeyed instructions to the letter, and the old gentler- 
man, when he came home, at a somewhat later period than he had 
expected, called for an account of his stewartship: Among the rest, 
" how are the sheep ? " demanded he. " Dead sir. " Dead! how's 
that? " — " Why, sir, you told me to keep them in the field, and when 
the summer came on, the water dried up, and they all died. " " But 
why didn't you move them to another field?" " Oh sir, I looked into 
the paper you gave me, and it wasn't thar.^— Bui one other anecdote 
of a similar character, is more directly in point. An Irish Nobleman 



THE BAMv OF TllK S [AlK OF TENNESSEE. 161 

f^cnt a b;iHket, of vciy Hue biido (u ;i. iici!j,!iljoiiug 1 joid, accompanying 
them with a polilc note by u wliilc !^('r\aiU. The bearer of bolli was 
anxious Lo see the binls, ami opeiuxl (he basket (o look at tbem on the 
way, when out they came, and away tliey went! He closed the bas- 
ket again and delivered it with the note to his highness, who, upon 
reading- the note, rerpu^sted Pat to say to his master that he thanked 
him very much for his present! Said Pat in reply, " I am glad you 
have found them in Lhe letter^ for be Jasus they are not in tlie basket! " 

Tlius it is with thcilaiilcs — the money is in their nj)orts, but it is 
not to l>e found in their Kudts. 

But it will be urged ihal these o/Ficial statements were made by 
officers on oath. What of this ? Who does not know that Bank officers 
who woiild be guilty of corruption in the management of an institution, 
would make false statemenJs under oiiiii, to screen theniselves from 
censure? AVho does not know that a l>oard of directors, who would 
use the funds of a Bank, or loan it lo relatives, friends and political 
partisans, without adequate securilies, uould lie to a ( General Assembly, 
rather than expose themselves ? Ne\er vt^as there a plainer case. 

The pride of the officers of the Bank of the State, and its branches ; 
their character for financial abilities ; their concern for their party, to 
whom they looked for [)rol(;ciion, and l)y whom they expected to be 
retained inothce, contrary to, and in violation of law, all and singular, 
prompted ihcrn to make out a fair statement each, though anything but 
the truth was embodied therein. And who ever saw an exhibition 
of the condilion of any Bank made out by its officers, for tJie eye of the 
public, thatdid not reprcseut it as Ix-ing, at least in a ^fz/e condition? 
But if this Bank and its brandies, were in a safe condition, as their 
officers allcdged, and their parlizan friends in the Legislature reiterated, 
why did the latter refuse to appoint a connnittee, whose duty it should 
be, to not only visit the niotlier bank, but all its branches, clothed with 
power to send for persons and papers, and to examine officers and Avit- 
nesses on oath, with free and full access to the books of these institution ? 
This is a c{uestion in the history of this matter, which never has been 
answered to this day. 

We shotdd all recollect ihai the people of Tennessee once had a 
^tate i?an/j before this, and we should not forget what was its final 
end. Not less than A HALi^" a bullion of dollaiis, of the public 
money was lost to the State by that institution ; and whatever may be 
known to Cashier Parish, Andrew Jackson, and a few other politi- 
cians, to this very day, the public know nothing, but are ignorant of 
what went with the vast amount of money. That Bank as well as 

21 



\i')2 TiiF. nA:;K ov ti!e state of texxessee. 

t'li.-^, yi^ar af!:^!' yfivr, and even r//7r;- // had been plundered, reported to 
tlie ! i^^^■i.-l•ll;lt•o. \v\\-At it /%■"'■'■•■■ ^''- ■' i') lii' i;.^ conditiun, andonyj^f/yx'?-, all 
.■-cnicd to he-'.vtdi ! [^;i; .. le'liJim' \v<\- v.Toii:;- in tlic manage- 

ment ofdiat iiisliliifi(.'); ;i!hi v, pc/l iacts came to liplit, in a way to be re 
lied on, it was found l]i;it.-ome fivk erxmiEn TiiorsAXU dollars of the 
People's money wa- pone into tiie hands of a few connpt and ambi- 
tious! politirians, and iiiinily and irretrievably lost. Somet'iing like 
tliis iia-. ab-e;vdv lak-n plarc wiiii the pre,-\-nt Baidv ; and if it continues 
inthe haiid? of the re-d.'-'ts nhni'ler'-r- vrho now have charge of it, till 
t'lc close of the net Presidential election, its ruin is inevitable. The 
maxim upon wlueli ii^'po-^-e- as bohhy art, that " to the victotis 
r.ELOxci THE s'i'orLs ! '' And in I'.v \v zeal to elect James K. Polk, to 
the Vice Pres!d<'nry, ihi'y v.di! deal out those "spoils" with a liberal 
hand. I\lar]v vdait v.a- say ! 

But another id<'a in thi-' cutmection. The Si ate of Tennessee, has a 
s'ake of several million of dollars in this institution — ^^there is one 
MILLION OE DOLLARS, a part ()( the capital of the Bank, for which she 
has issued her bond? ; t!>ere is oxe :\iiLLir:x and a half, obtained 
from the General Government ; and tlien, tlicre is the School Fund, 
amounting to oxi'MiLLiox, to whicli tJie poor children of the State 
alone look for the advantages of a common etlncation.. All this ma)'' be 
squandered and lost by the neglect — not to ;=ay culpable remissness of 
the " iiiiinorlal tidrt'-^n " of our late General As-embly. And if this 
money is lost how is it to be replaced ? By dird't iaxntlon., imposed 
on the people. Will any one say there is no ((ang(M- of tliis? One of 
t lese thirteen rM';;;ii^nv. Mr. Powt-lljias ;dro;idy signed an Address to 
the people of '['ciiii;'- i', recommenJiirg the creating, in this way, of a 
aS'//?/-//?!,'- /-V/zJ, and fur the purpose of redeeming the bonds of the 
State now in foreign markets. Tax (he people to sustain a swindling 
institution, which they are not allovv'cd to understand the operations of! 
What Democracy ! 

[From the .Toiiesborough Whig of March 22nd. 1S43.] 

THE BANK OF THE STATE.— Nu.aiber three.— Wliile the 
proposition to look into the affairs of the Bank of Tennessee, and its 
several branches, was mider discussion, in the Senate of our Statd 
liCgislaturc, Senator Powell, frouT Carter county, gravely asked a 
Whig Senator, Do CT. Pevton, if lie wcnild go for the investigation, 
if the Directory were com]:)osed of the IF/w/ Geutlemoi nominated by 
Gov. .1 ones! Doct Peyton told liini he 7D0iilcl. He told him that if 
every nominee had been his brother, and each nomination had been 
confirmed, he Avould have gone for the investigation. The Senator 
from Caller, here tidmiitcd inipliedhj at least, (hat he opposed the 



THE BANK OP THE STATE OK TRN>'Efe:SEE. 



163 



iiivesligation into tiio allliirs of iho Baalc ;ind li^ !)r;uu-hcs, hec.au.^o ilipy 
were ill the hmuls of his poVitical frlnah^ IT.; did not say that lie 
thought tlicy acted b:ui!y, and were not i- ■: -. ' aUle to face Co:u- 
niissisnei-s who might be appointed to exuuiiue ihcir books, but we 
liave our opinion as to what liis thoughts were. 

Once more: the Senator from Warren, the lioturious Uiughl'm. said 
on that meniorabh; o'x-aaioa, that //'there were causes for tliis proposed 
investigation, why that thus j causes existed when the Bankicas much 
more able to bear the expense of an itwestl^'ation, iJuin it ims then! 
That is to say, it was more solvent b-Jore llie Dcuj-x i-acy of ihe State 
had pUnidcred it, than it was afterwards. Upon ibis .-ubjcct, wo pre- 
sume, there was no diiFeience of opinion among- \\ liius and Democrats! 
Here, too, the Senator from Warren, admitted, ■unpllvdly again, that 
there had been mismanagement, fraud or c )rriipiio!i, in conducting the 
affairs of the institution, but it v.-ouhl cost too much to ferret it out ! 
Strange Democracy this ! Xu it v/ouhl ciipo^a ccitiiiu Bank oiRcera, 
and injiu-e Democracy, aud hence the inve.^tigaliou woa ^ppoaoU. 
This is the true secret of the whole affair. 

Those who framed the charter of the present Bunk, awure of iLe 
corruptinof tendency of //i^-iwe/,/, pro\idc(l for frequent changes in its 
officers, or if the reader please, rec[uired a new diiecloty every two 
years. In obedience to this requirement of the law chartering the 
Bank, G.)V. Jones, on coming into power, nominated two diiltirent 
boards, but both were rejected, and no board the (Governor could nomi- 
nate, were acceptable to the thirteen imin^ort.ds. Thiio it will be seen 
that this most important principle of the charter has been violated, and 
violated by men sworn to obey the law- and constitution of the State. 
For what purpose this reckless CO ui>f !, wo liave already 

explained, iiut time will make furiiici ■<. '['his disposition, 

moreover, to shiiak A>):n a public investigation of the idfairs of tlie 
)3ank, as heretofore suggested, give fre^Ji proof that all is not right — 
that something is "rotten in Demnark. " Let public scrutiny once be 
called to this subject. And let the people call attention to the subject 
by electing men to the next General Assembly, wlio will institute an 
enquiry into the Bank, and by vetoing tho^e unfaithful stewards wiio 
refused an investigation. 

But was ever such a spectacle beheld in all the iniquitous \ips and 
downs of Jackson Van Buren Democracy? What! the Democratic 
party — the only true lovers of the dear people and their best interests, 
shrinking from the investigation of the alfairsofa .Bank, which they 
have alone had the control of for several years ! Is this in accotdance 
with their previously expressed opinions? Has it not been t!ic bur 



1G4 THE RANK OF TIIK RTATF, (iF TKXXESPEF. 

then of l.lieir i?ont^ rcfuler, tor the lasl ioiirti^en year;-; of niisiulc tliat llip^ 
United &7aics Brntk, vould not suhniit lo a jn'hJlr inrrsti^-atioii ? 
Did thpy not proclaim it fronj Maine to Loiiisiaiia, lii;i{ " jviiir- IJiddle " 
closed his doors against investigation ? 1 )id noi their presses and orators 
denouiicc him from one end of iliis continent to llie oilier, for siyint;- 
tliat the National Bank at the head of wliicii he stood, needed no looking 
into, and was in a safe condition? Did not these very tlntiecn do the 
same thing, when at Nashville, for v.hich they denounced Middle, while 
tl ley were canvassing for tJieir seats in our State Senate? Yes they 
followed in the foottUeps of llieir '■ ilhi- irions predecessors," Biddle, 
whose comse they so imcercmornonsly condemned. 

In 1841, a committee of live were appointed by the citizens of Haw- 
kins county, to address the citizerts of I'last Teimcssee, on the subject 
of constructing a ]McAdaniized P^oad ihrongli this end of the State. — 
This address we pnblishiul in the Whig of November lOlh, of that year, 
lillingfive of our coluams. .^^ majority of the signers of this address 
are Democtatri, ami a majority of them are now, as tliey were then 
Directors in the Rogm:vUle Bank. Vv'ill tlieir testimoney against the 

Bank of tlie State, and its Branches be taken? Hero is what they 
say :— 

" Again, n Slate Batik, owned by the pultlir, and managed ])y pnliti- 
cia/ts, nmst end \n toted o>- partial hanlnuptcif, or contradict the wliolc 
history of ihe world, ^\'e liave already made one experiment of this 
sort, in 'I'ennessee, and it is due to say that we are noin (^IS-li) making 
aaoth<'r. Shall we incr<'as(; the risk I'y .mother .. till? What lias be- 
come of the liaiik of iS'id I Lei Joel Parish and his si^cnrities answer; 
ami if (hey will imt, we do not kirow who can. i\s a relief measure, 
the bank of the Slate oi' IS.'JT was well conc<Mvr(l and al>li>, but as a 
financial measure, IS tdiJ/ICIsl) TO rKr)\ !■] AN KIXTIRE 
FAlliURl'i; and if you do H' it wish to hit^e ihe immense funds the 
State has aireadv \es(ed io iliat iosiitiiiion wasted, von mnst immediately 
take measures to ron-olidaie ii \^ilil die Planters" or Ihiion l»ank. As 
to new suli-i'i inlioiis <ii iii,ii\idiial l'inid.-> to it, in the pres(Mil situation of 
Ihe counlr\, ii i.- iinpi;e (i( able. Jflliese funds are lo^l or wasted, von, 
Ihe peopli', MCST WV. 'I\\\b:i) TO MAKi: 'I'ifr'.M t;()Ol'). - 
Will you add to your risks ond respoiisibiliiie- by creaiiug a new insti- 
tution of tin; samii characlei / 

ORVILLFi BRADLY, 
JAS. M. HORD, 
R. G. FAIN, 
(,IX)R(^E HAl.E, 
DIN ALEXANDER. 

And now genlle reailer, in cfmcluding tlie last of three successive 
articles on the subject of the Baidv of Tennessee and its branches, permit 
us to ask, have w^e not presented for your consideration, a very strange 



THE BAXrC OF THE STATE d!'' TE.NXESSEE. 165 

spectacle indeed ? Here i:; a Bank cxrluyively ])p,'<i!i;^;i]io; to' ]„-■ people — 
exclusively the property of llie State — pit -li -.^i-ii 7ipoii llie huhh aixl 
credit of the Couimosiwcallh oi'Teasie-;.- >. aal for ilie faithful perfor- 
mance of all its coutra-ts, tiie Iioiior of ll)c Suite is pleJo-ed, and the 
individual property of every citizen is liahle. Next, we hchold Dem- 
ocratic Senators the servants of the People, and the ardent friends and 
lovers of the People, refusinij^ to surrender the Banks into the hands of 
their lawful guardians, and in conforaiity with the provisions of the 
charter of the Mother Banks charged with niisnianagcment, fraud and 
corruption, and an invcs!ii;iJion into (heiralFairs demanded, but refused 
by these same Ilepuhllcan j.Senalo rs, clainiin!; to he. par excellence — -par 
?iobile pau/ichorcin! the only friends of tlie People, and the only 
lovers of their country ! Tiiere is something exceedingly strange about 
this matter — there is something mysterious connected with this matter ? 
Was there ever sucli an outrage committed upon the rights and under- 
standings of any free people? Was ever par'.izan corruption carried to 
a greater length ? And yet, tliis, all tins, and even more — their refusal 
to elect Senators to Congress, was done in ih.Q name q[ Deinocracy ! 
May heaven deliver our country from the control of such Democrats! 
And may the State of Tennessee never again fall into the hands of 
such land pirates ! 

BANK DIRECTORS IN THE FIELD.— The Branch Bank 
at Athens, has three of its Locofoco Directors in the field, canvassing 
for a seat in the next General A^.-^inhly, to wit. Pierce B. Anderaon of 
McMinn, Abraham Cox of v],.-)-?^ and Arthur R, Crozier of Knox ! 
The Rogersville Brandt has i)a?//c7 A^yi/^ey of Washington, and 
Wrti. Houston of Claiborne — in all, //'/r, who, if elected, are to 
go it blind against an invesiigation into ihe condition of the Banks! 
The Rogersville Branch also had, till recently, flron Moore, a 
Director, and il//', JMoiuitaisfle, Wiio\he\:E?-nk <>n:" ■ ';e field, but 

drew them back, thinkiiig it looked rather 1; lo run the 

whole establishment. 

An intelligent friend writes us from Middle Tennessee, that the 
other Branches of the Bank of the Slate, iiave an average of two 
to each institution, canvassing for a seat in the Legislature! What a 
monied influence is now being used against the \Vhigs, and the true 
interests of the people! Another part of the game is to loan out the 
money freely, which is now being done at every Branch. These 
oa«fi?if/a/e Directors attend on Banking da)^s in person, za\<l push the 
notes of all through, who give them assurances of their support. The 
Rogersville Branch is going itiK this line with a rush; and the Mer- 
chants of Hav,-kins, Greene, Washington and Sullivan, will bear us 
testimony, that they have not seen Tennessee money as abundant, 
for the last twelve months. What partizan corruption! Well may 
the people become alarmed! 



CHAPTER XV. 



TROUBLES IN- THK CAiMP— FIVE Pl^ESi: »K?rnAI, .' l^'PIR.VNTS OPPOSED TO 

A BANK MR. CALHOTN AGAIX.-^T A NATIONAL CONVENTION IN 1834 

CALHOUN GOIXi; FOIl IIAPviaSO.V I X lS35— TriK l{lCE[:\rOND enqui- 
rer's OPIXION oECAi.nmx IX iS;i:;_'T!jiiN ARour WHEEL about' 
CALHOUN — Jackson's proclaiiiation against solth Carolina — ■ 

MR. VAN BUREn's PRINCIPLES HIS STANDING A'dMY , ABOLITION 

notions, &C., &C. 



TROUBLES IX THE CAMP.— Oa the sul)ject of the next PresI^ 
dency, great exciteiiienf pievails among the seh'-?tyleJ Democracy of 
the land, and divi.siom^ exist in their ranks. Tlic party, however, at 
least for the present, are principally divided in urging the clabns of 
Messers Yan Bui en and Calhoun. 

On the question, too, iji u-hru shall the Convention meet to nominate 
the candidate 9 there is quite a diU'ereuce of opinion. The Calhoun 
wing of the party, arc for meeting in Convention next May, whilst the 
Van Buren folks are for meeting in November, or at least at as early a 
day as practicable. This is perhaps owing to tlie fact, that the Van 
Buren party see they are iihead now, but fear that delay in the time of 
meeting will place the?\'ullifiers in tlie front row! 

On the subject of the time of meeling in Convention, the Woodstock 
(Va.) Sentinel, a Locofoco papar says: 

" Rather tlian see a division in our ranks longer exist on tliis subject, 
we would have thefiiendsof Mr. Van Buren subnut his claims to tlie 
Convention to assemble in :\f;i\% ]Si I. If tlie friends of Mi. Calhoun 
lA^i/Z^^o^ yield, those of Van l'',ii;;n ;//;/.V(' submit, or the Republican 
party must suffer tlie double disi:;race of division and defeat. " 

ANOTHER CONFESSION!— Judge Colquitt, pne of the Senators 
in Congress from Georgia, being in Mobile a few days ago, complied 
with the request of his Locofoco friends, to address the people on the 
political topics of the day. In the course of his speech he said, that the 
Locofoco Convention ii: Georgia had nominated Mr. Calhoun as next 
President, " because they all knew he was the strongest man — not that 
they had any objection to Mr. Van Buren, but because tltcy knew that 
Mr. Van Buren could never get Georgia. If he iccre nominated the 
Whigs irould cany the Slate." 

But worse than all this, aiul of a late date, is a circular of the friends 



THE PIVE PRESIDEXTl.AL ASPIRAXTg. 167 

of Gen. Cass, in Ohio, adilrces^d (o their pol ideal associate;^ in the 
United States. This documonl. lias but, recentl}' c;)i)io to hand, and 
shcill appear at no distant day. This document asserts, that Mr. Van 
Biiren, if nominated, " cannot i^ct the vote of Ohio, Pennsylvania, or 
Indiana, " and that ''^Tr. Calhoiui stands no chance in the West. " 
Therefore it is as alledged in this circnhnr, that (he claims of Gen. Cass 
are urged, as a candidate upon whom the entire party can unite ! 

These are all important confessions, and strengthen our confidence, 
already strong, in the success of our great favorite, Hk.xry Clav of 
Kentucky. There are now some half dozen hating parlizan rival aspi- 
rants in the Locofocoianks for the Presidency, wiio secretly curse each 
other in their hearts, but whose bitter animosity against each other, la 
only kept from blazing out and consuming the whole batch, by their 
constant dreptl of the Kentucky Statesman and Orator of the West ! 
Meanwhile, Mr. Clay looks down upon this coalition of" white spirits 
and black, l)Iue spirits and giey, " as fiercely hostile towards each 
other as they are towards him, with the lofty disdain of a proud and gallant 
patriot, consious of innocent uprightness, and purity of purpose, while 
the language of his inmost soul is, — 

i "Come one — come all — this rock siiall fly 

I From its firm base as soon as I. 

THE FIVE PRESIDENTIAL ASPIRANTS.— There is a large, 
a respectable, and an increasing cla^S of our fcllo\tr-ci(izcn!:-, throughout 
the Union, known as Bank Democrats. This clas? of the voters of 
the country, we would respectfully point tO the answers of the^^ye 
Democratic aspirants to the Presidency, recently made to the celebrated _ 
interrogatories propounded by order of the " Indiana Democratic 
Convention." These candidates are, Messrs. Calhoun, Johnson, Cass, 
Buchanan and Van Buren, one of whom, all agree will be the Demo- 
cratic nominee, and all of whom, oppose a National Bank^ hoth,upon 
grounds of con.stitutio)ialitij and expediency. Therefoic, no Bank 
Democrat, if he be a consistent man, can or v/ill support either of these 
men in 1S44. To shoAv, then, how these great leaders stand affected 
towards a Bank, and the a]>solute certainty Of their opposition to it, if 
elected, we subjoin brief extracts from their several letters. 

Mr. CALHOUN, under date of January 26, 1S43, says: 

"In answer to the first question, in which 1 am desired to state 
whether I am in fV.ivor of, or opposed to, the chartering of a national bank-,, 
or any other national institution, by whatever name it may be called, 
authorized to issuQ bills of credit for banking purposes, or to regulate 
exchanges,^^— with my view of the constitutionality and expediency of 
such an institution ? — I reply, I am opposed to a national institution, be 



iOO AIK. CAI.IIUU.V ACI.UNS'r A NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

its n;im(' w'- ■' ■' i Muihoii;^^! Ui 's^^iie hills of credit, for banking pur- 

poses, (11 lo . rl!tiiii;cs, l)()ili on tho jriouud of expediency ond 

conatiUition 

Col. JOPINSON, Vnuler dale of Feb, Ci, i^VA, says: 
'•The chnitrr of ;, hank of iha l'nit^':| Slates h_v ("onj^ress I have 
alwai/s roashh'frd in:ritii^liti:li(>:i(:l mnl iiKwpcduitl- diiiviiiLi: !4~iven iny 
vote againsl ii in ISl i , ;nal al each sucec-sive pivsenlation of (iie subject 
since, \^^ lo the p;-iin(l of il,,' 1;!i of March, isji, when I retired from 
the pu!)Mc sc;-\-icc of tlu; Laiiled SUites, in i(o:oriUau:e with the will of 
the people."' 

Mr. (JASS undci-dale of Feb. 8. ]Si;5, says: 

"With respect to a riatlonnt l):;;i!,\ I li.ive to naiiark tliat I Jiave 
always entertained douhts oi the power of ( 'oiiL':r<\'^s lo riiarier such an 
institution. 'i'h(^ indirect process \^y which iliis powta is dethiced from 
a very g-ener;d provision of that insininicni, lais nircr been satisfactory 
to inc. But liieie is i!ic les-; nrccssiiy joi enicriuij.- more in detail into 
the consiitutional (['aer^iion, as it seems to uie tlic pvhlic voice, has pro- 
■nouiici'fl itsi:ll\ (in! ju.-;!!!/ aix'iiiisl the ineorporntion of anij national 
ban/,- by On/p'/xc^s. i\o ^;uch i/isliiutiu/i. sltouUf in my opinion.^ be 
established/' 

Mi: BUCliANAA', under date of Fel). U , 1813, says : 

"I am"o['po-cii io iht; cjiarler vi a nalional Baidv, oi any other 
institution, hv whaWner name it may h(^ called, anUiorized lo issue bills 
of (aedit !or hanking- purposes, or lo vceidalr. evchauis^es ; " believiuf^ 
such an institution to Ijo bulb unconsiilMiional and highly inexpedient." 

Mr. VAN HIJRFN, imdei date of Fcl). 15, 18.13, says: 

" I am oppc ;(] to i!c- . ahli-liiucnl of a national bank in any form, 
orunderany di-i^uisr, ! oiii ou t-onslitulional gromuls and grounds of 
expedienc}'." 

These avowals arc certainly e.\j)licit. They leave not a loop to hang 
a hope u{)on that either of tlii^ waiters, if elected President, will ever 
permit tiie chartering of a :N \r)o\Ai, Baxk. The cpiestion, then, with 
I* lak Dciiivu ra! ', \\ iji li", whether the ties of party are lo be regarded 
a^ i>aramoant U) ihcs^ooU of the cou/dry growing out of the restoration 
of a sound , uniform, and adequate National Currency 9 This question, 
we trust, may be left to their unbiassed judgments for a decision. 

MR. CAT.HOUN vs. A NATIONAL CONVENTION.— In 1834, 
Mr. Calhoua made a speech in the Senate on the removal of the Deposits 
in which he lojk occasion to express liimself in very strong teims, as is 
his custom, against a National Convention. We annex an interesting 
extract, from this unustiuUy interesting speech. After reading this, the 
reader will be surprised when we tell him that Mr. Calhoun's friends in 
South Carolina, were the veiy Ih'st to appoint Delegates to a National 
Convention, to beheld in Baltimore, in May next! 



(.'ALl'IOU-N' I'on UAKJWIU.' 



Exlmd from a speech of 3'Ir. Calkw^it tit l^:io I 
" iVIi. (J M.uouN Jiiid that, thcScnalor iVom KciUucUy, m < umax-.M. 

most plci/iu"- aud iiistiiicuvc unlovs ui auy langiuu.c, (iluia h)- 
dcLnptioM of (Ja:.ax (orciu, Imasclf^swou! m .uul, .a.o ... 1 .c..- 
u. V of (hi Uoiuau C;o.uuouur,al.l>. Wc arc at ihc emuc ^^^^^ ^ ^^^ 
,).ai.ical revolution, and lUc anaU.sy bctwcon the two ^^^^;'^;:^'^ f^ ' 
va.icd only bv the cluuaclci- of ihcaoto.s .nv (he c.i-cuni.Maucc. ot th. 
(ia.c. 'i4a was the case of an intrepid and bold wair.or, .^ ./.. orut 
phuuicr>r,.^n^ forcibly the ./.asu.y ol .he country, ^vhlcl , > > t ba 
Rcpublic/as well a. ours, was confided to the le.v.sLti c ^^\^^^^^' 
thcCJovern.neut. The actors in our case arc ,>Ja <hih:rn,U.tanat>~^ 
artful amniivr, awl corrupt politicians and not l(;ailet=! waniou-. J lu y 
hJ.t entered tlie Treasur^ U sword m h;uul, as publ.c P^u.ulercrs bu , 
with the false kct/^ of sophistry, as pi/Jcrcrs, inu cr he sdcncc vi 
124/ The nL,i4 and ol^^l a., thesan.c, vaned .a '^^^ marmcr 
by character and ci.cun.stances. ' With n.oney 1 ^^'^ ^ ^f ^ ^'^»' (^ 
Jhh men power,' was .he nuvxim ol the lloaiun ]^^^^^^^^: ^ 
money wc will i^ci. partizans, ioiih partizansvvt^.s, and n^Uh volt. 
Znl is the n.=^iu/ of our p.Uic p.lterers VVUh '"- ^^ -;-;y 
Cesar struck down Roman liberty at the latal batil. ol ^^fW^^^^ 
to rise a^ain-lrom which disastrous hovu' all the oawe.s ol he ma 
Kepubhcwere consolidated in the person ol Ocesar, ;^'»^' Pf P^'f ^^^^ ' ' 
his line. With moaey and corrupt^ pait.zans, a i^rcet cHwrt '^^ ;^|;^;^;^; 
kia^ to choke and slide Aaierican Itberty, hroi^h al l^. ^f^^^'^^ 
_li; corruptia.^ the pre.s, by overawuuv Ui. other dcpa ta e» s .a d, 
liaa Iv, by settih- up a nmo^tid ptdlutcd organ composed ol ajpce-ho.- 
" • llJcornu; pitizaus-midcr the nmm of a Nutt^naltonocntum, 
wl ich, countJrfdting the voice of the Peop a, wvl , it not reststed m 
(heir aaa.e, dibtatc the succession ; whcii the deed will be doac-the 
Icvolutibn be completcd-a.id all power ol our Pvepubhc, m hke Hjaane. , 
be consolidated in the l>rcsident, and perpetuated by his dictaaon. 

MR C\LH01IN FOR HARRISON IN lS35._It will be rccol 
lected that in 1S35, the State of Maryland cast her vote lor O'cu. 
Harrison, and that the Whigs of Maryland regarded the rcsidtas a great 
victory 111 consequence ol" tliis acliicVehieht, imdcr the Harrison 1 ag 
i\x^ Whi-s -avc amand festival. Auionga large number ol disungmshed 
.cutlemen^ilivited to attend, was Mr. C.^LiiouN ; to which invUatiou 
he sent a scorching letter agahist Gen. Jackson and M.. Van Buren,of 
which the following is an extract : 

" Fort Hill, dth Nov., 1S35. 

-Gentlemen-The mail of yesterday brought me your note of the 

'^Ist ul invitin- me, in the name of the citizens ol Ral.miore, opposed 

u le l^^S nominating his successor, to attend a t^.stival to be given 

nn L Uth U^ t» Woifor of the late triumph m Maryla.rd by t .osc 

111 o the ExJculivc nominee. ,Thc great d.^tance, and the short- 

s^'::s.^uaUdo,s^ 



ITO THE Exvivi:;!::: and mjj. CAT.iua^^N'. 

apjooinl Iii.- ^urvc .-r,r. ;-'ii,MiI(l if -in-'".'!, op''n ;i:i;l i;)!i'i:-'r';ir<'(l ns ii is 
and yi'sl.iiii;- (/>■ it. al^ios'. r.rr'iiKi'-; !:; ('n> :<^ on t/if <:r(,;i-, ,/ ;.:i,/:srrcir/iri/ of 
t.'iv noniiitrv lo tin- viH of Ua' ; \.-' ■'- , : . "-if/'rif/l t/iosr /'/'.'■/■ i/uo-'iiic/r- 
tioiis ((ii>! SLi-ricis. m; his part ^ ■'.•','.•> i'oiitn:;i!!<l llr^ ra^urd of 

the piopic, or 11) I'il. I.iiii fur Uic <-'',"';,,■. oj t/ir rrf'c /.•* .'/■///(•// he asjjirc^-. 
it would aH'ord roj/clii.yiri; })rijot' uffJi'.' eoiisvni'i'ion i^'i l-Lrccutivcuaiir- 
pdtion, over ill." oihiT i!< pariiiK ,its ul' il!--: i^ovirmiict.t, mid the 
coiistiluiicm and libcrlij of iiic prnpU:. 

]*_^ntcrlaiiiin;; ilicso view,', / ?y ->//■.'/ irith. pleasure t}ie derided victor ij 
acliieved by Ma ly land in tlicialc rlevliun ov(M- ihc PrisideuCs )iomimc., 
and, of couive, ovei' Mxocuiivc tiiriatioii. Il is- the more honorable (o 
the State, placed as the is t^^o near i\\c foeus oi iiijlucnee and corruptioti^ 
while others more remote and ics's exposed, have yielded such leady 
obedience to the rod of power. Her victory cannot but have an impor- 
^/7/^ bearing-, in decidin:,'- the /;/■,';.>■■ /.'/ strUL;\U'lcfai;or(dj'e to the cause of 
liberli/ ; but a re^anl to irudi, ccanpels me to say, that, in my opinion, 
whatev(Minay be the result, of i\\(i pending contest betircen. the People 
and lire President, the time nmst couie, and that far sooner than is 
ant,ici[)a(ed, whe.n l^xccutiri: injltirii'/e -c^iul j>n]rer I'sill forever sih nee the 
popular voice rinh'ss, indeed, thi\fjir/ids of librrl// VA\i\ free institutions 
shall zea/ousi'// asid honisthj unite in ;i. eoniriani. elfort to eradicate the 
causes irhie/; have [sircn sU':h e.rtr(an'a'iui!r:j poictr and iajluence lo the 
Executive departnu'ni of the Gocent/zie/d., iindpl((eed the country in 
its present (hivLj;erous condition. Thnj mmj he ednwst traced to the 
same origin, tiie tisca-l action of the Uooernnienl. 

While millions on millions are heaped tip in the Treasury, beyond 
the e.rpendituns of this, the most extravagant of all administrations, 
constituting- an inunense fund to acton the cupidily of the mercenary, 
and to imite in one solid compact band ail, in, and out of otlice, Avho 
prefei tjieir own athancement to llie pulilic ^ood ; iuiy attciiiptio arrest 
the progress of })0wer and coiiupliotj, must end in chsappoifjlment and 
failure." 

THE RICHMONI> ENQUIRER & MR. CAEHOUN.— We find 
in an old llle of papers, some apt and sintable (luotatiojis from tiic 
Richmnod Emiuirer, (the second paper in the Union in the service ai 
Democracy) in relation to Mr. Calhoun. We give a few extracts from 
the pen o[ Editor Ri7t7we. because we shall not beatallsurpiised ifhe is 
not tlie regular nominee of that party And whether he is or not, they 
now confess that */ he is, diey will support him. So said Ex-Gov. 
ToLK, on all occasions, in the canvass for Governor. At least he said he 
woidd support ewy one of ike Democratic parti/ who might get the 
nomination ! But let us suppose the nomination made, and Mr. 
Calhoim to be the regular nominee of the " Democracy "—could the 
Enquirer, or (he Tilobe, or the old Jackson party in Tennessee, support 

him, WITHOUT TilE MOST aiJAAfKLESy ABANDONMENT OF PKINCIPLE, 
KVER WITNE.S«ED IN THIS LAND OF TUKN-COATS AND AVO^TLES ? 

Eet us see what the Enquirer, the organ of Prfsidmi Jacks^on in Vir- 



I 



pnio,ha..aiaof Mr.Co]houu-nn<l w!,.t ,i i,a ^.ai.!, i. in k.^ppin- with 
what (he rUobe newspaper at, \Va:^iiiii-!-i= ''-^-^ -^^''^ • 

[From the llirhmond iliaiuirei- of M^urli -^^J, IS 13.] 
' <' We retort vipon the Tcle-raph the Aii^ofa.od which it ha^ charged 
upon us. hs Eclkor knu.vs, a. well as wo do. ihat Joi.n L'. Talhouu 
Mai^ an advocate oi' ihetariil" ^^vsiem nx lSM>-ii;ai. he went out ol the 
war, au uUra slicklor for the poweis of ih^- i'\-derai C;overnni.Mi!-lhat 
he supported the Bank— a i;e;ieial systnu ol iul^^iual Improvrnuait— 
and the protcrfirc si/slcni a^; the y,/r/;/w^t/.// po/irt/ ol lue 1 .uvnimicuf 
The loyal Telegrapii ki)o.v.^ a.d Ims p.-kia.,! n;a ■lcr know, tnat Hi 
ppite of his late euuivoraUo- ^;)- .i., Ar w. ^ the ad-auaU,. ol the hi 1 ol 
181G— that there h not one wordalnuii raisin;^ rcrrf/un m lns=prcch oi 
1816- and that he insisted that nianuiaciure^ sho. ud be cMiroU^uvu ijy 
protection bei/ond the reach of ronUn^rnm : and d,at he .ina.uou^ly 
supported the oppressive and odious system ol nu>:nnu;:ts. Jn Jus late 
reply to Mr. Calhoun, ^ii. Wchstcr lei him very tiemly oli-hut a>; lar 
as the following extract Irom his speech goes, u is correct : 
' ' The Tarili', of 1810, was iulroduced, carried throuidi and cstahlislic^l 
under the lead of South ('aruiina. Mvcu t!ie ?////////ii///; policy is of 
South Carolina oriuin. The Jhm. geudeman him-etf supporled, and 
ahlv supported, the TariH' of iSln. lie lias iiiformed us, su", that his 
Speech im that occasion wassudd^-ii and oiT-iiand, he bcmu- called upon 
W the requcot of a fiicnd. 1 aiii .-uiv ihi; gentleman so remembers it, 
andthat it wasso; hut there i., n."> ';r!hHrss, much method, arrange- 
ment and clear exposition, iii that vxuaupure specc-!. It is very able, 
very nmch mthe point, and very ib.a-av.'. Anu m another Speecii 
ilelivered two months earlier, on fh- [)r.-poMn..u m K/poal th(^ mferna 
Taxes, the honorable gentleman \vxA !ia;d:rd ihc sum;- subject and had 
declared " that a certain encou^;'g.ni> ;;!_ (;u;:iii to be extended, at least 
r,o our Woolleii and Colton Muinn-a-iainv/' 1 do UMt, (juole these 
Speeches. Sir, to^iu^w ih;i!, d'.; houonihic :. .iiih';:;:;!, has changed his 
opinion: 'my object is other nmi higher, i du H (or the purpose of 
sayiu'^ that, tliat cannot be so piaiidv and palpably miconsututional as 
10* warrant resistance to kiw, imihiicakici ;iiid revohitioii, which the 
jionorablo gentleman and ins iVicnd,: iiav ;■ in -mI to, and acted upon, 
without doubt, and without hesitation. Sir, li i-^ no iinswrr to ^ay lait 
the Tariir of 18U> was a llcvcnuc Bilk So are iii^y ;dl rvrvcnne lulls. 
The point is, and the irni]; i.s ibui the T.-iiif]' of JslC,, \^kr iIm-u'sI liul 
discrlmiuatc ; it did dLS -.otiua-; ii ihd lay 

amies (or protecuon, \.- 'ollons, under the 

juiuimum calculation; the diuv '^ii ''w ■ v^ ■ b .ii: (.0 lo si> per cent. 
Something besides ilevcnncccriaiaiy v ;> • iiieiidcdin this; and m hut. 
die law cut up our wliole commerce v.tth India iii liiai arlade. It is. 
Sir, only within a few years that Carolina has denied the Coirnilnlion- 
ality of these protective Laws.' 

" We k)iow farther, and we have no doubt, this miserable sycophant 
of Mr. Calhoun knows the .'^ame, that as i.w down as lSi\, he was in 
fiivor of building up manufactures by the t'cairokling of the Federal 
Government. Findin."-, however, iliiit hi = ulini doctrines <>,.ere heconung 



odious lo lh(^ .-M)V'.f-h, :i;i(! fjtnt hi.^ rin"il);li(tn .ron.kl ;iovpi- 1»p r^roiifieii Ity 
llii ■ ((nirr^r, \]» \v:x^.. conipelh'i! jo yirlil lo llio force of SoiilluMii Fcnti- 
fticni — cooled u>\v)rd;; Iii-, j-'edend (Sociiiiics — ,;':ia( inrdiy c;)nie over to 
lae (;ii!:c n[ ^;i,l;(« nini,;-; — ]„!( ]\lr all now pro::(dy:'er\ luinicd into 
»'\-c.:-., and .j>!i!i.;:ed ii;io(iie oiher (■.•fn jj]c or i!idli!ica!i.«n. Awd n.mv 
iii; powcrii!! itiiinl i.ulrvoied !o ih(> taJ: cd" ('iirji,!'!: l>i-' *''W ophiious^ 
and o( c.ii|)j.()!(iii;.; Ill ■ ;;r ■/• p;^-,•? — itc'.e; i;;.d!i — iiiii alwayf OH exlrcuic^. 
4 poiiiiciaii fioM! IS!? i}A)\\-i\ to iS-j'J, uiierly iiiirare ond not (o be 
(iihied/' 

[Froin She Uirlmiond Enrpiiier of April 2d, 1S33.] 

" Tlipre is a I'lreai d<>al of lefiaement, ajid niofaphyf-icp, an(] jnvf.fifi 
eoiiaa, alloat ii! ae'v.spap"! e"ay.s and ^^peech--- of" (.'alhouii and 

V\'e,')-f.^r, and die ordiii.«.iic(v; of Soiiih rnvol.na and. ;h(> uic'iin";- of 
\ ii'dnia, aliou? ^f,rrfi^_;-/!Of, and c:''^P'.;i'Ofrr, aiid olx <lioi}rr^ and iiitii'^vi s 
.".!) I fu...-r/';-;'\;./.-',and ciir/cns ol'tlie U. .'i., Vvdiidi on'^hi to Ik^, (deariMl 
up. r. die!,: (i.xild ."'lale !lio!if:3 mail wlio lia.: ^//e//A'7 a))d flie ,'//;/e, 

a;ul;\v!i;i pu^^,e;; ■,(•-; and de;"ive^ the c<»iindeiice of the people, who will 
come j'tirwaid, and ull us ilic iiiUli — and let ii3 know ' li'lio is ir/io a, id 

'■ Mr. ( 'allioii.n ^nd Jiis ^rli.n(\l have lately labored to oxpouiici to ii-^ 
the •! ,aw aiid the Troji'-ctn. lie has dnubtle-s di:j,).!ay<-d r-ieaf ini;e!iuity 
- boi hi" conr.'-e iia^ been ralc!-d;Ued (o romniaiid liilie conridejR-e in 
inni re; a j>ohiirian. 'TiiUfn D(i)i'.tOsrt dona frrfidcs. Ho k- the ({\q 
cian J(o;e, and we fii'^pect Isi:; nioiivc.'? Olid Id.-": nieasnref;. '■'' Firm}: 
HUUr ■' :-!^'^^-^ liini \\\\ in a !na: t.;',!y manner. He has been a TarilV 
mat'; rnei ..n uina i.aiitndiuaiion u\ his ( 'oiLstilntional I^incijih^;'. — 
He i:^ :;lill,Uy the ;d)e\\'iii!T (\{ \\h .servile ,;yco[diant at W'a.ddnalon, tlie 
advecaie of ;t national s\: leni .of Road:; and C^anaj.^, (he sujijxwler of 
il«'. W.mk of !he. Tniled Siate^s. He is th.e author of the ab.-ind jieresy 
of i\id'if/r,r''lof> — and iliej sophi;;ai alone is .suilicicni l,ou)ake vi-ssceptics 
a'.K'iit all Im's th»cirir)e;-." 

:[FroTv. i.he rdoIm.oiid'Enqtdroi-, July ]'); lS-43.] 

' ^ Hir-ro Mr. *.'alhouii wls^ieH to pas.s hiiipolf off nsnn ahl member of 
't!ie OU\ Siate^;^ Ilijvh! Party— Why ! Haft Mr. Oalhona fori^mtteji fliat 
lie. himself was com-.iden'd and,* ailed ;\ moie nitra IVdnrali.^t I.Iian Mr. 
JIuAnhoti hini:<if ? Who was it thr.t advocated tlie UKurr of dio U. 
• Slate". loappropciaMMc. any ohjeci ol' the ncneraj welfare ?-- It was IMr. 
('ailK^nn. \Vb>>\\a:;i! I'lat i'i;i:.s.=-r:i> npaii ns, in lSi;,<), the Baiik of 
the Tnit'd ^^tates .' — Mr. ("alhoun. \VUo was it that vindicated the 
po'i ic:d |/rinciples of the 'i^ariH' of ISIG ?~Mr. (Jalhoiui. Who was? 
if tied sjiarplv relmlred Mr. Webster a few year.s n^ro for insinnatincj to 
the '-( 'hail " of di*' .'■v'nvWe that he had ciian.'i^ed hi.? views on tA\c\\ 
s.idiiecl ! — Ml- ( 'alhonn. Who is if, (hat stit.i, i.^ for overleapnip- tin* 
specified provisions- of ihe Consijnuion ; and still st like.-? for the implied 
power lor est;d(li;!M"n<; a l>ank overihe lieadsof the States: and a. system 
of internal iinpro\cnienl, throii:.ih tlieir soven'J!:;'!! s'oil .' — Still Mr. Cal- 
liomi. Ani! ye! wr. are to hail ilii;- man as the defender of onr faith ; 
and pejhap;-. ihe \ciy Hi.-]]! I'liest of the Slates' |{i:;ht diHliiuL ! '' 



^' tur:; ABOUT, AvriKr:!, ATOUT " CALiiorx. 17 3 

"TURN ABOUT, WHEEL ACOUT •' OATJIOUX— Tho 
reader will naturally enonj^h enquire wli}- it is that \vc, liave so much 
10 say ahout Mr. Calhoun, " a private gentleman " in <he liocofoco 
ranks? Wc answer, because, lie may he the rei;ular noiuiaco of hL' 
party for tiie Prcsiiiency ; and if Ite is nof , hr i> now second best, in their 
niakv;, andis looked up to as one of liicir ■;rr;;I liyhl:;. Certainlv <hc 
indications 7^o?p (July IS43) are very (iillcreut from v/hat ihcyv.cie, 
even three and five months ar^o, as fo the result of (he aciion of the 
intended Locofoco National Conventin. Then, it was scarcely doubt- 
ed by sny, but what Mr. Van BurenV uontination by the Convention 
was next to certain, bur we now ihi;*!c that Mr. Calhoun's chance for 
ihe nomination is th.o best, and in thi:? opinion we are by no means 
fiiwgular. Many of the Looofoco organs are of ijii;:^ belief, and are 
draping their course to suit such an event. 

Without further tcmark!=:, however, we pre?cnrthe "CROW-NOI.O- 
GY'" of JoHBJ Cataline CALiioui^i, which we have made out from 
!\ J iicntic documents, and the records of the country. Examine it 
.i).imocrats, and answer the question, will 3'ou go it ? 

1S16 "On motion of Mr. Calhoun, a resolution wa'5 amended so as to 

receive the notes of banki in payment of pulslic dues. 
1S3S i\rr. Calhoun declared it to be unconst'Uulio nal io receive bank 

notes in payment of public dues. 
ISIG A NatioiiarBankbill introduced. 
?^834 Proposed -to extend the charter twelve years. 
1837 Believes a National Bank dangerous and uncojjf'titutional. 
ISIO Adv(j)caLe,s .tJije "American System" — violent TaiilF and Inter 

naJ Improvement man. 
1S28 He is opposed to the same, 
163:i He deciaica die Ti*rili' uiicoMstrtudonal, an<i resoita to NuUifi 

cation. 
1S3G Dec. 30, according -to the Globe he tries to set up his, "old hui>- 

b}^, the American System " on its legs again. 
18-10 Expresses bitter hostiJiij- to the "American System "'even in it:? 

renmant. 
1828 Strong friend of Gen. Jackson. 

1834 Violent enemy of Cceii Jackson aiul Miutia Van Burcn and acts 
with the Whigs in opposition. 

1835 Rejoices at a Harrison victory in Maryland— wiitcs the Whigs 
a letter from Fort Hill, deiioucing the administration of Jackson, 
and looked with "alarm -' iipoia all his measures! 

1837 Takes a position to " hold his allies in dieck, and cover his 
enemy," because Whig victories wcr-e notJikcly to inure to his 
personal benefit. 

1820 Gives casting vote as Vice President U)x Mr. Kendall as Fotirth 
Auditor. 

J 832 Call- Mr. Kcadall vtiy Iiard naiacs. 



17-t j\cKr;)\'i^ rr.orr, \riiA':'io:c v;-^. sr)rTfi carolixa. 

1S::2 •' ('.)i;nlrr-),.;,n ii'-^"^ ?\m\ a -ii;;;,';^. 

iy;M-2<i;ivc eii^iii!'/ v(;i'; v.'- \ ^c Tiv i;!-iif to recall Mr. Van Buren 

fi(tm i';i;pi;'ini. 
TSoT liorriil'il !-■ Iii • f'!('.';i( :! uii!;!' r^'- i>!r!i!\ , and ^-c•orl!etl <o be 

pri'sciil nl llir ]ii;;n>'-!ii:iii;n;. — t iioi :- ::.;ui ilic '• iiicc c;f (.'ataliuc 

w :\- iKM sci'ii oi; ilii' '.H-i ,i 'o:!. " 
]S:-:s '• S:i;i;-lc i)\ ail iJ'>n." ;:ii;i : '.v'-;;i;^ aluv^lancc (oMr. Van Biirrn. 
]S;;r -S-'i). l-^i. .SMned i'< Wjiiiifi-u. ami .Su'n-Trca-ury and op- 

p():nAl lo a p-jioal of ill!" (I;: uHi'ilion ad. 
1S3T .Sept. ill W ;i>'liiiifi(.!i, i)p\v li'.'!:;, a now man — in favor of the 

Siili-Trr:i i;;v, v.ii.MJ ior.-v.;,i ;|i,. (i;.;!-'!>n;;,.n act. 
IS32-7 i)(Mha!iiri-,:";:y iia- «^l<^i--, a^ a (a^a-iiinilor a-ainst t!io liberlies 

of his couiilrv, ;n!i; ;!• . i^iaiiM '■ iJainliiic. '' 
" " ])(ia()Uiicc.- t,lie il\(A^'' ;i.: •■ liiciMlaciou,: unci fill);}', vile and pios- 

tiintp, '" and us parlizaii,; as ncMics and roj'ahsl;;. 
ISoO Ti'll • !ii^ rriiMiJ:.; i:tat ihey musi :aipj')();l ihc Ciohc, and gives it 

his jiillijoncc (o ohiain the ]ii!l)!!c j)iin(in;T. 
1810 '■ Onicially " pronounced by t!ie (dobe, as somcthinn; oqnivo- 

lent 10 A rATiMor. 
IS 10 Jan. l.st. Endjraccs boih Mr. Van iJ.nren and the Editor of 

the Glubf, and soon .ifirr announces in the Senate a Coalition 

between himself and \]\c\n. 
1S34 Makes a si;ee.!i \\\ ibe Senele denouncing; a N;i.tional Conven- 
tion, as a " J/J .'s '(,'/'' /•':.'■'« fr' ' f„ ■'^Yv;,', '■ composed of'^' dljiri -l!filuvr:t 

and corrvpt i'<:r!i\r^y:,''' -s/S tip for the pinpose oi' ''<:<nintcr- 

feitiitci' tiw i-!)lct of 11:;: I 'conic I '' 
1813 Goes for a isaiional Convenlion to be lioldon in Baltimore, in 

May ISll, and hisowi Stale in Convention, was the lirs! in 

the Enion to appoiia ' 5r;c ; li.'.:, puiliic; their great, leader in 

nominaLion lor the i\c. idcncy i "■ 

Finally was there ever a man on earlli, v."!io could thiia " Turn 
about and wheel about and do //s^/ so? " Wo again ask die question, 
and with emphasis, cent the so-called l^ciiiociacy of the country, sup- 
port for tjie Presidency, a man wlionvihcy have stigmatized with eve- 
ry vile epithet in (lieBocofoco calender, and who in turn, has stigma- 
tized tlieni and their ■uicasun's, v/iili cv" ry ;i'!iMs;dly ofl'ensivc epithet, 
his fruitful innna'rination could conjii^' n;»;' N'l's, if he be their 
nominee, ).h(!y wiU do it. They will, in the cliaste language ofEx- 
Governor Poik," shut I heir eyes, grit their teeth, and go it bliral ! " 
At least the Leaders will. 

JACKSON'S PROCLA^I.ITICX vs. SOUTH CAPvOLIX-V.— 
Ill 1832, the authorities of South (Jarolina, headed by John- C. CAt,- 
HOUN, met ill Convcntoin, and passed an Ordinance, setting forth the 
most solemn denunciation of the laws of the Uinted States, ever 
presented for p>d)lic consideration, since the organization of this 
Government ! This Onlinance of the Convention, said (o be fioin the 
pen of Mr. Caliioi'.'v, concludes with these Vv'ords : — 



JACKSOX'S riKK'LAM.rriON vs. «oUTlI CAICOfA.VA. 175 

• And wo, iho people of Soiilli CaroliiKi, io lln; <mk1 that, it may he 
fully uiidcrstood by the (Jovciiiiuour, ol'thc UaittHJ Slaiesand ihcpeo]i!c 
of tliti CO Stales that \vc arc dcleriniiied to niiiiiiUiii! liiis (inlinanct; uiid 
dech^iatioii at every haszard, do further derlaic. thai wo v. ill not snhmit 
to the application of force on the part of the r'nicial ( loveniini'iit to 
reduce this State to obedience; but that wc will «-ousi'hT the p;ir;sn:;-c 
by Coni^ress ot any act audiorizii'- i!i^> ciiiph.yMirui of u niihiary or 
naval force a,i;;vinL-t iliC Siaio of i^.-,;hi •' '.irohua, ii':'r cvinslituted anthor- 
itic:5, or citizen.-! ; or any act aboh.h;;,^; oi cluo!i!!i: iheporioof iliisSt;it(% 
or anyone of them, or olherwiL-e obulrut;; ;,;:•■ the fice inij;iorirf arid (v^'rcss 
of vessels to and from the said potts; or any olheract on tjic part o( the. 
Federal Government to coerce the Stale, dmt up her [)rrl.^, destroy or 
harass her comnuMce, or lo enforce tiie act.-i iicicby dech\re(i to be null 
and void, olherwise than thry;i!i,ii the civil trilumal-: ,_>t' the coimtry, as i.s 
inconsii^tent with the loni;er coaiinuance w!" Soniii Carolina in the 
Union: and that the people of (hi;; Siate will thenceforth hokl theni- 
selvesabrfolveil from all fur'Jier obli-;i!ion to mainiain or preserve their 
political connexion with the peophi of the other States, AM) WILL 
FORTHWITH PllOG'Ef:!) TO ORGANIZE A Sl^PERATE 
GOVERNMENT, and to do all othaeracts and things winch sovereign 
and independent Slates may of right do." 

So soon asdiis Ordiitancc was passed, the Lcgislaluie of South Car- 
olina was called together by the Governor, the right hand man of Mr. 
Calhoun, and laws were enacted revisiu'^he militia systen), authorizing 
the Governor to accept of th.e service.^ of -'-two thousand volunteers for 
the defence of Charleston," against the forces of the General Govern- 
ment, and arraying the militia of the State into "infantry, rillemen, 
cavalry, field and heavy artillery— armed and equipped from the public 
arsenals completely for the field ! " One act to which we deem it 
proper toinvite the particular attention of tlie peaceable, orderly, law- 
abiding Democrats of the land, is in those words:— 

"An act to carry into eirect, in part, an onlinance to NULLIFY 
certain acta of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be laws 
lavin-- duties on the iraporlation of foreign cc.mmodities passed in 
Coiwention of this State, ot Columbia, on tne 24lhNov., lbS2. 

These are some of the doings and sayings of the rebellious State of 
South Carolina, imder the guidance of Mr.. Calhoun, a prominent 
member of the self-styled Democratic party, and an aspirant for the 
Presidency ! And in reply to these, we subjoin a few extracts from the 
Proclamation of President Jackson, who <!/ie?^ thought and said, that this 
same Mr. Calhoun ought to be hung,o\ shot, ox both, for high treason! 
And when, indeed, the phials of the wratliot' the General Government 
were just about to be poured out upon South Carolina, and her mis- 
guided people ;— when the blood of American citizens was about to be 
shed by American citizens— then it was, we tay, that Henky Clay, a 



176 .T.ACKi'CN'?" rUOCL.\JlATION VS. fOUTII CAROLrVA. 

man oi' innoxiblc fir.iincs^, aiul of fcvvcHl jiairiolioiii, the niau for such 
a nioini-'iitoiio cii-i^JicKl out to ilic ooliuKd ('amliauL; the Ohvc Uraucli 
of p',\'iro,aii(l {)iopo.':C'J, a^c, canicd lhioii:;Ii Coiigio^s the iiiciiiorablo 
" (Joiiipmiuisc Act," which icl4oici1 peace to our boulers, and perhup.-* 
t^aveil this very Nulliliet lioui aLi ifjiioiiiiuioiis death ! 

The cxtiacto fioiu Uie Fioclaiualioii of Gen. Jackson to which we 
allude, are in the following words, to wit;— 

"The laws of the United Stales must be executed. I have no 
discretionarv powci on the subject — my duty is emphatically pronounced 
m the constiiuliou. 'I'liose v>'l!o told \ou th;it you mi!;!it peaceablv 
,;w.veni th.Mr ex.cuiion, deceived you -TIII^Y CUULD^nOT HAVE 
HElv\ l)ECl^iVEl)TliKMSJ::LVEy. They know that a forcible 
opixi'iiiun could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they 
know that such opposition nuist be repelled. Their object is DISU- 
NION : but be not tu'ceived by names: disunion, l)y armed force, is 
TllUAS(J?v. Are you really ivady to incur its i;uilt .' If you arc, on 
the heads of the INSTlG'ATOilS of the act be the dreadful consc- 
([uences— oir their heads be the dishuuor, but on yours niny fall (he 
punishment— on your mdiappy slale will inevitably fall all the evils of 
the condict you force lipon the govermneiit of your country. It cannot 
accede to the nuul project of disunion, of which you would be the first 
victinrs— it.s lirst ma:.',istr;Ue cannot, if he would, avoid the performance 

of his duty the consci|uence must be fearful for you, distressini^ to 

your fellow ciliseu.s here, and to the friends of good goveliuiient 
throughout the world.'' 

"You m;iy disturb its peace — you may interrupt iLv^. eoiirsc of its 

prosperity you may cloml its reputation lor siabil-ity— but its tranquility 

will be restored, its pros[)critv \viH return, audt he slain upon its national 
character will be transiVrred and remain AN ETERNAL BLOT 
ON THE MExMOliy OF 'iHOSE WHO CAUSED THE DISOR 
DER." 

Rccaj)Uidaiion.—^\'c have novv shown, gentle reader, that in ISIO 
Mr. Calhoun was die god lather of a Pndixtioc Tarif, an'd in 1S32, 
the advocate of Nullilicaiion to overthrow the system. In 1S33, lie was 
the supporter of the Compromise act ; in IS U, the violent opponent Of 
if in ISIG, theadvocate of aNationulBank; in 1S31, proposing to 
extend its charter 12 years; in 1S38, and 1S41, denouncing it as 
unconstitutional; iM ISKi, the advocate of a system of liiteniAl 
Improvements ; in 1819, tlic moving spirit, that breathed life into it ; 
m lS32,the denouncer of it, entailing all the evils of the TarifF; hi 
1S43, tv-ahi its advocate; in 1S3G, the advocate of the Distribution 
scheme ° in 1S41, the iciiler of the sclicnic as unconstitutional; in 
1842 the advocate of the proceeds of (he sales of the Pubhc Lands 
beins continued at the Treasury, as iho ouli/ constilutlonul iiiode''b/ 
-■pplication • m 1834, the author of (he proposition to take them from 
The old Siateo, and to cede them to the Statej in which they he ! Thi^ 



SPEECHES OF MIC CALHOUX. Iti 

man has been the advocate and opponent of all these nieasuies in their 
turn, measures hated by the South, and measures looked to I)y tlie 
►South and West, t^s their only hope of temporal salvation. And yet, 
this is the bold Senator, who, in 1842, 'declared that he had not changed 
any one of his principles, and on that ground now asks the p'joplo to 
make him President ! This, too, is the Presidential aspirant, for whom 
Ex.Gov. Polk declared upon the stump in 1843, that he would go with 
a ready mind, if nominated by the '• Great Democratic Party \ " — 
This is the aspirant, moreover, who can't get the electoral vote of three 
States in the Union? What an imposition upon conmion sense, to offer 
such a man- to the consideration of the American 4>eople! 




The following " Speeches of Mr. Galhoux," should have been 
inserted on page 174, just before the head lines " Jackson's Procla- 
mation vs. South Carolina." This will explain the nature of the 
blunder made in not placing our editorial remarks beginning " Reca 
piTULATioN," after, instead of before w^hat here follow^s : — 

SPEECHES OF Mr. CALHOUN. -The greatest deception ever 
practiced upon the Public, is the publication of a Book, by Harper tf* 
Brothers, of New York, the title of which runs thus—" Speeches 
OF John C. CalhouxN, delivered in the Congress of the United 
Statesfrom 1811 to the present tifne 1843." This Book, together 
with a tract of T4 pages, published by Harper &. Brothers, entitled 
— " Life of John C. <J Ai^novN , presenting a condensed History of 
■political events from 1811 ^o 1842, " was compiled in Washington 
city, during the winter of 1842, by the partizan friends of Mr. Calhoun, 
acting under his instruction. At the end of this Life, there is a table 
headed as follows : Speeches &.c. of the Hon. John C. Cal- 
houn, referred to in his Life, and which are published in sepcrate 
volumes, and numbered 1 to 38. " On the subject of this table, the 
National Intel ligencer says : 

" We have examined this List, and we find that it corresponds, 
speech answering to speech, both in description and in number, with 
i\v& contents of the volume of Speeches which has just issued from the 
press. " 

The " Advertisement " prefixed to this compilation of Speeches, by 
the Publishers, is in the following terms : 

23 



\7S sp:-:eciies of mr. c-'tLiiou^r. 

*^ I( ;n:iy notbc iriappropriato to sc? forlli, briefly, tlie consiiiciation.s 
v.iri!-!i liavciiulucpcl ihe pui^'ishers lo oiler this vohiiue to tlie public. 
"^i'ii'. >])-cc]i(\^ \vhi.-!i it. contains afford the principal— it might almost be 
Miid liitj only— nutans of iMowiii the political opinions of a citizeu who, 
for a long succession of year?, has occupied a conspicuous place before 
tlie People; who as a high officer of the Governuient at one time, and 
as a statesMiau and I'^gislalor both before and since that time, has taken 
a I(!i\!ling pait in all tbe great political queslions that have agitated the 
country ; who has long possessed an almost paramount influence in one 
part of the Union, and been looked upon, in fact as the cheif represen- 
tative of political opinion in that poriion ; and who finally, has now 
retired from direct participalion in the councils of the countr}^, only lo 
occupy the station of a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the 
people. The polilical doctrines of such a man cannot but afford 
intcresling mal tor for attention and study ; audit isbeleived that both 
friends and opponents of the distinguished person referfcd to will 
glailly avail themselves of this opportunity to make themselves acquain- 
ted with his views and principles. 

The pui)lisher3have only to add, that in collecting the materials for 
the succeeding [)ages they have resorted to the most authentic sources. 

H. & B. 
New yokk, June, IS43. " 

This book, then, as the reader will perceive, professes to afford to tlie 
Puijlic "the principal, if not the only means of knowing the political 
opinions " of the great Nullifier, from 1811, to 1843. And yet, this 
same ostentatious publication, intended to deceive and mislead the 
Vxihlic, omils the large?' half of Mr Calhoun's speecJtes, and especially 
all those in which he advocated Whig measures, and opposed what are 
now called Deinocratic doctrines ! 

On this subject, the National Intelligencer makes the following ap- 
pmpriate remarks: 

" The first speech in the ])Ook before ns is that delivered by Mr. 
Calitottn in the House of Representatives December 19, 1811, on a 
Report from the Committee of Foreign Relation.:-. The Jicxt Speech 
in the book is that " against the Force Bill, " delivered on the 15lh of 
February, 1833 ! leaving an entire blardc for the period of twenty-two 
years of Mr. Calhoun's hfe, during which, it would appear from this 
book, professing to give all his Speeches on the great (juestions of the 
day, that he never opened his lips in public, though, during a consid- 
erable part of that time, there was hardly a day in which he did not cap- 
tivate his associates in Congress by his attractive llieories, or dazzle 
them with the brilliance of his eloquence. 

WithotTt dwelling upon the mofiiae of this studied concealment of all 
that gave elevation and distinction to Mr Calhoun in his meridian — 
which is too obvious to need remark — it in ovr purpose to supply in 
part, the hiatus ]cii by this book in the political history of Mr. Calhoun. 
Wo slndl not observe exactly chronological order in our publication of 



SPEECHES OF MR. CALiIOrV. 



iTO 



Iiis suppressed Speeches ; hut shall puhhsli thjit hin which U nei'.re.st 
at.himd, heing his opeiiini:: Speec'a in ISK) on (he hill to incorpoialt' tlic 
Bank of ihc^'UniteJ Slale.^. Wc heo-;:i \hk speech, h^-caiise, in tho 
Address of the South Carolina Convenlion noiv.iiiuling him aa a candi- 
date for the Presidency, \ve find hustiiiiy to a Bank of the United SlaU\-( 
ranked anioug his cardinal pulitical viilues. '^ Few men have heen so 
efficient," says this Address, ^'in saving iheliherties of the coutitry from 
the most dangerous of ail tiic instruments of Federalism, a United 
States Bank." 

How justly Mr. CALiiorx is entitled to tiie credit of saving t!ie coun- 
try from the dangers of a National Ikuik, his suppressed speeches novv 
being published In^ the Intelligencer, and h\s vote to create the Bank of 
1816, will abundantly tesliiy ! And all attempts to mystify this part of 
the history of Mr. Calhoun's political life, will only make the mat tin- 
worse. The zealous support which he gave to the establishment of the 
late Bank of the United States, is a matter of too great public notoriety 
to be forgotten. It is impossible to explain v.wny a fact which stands so 
deeply engraven on the public records, as that John C. Calhoun was 
the Father of the Bank of 1816. In fact, it was only eight years ago, 
that he claimed that paternity in open Senate. In a speech of his, 
reported by himself, delivered on the l3lh of January, 1S34, he thus 
asserted it : — 

" I might say with trnlh that the Bank OWES AS MUCH TO :\IF> 
as to any other individual in the country ; and I might even add, that, 
had it not been for my Et-'KonTS, ir would not haa'E been char- 
tered." — iicg. Debates, Vol. X. p. 213. 

Another of his suppressed speeches, delivered in April, 181G, was on 
Mr. Randolphs motion to strike out tlue iiiiuitnumvalaidlon on Cotton 
Goods. This debate was on ''the dkgri:e of PHOTECTIOX, 
trJdch ought to be afforded to our eotton and woohu iiianufaetures,''' as 
Mr. Calhoun announced in his opening remarlcs ! From that speech 
we will only give the following extract : 

" Another objection had been made which, he must acknowledge, 
was better founded — that capital employed in manufacturing produced 
n greater dependence on the part of the employed ihau in commerce, 
navigation, or agriculture. It is certainly an evil, and to be regretted ; 
but he did not think it a decisive objeciiou to THE SYSTEM ; 
especially when it had incidental political adrauta^-es, which, hi his 
opinion, more than counterpoised it. IT PRODUCED AN INTER- 
EST STRICTLY AMERICAN, as nmch so as in aoricnlture ; in 
which it had the decided ad vantage of commerce or navigation. The 
country will from this derive mucli advantage. Again, it is calculated 
to bind togetlier more closely our widely spread Republic. It will 
greatly increase om- mutual dependence and intercoin-se ; and will, n.-^ 
a n -cojsary oonsoque«ce„ excite an increased aitenUon i-o laiernnl 



180 SPEECHES OF MR. CALHOUN. 

Tiiiprovcmcnt^ a subject every icnii so inrunaifhj rn)inrcted vUh the 
ultiuKtte iUfaiiirnent of national streii oik and'VllYi PERFECTION' 
OF OUR POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. He regarded tlie fact, 
that it would iviake the parts adhere more closely, that, it would form a 
jiew and most powerful cement, aud far oiitu-ciixhin^; any political 
ohjections that might lie urged against THJ^'i SYSTE^J. In his opin- 
i(jn the liberty and the umon of this country were inseparably united! 
That, as the destruction of the latter would most certainly involve the 
former, so its maintenance will, vrith eciual cejlamty, preserve it. He 
did notepeak lightly. He. had often and long revolved it in liis mind, 
and he had critically examined into the causes that destroyed the liberty 
of other Slates. There are none that apply to ns, or apply with a force 
to alaruL The basis of our Republic is too broad, and its structure too 
.-Irong, to l)e shaken by them. Its extension and organization will be 
found to afford effectual security against their operation ; but let it be 
deeply impressed on the heart of this House and country, that, while 
they guarded against the old, they exposed us to a new and terrible. 
f////?i,'er, ])ISUKION. This single word comprehended almost the 
sum of our political o^a/^^-ers ; against it we ought to be perpetually 
i^uaj-ded." 

'* It is in the fi\ce of such Speeches as this (which also was revised 
for tjie press I)y the orator himself) that the South Carolina Convention, 
in its Address to the People of the United States, gravely declares that 
Mr. Calhoun "recognises no justice in tariffs, taxing unequally the 
lalior and capital q( the farmer, the planter, the merchant, the mechanic, 
the shipmaster, and all other industrial pursuits, to give protection to, 
and make the labor and capital of the manufacturer profitable ; that 
}>etween a tariif of protection, and a tariff of revenue discriminating 
for protection^ he is able to see no difference in constitutional principle; 
and he Ixjldsthe one as mwhhsxha oiher repugnant to tiatural Justice 
and the. plainest principles of political economy, and in. their tcndencij 
subversive nf the very ends of civil society. "" 

[From the Indiana .Tournal.] 

MR. VAN BUREN'S PRINCIPLES. Eddcncrs of his opposition 
to the poor m tars roll'. JJis opposition to tlic vote of poor rcvolu- 
iionarti soldi) rs ! The proof ld!:( n from the proceedings and 
debates of the ConvcjiXion 'of ISr^ii, 'assembled for the purpose 
of amending the Constitution of the iitate of NciD York. 

Reader, below we furnish you more of the odious opinions of Martin 
Van Buren, whom, as you see by the Locofoco papers, that party 
intends, if you will aid them, to set over you once more as Ruler. — 
Here are date and page of the Journals of Convention referred to. — 
Lisicn to this man's language interference to the poor Revolutionary 
soldier. He would have ricli negroes vote, but woidd deny to the worn 
out patriot whose fortime and strength had been expendeil in the Revo- 
lutionary struggle, the right to vote under the government whose 
|j!;eiiies his sword had aided in achievcing! Here' is the extract : 



Mli. VAN BUREn's PR1XCIPLI2S. ISI 

Martin VanBuren opposed to universal svfvrxgk.— Journal 
of Co ) I. gr ess, page 139. 

Mr. Jc\y for the sake of relieying tlie erabarrassmenLs of the committee, 
moved to strike out from Gen. Root's amcnchueuts tlie words "or being 
armed and equipped according to law, shall have performed within the 
year military duty in the militia of this State." 

Jour, of Con. page 140.— The question was taken and decided in 
the negative, ayes 26 nays 92 ; Mr. Van Buren voting in the negative. 
140 

Gen. Tall mad ge then moved to strike out '• or on tlie high ways ; " 
ha \sas for conliiiing the qualification of voters, to such as do military 
duty and pay taxes. 

Col. Young replied, and wasopposed to strike out. Mr. Van Buren 
supported the'^motion for striking out. The people (he said) were not 
prepared for universal suffrage. 

Gen. Root replied, that if the clause were stricken out it would dis- 
franchise a numerous class of persons who ought to vote. 

Mr. Russel was against striking out. " It would disfranchise many 
who ought to vote. He recollected a i evolutionary soldier in his tovyn, 
who WMsat the seige of (Quebec, and another M'ho was at the storming 
of Stony Point, and neither would have a vote if this motion prevailed." 

Septe?nbcr 27, 1S21. 

An amendment of Gen. Tallmadge was under consideration. —See 
page 141. 

Jour, of Con. page 141— Gen. Root said the amendment provided 
for the disfranchisement of a numerous class of citizens. He enlarged 
upon the remarks of die gentleman from Niagara, Mr. Russell, who 
mentioned two instances in his town, wliere two Revolutionary patriot.'? 
^ind soldiers one of whom fouglit with Monf'^omery umler the walls of 
Quebec, and the other under Wayne at Si..;-. Point, would be disfian- 
chised if this provision was stiicken out," <ki-. 

" Mr. Van Buren said he felt himself called upon to make a few 
remarks in reply to the gentleman from Delaware, (Gen. _ Root.) He 
observed that it was evident, and indeed some gentlemen did not seem 
disposed to disguise it, that the amendment proposed by the gentleman 
from Deleware (Gen. Root) contemplated nothing short of universal 
miffragc. Mr. Van Buren did not believe that there were twenty mem- 
bers to the committee who, were the h?a& naked question of universal 
sujfragc, put to them, would vot« in its favor, and he was very sure 
that its adoption w^as not expected, and would not meet the views of 
their conslituents. Mr. Van Buren then replied to a statement made 
yesterday by his honoj-able and venerable friend from Erie (Mr. Russell) 
in relation to the exclusion of soldiers who had fought at Quebec and 
Stony Point ; under the banner of Montgomery and Wayne. And he 
felt tlie necessity of doing this because such cases urged by such gen 
tlcmen as his hoK^orable friend were calculated to malte a deep and 



1S2 .MR. VAX nUUKx's PRINCIPLES. 

• * * * — '' I^'evv of t'nose patriots were livins;-, and of that few 
tlie number was yeaily diminishing. la fifteen years the grave will 
have covered all those who now survive. Was it then unwise to add 
a wholesome restrictive provision, lost, in its operation, it might affect 
ihesefew individuals for a short time? He would add no more. His 
duty w^ould not permit him to say less." 

" One word (contin^^edMr. Van Buren) on the MAIN QUESTION 
before the Committee. We had already reaclmdthe verge of universal 
svjTrage. There was but one step ])eyond. And are gentlemen pre- 
pared to take that step? Vic arc cheapeiiiug this invaluable right! 

He was disposed to go as f;ir as any man in the extension of rational 
liberty ; but he could not consent to undervalue this precious privilege, 
so far OS to confer it v.-ilh an indiscriminatinghand upon every one black 
and white, who v/ould be kind enough to accept it."— See jour. Con. 
page 141. 

The question on striking out " or on the high wcn/s," was taken by 
ayes and nays— and decided in the affirmative, ayes 68, nays 48. — 
MARTIN VAN BUREN voting in the affirmative, and thus voting to 
exclude from the right of suffrage a large class of citizens and also sol- 
diers of the revolution. — See Jour. Con. p. 14). 

The effect of this striking out of the words " or on (he highways," 
was to exclude from voting'all those who did not pay taxes, and wlio, 
if those words had been left in the Constitution, miglit have voted, bv 
working on the high ways to the amount of SIXTY-TWO AND A 
HALF CENTS. 

Martin Van Buren, l)y this vote says No — you poor lal)orers, why do 
not you pay taxes &c., stand aside", you shall NOT VOTE. The 
.effect of lliis vote to strike out " white',^^ as before shown, was to aclmii 
negroes to vote on the same footing with white men ! ! 

This is Martin Van Buren, wdio is called by the office holders, the 
jiond of the POOR MAN ! ! 

September 28, 1821. 

Jour. Con. }):!';v 1 h">. Judge Van Ness moved for a reconsidcialioii 
of the vote of yc6Leiday, striking out the words " or on the highways." 

After a long discussion the question of reconsideration w^as taken and 
.decided in the affirmative. 

Col. Young, then called for die consideration of Mr. Wheeler's 
amendment. — See Jour, of Con. p. 145. 

Mr. Wheeler spoke at length in ils fiwor. He was in favor of uni- 
versal suffrage, with such exceptions and limitation as might be condu- 
cive of the public welfare. — See Jour. Con. p. 145. 

Judge Piatt opposed the amendment on the ground that it went in 
favor of universal suffrage. 

Mr. Van Buren " occupied the floor for some time in expressing his 
sentiments decidedly against the amendment, and universcd suffrage. 



Mil. VAN nUREx's PRIXCIPLES. 183 

\Vg ore (he said) hazznvding every thing to sucli lengths in (he amend- 
ments, &.C.," Page 145. 

Mr. Tompkins supported tlie amendment and thonglit too much 
alarm had been created by the bug bear universal sulFrage. Taxation, 
as applied to representation^ meant liabihty to taxation. How was it 
when no taxes were imposed in this State ? \Yere there no represen- 
tation? &c. Page 145. 

Jour. Con, page 145. The question on Mr. Vrheeler's amendment 
was taken by ayes and nays, and decided in the atiirmative, ayes (53, 
nays 55, Martin Van Burcn, voting in the negative and against uni- 
versal suffrage ! ! 

THE MISSOURI (QUESTION.— We have brought forwaixl thisi 
question here, for the purpose of showing Iiow M.vrtix Van Buren 
did battle for the interests and institutions of the South, while he was a 
Northern ■w«/i.with Sonthern principles ! Wliere was his love for the 
South ami her institutions when the Missouri Question was agitated 
before the country ? Let the follovvnng record fads answer. Let them 
show, as they will, that while Henry Clay was going the entire figure 
in defence of the South and West, at the same tin^e and on the same 
occasion, Martin Van Buren was exerting his whole influence and 
energies, to exclude Missouri from the Union, unless slavery were pro- 
hibited within her limits ! Think of this ye abolition hating Democrats ! 
And if you have regard to professions and declaratioiis^ say, is Mr. 
Van Buren not afriend of abolition and abolitionists ? But to the record: 

" NEW YORK LEGISLATURE.— Pream&^e and Resolutions. 
Whereas the inhibiting the further extension of slaveiy in the U. S., is 
a subject of deep concern to the people of this State, and whereas, we 
consider slavery as an evil, much to be deplored, and that every consti- 
tutional barrier should be interposed to prevent its further extension ; and 
that the Constitudon of the U. S. clearly gives Congress the right to 
require of new States, not comprehended within the original boimdaries 
of the U. States, the prohibiting of slavery as a condition of theii 
admission into the Union, — Therefore, 

Resolved, (if the honorable Senat-e concur therein,) That our Sena- 
tors be instructed, and our Representatives in Congress be requested, to- 
oppose the admission as a State into the Union, of ;n-.- territory, not 
comprised as aforesaid, making the prohibition of ; ty therein an 
indispensable condition of admission. 

On the 29th of January, 1820, the Senate took up die resolution and; 
passed the same unanimously, the following members being present 

Messrs. Adams, Austin, Bainum, Bartow, Browne, Childs, Dudley, 
Dayton, Ditmiss, Evans, Forthington, Hammond, Hart, Livingston, 
lioundsberry, McMartin, Moans, Malloiy, Moore, Noyes, Paine, Ross, 
Rosencrantz, Skinner, Swan, VAN BUREN, Wilson, Young— 30." 

RuFus King, an old Federalists of ' 98, was about that time innomi 



184 MR. v/.N bvren's principles. 

naLion for U. S. Senator from New York. Mr. Van Buren was his 
warm supporter, and wrote as follows, pressing liis election : 

" I should sorely regret [.-ays he] to fiiidany flagginp; on ilie snhjrct 
of Mr. King. We are conmiitted to his support. It is ijotli wise and 
honest; and we must have no tluttering in our course. Mr. King's 
views towards us are honoraijle and correct. The MISSOUKI 
QUESTION conceals, as far as he is concerned, no plot ; and we shall 
•give it a trwe direction. You know what tiie views and feelings of our 
friends were when I saw you, and you Jviiow Mhat we then concluded 
to do. My " CONSIDERATIO\S,'\md the aspect of the Albany 
Argus, will .show that we have entered on the work in good earnest. — 
We cannot look back. Let us not, therefore, have any halting. I put 

MY HEAD ON VtB PROPRIETY," 

The foregoing is published in Holland's " Life of Van Buren ; " au 
electioneering work written l)y a warm partizan of his. After citir^g- this 
extract, Professor Holland proceeds to remark : 

" The attention of the Legislature of Xev,' York was called to fche 
question of admitting Missouri into the Union, with the right to hold 
slaves, in the message of Gov. Clinton, at the opening of the session iu 
Jamiary, 1820. An expression of their opinion was earnestl}'^ recom- 
mended. In compliance with this recommendation, the House of 
Represenrtatives adopted a resolution instructing their Senators and 
requesting their Representatives of the State in Congress to oppose tJte 
admission, as a State, in the Union, of any Territory not comprised 
within the original bomulary of the United States, without making the 
prohibition of slavery therein an indispensable condition of admission ! 
The Senate concurred in this resolution, without division or debate, and 
among them MR. VAN BUREN, tlio'itwas not brought before the 
Legiskiture by his agency. Still he must be regarded as having con 
curred at that time, in the sentiment of the resolution then adopted by 
the Legislature." — Hollands Life of Vcm Biircn. 

[From the Spirit of ' 70, of July loth, 1S40.] 
HOOE'S CASE— FREE NEGRO TESTIMONY.— The papers 
which we publish to-day on the subject of liieut. Hooe's case, show 
that thar officer was tried before a Naval Court Martial at Pensacola. 
Comni.!"'''r Levy being his prosecutor. On the trial, TWO FREE 
NE( jii ' ' . S, servants of Commander Levy, the prosecutor, were offered 
as witnesses against the lieutenant. He objected to their competency, 
but the court admitted them, and they gave'evidcnce against the accused. 
He caused his oljjection to these witnesses to be entered upon the record 
of the proceedings of the court. Sentence having been pronounced, 
upon him, and the record liavingbeen transmitted to James K. Paul- 
ding, the Secretary of the Navy, he approved of them. The defemlant 
appealed to the President, who merely endorsed upon them, that there 
\ci\s. nothing in them requiring his interference. 

So then, it is the law of this administration, that free negroes are good 
witnesses against the officers of the Navy and Army ; and of tlie United 



MU. VAN nUREx's rUINClPLE;^. 18;") 

States, while in tlic military service. Very good, let u.j see how ii will 
work. Suppose tlw plan proposed l)y Mr. Van Bureu and liio Secre- 
tary for (lie organization of t-hc iHilitia &liould pass and become a law, 
anil under it mi? Generals Battle and Hardin arc, in the comve of 
events, broiiglrt. before a court martial for uiiollker-l ike conduct, ykc. — 
On (he trial, iVlr. Prosecutor and the judge advocate are called upon for 
their witnesses, and tliey bring up two free negroes of Nashville, whose 
names delicacy forbids us to mention ; which two free negroes have 
been thg hirelings of the prosecutor. Of course our Generals object 
with might and main, and llaming speeches are pronounced against the 
insult by the counsel, who produce the law and constitution of Ten- 
nessee upon the point. But the Judge Advocate coolly rcp^[t()iuls', 
— " All this was done in Hooe's case, but the testimony wasaduiiUcd, 
and the proceedings were approved by the Secretary of tiie Navy, and 
by the President too, on solemn appeal, on which this very point wa;^ 
relied upon." The precedent is unanswerable, and the tesiimony is 
admitted, and our generals are thereupon dismissed from the service. 
with ail the aggravation of a reprimand in the face o-f 12,.5(KV men 
from 3 or 4 States. 

Will- (he editor of the Union let us hear from " ow legal pen" upon 
this subject ? 

B^it while that gentleman is inditing his defence of the cnlminisi ration, 
a work very germain to his labors at New Bedford, we will just take the, 
libeity tc say that the ignorance of law and of constitutions which (his 
administration' has exliiljited^ is not the least remarkaljle trait? of it:; 
character. In th« plan for the organisation of the militia sulmiiited by 
the Secretary of War to Mr. Van Buren on the 3()lh of November, and 
by him recommended (o Uie attention of Congress in the strongest ternjs, 
the Constitution of (he U. S. is palpably violated in one of the inost 
important of its provisions ; and now again, in this free negro business, 
the most lamentable ignoianceof law is displayed. If i\\g head of this 
administration- has a single merit which enthlcs him to the post which 
he occupies, we shall be gtad to hear of it. Can t our neighbor give 
us disqA+isilion upon the point ? 

NEGROES GIVING TESNIMONY AGAINST A WHri'l': 
MAN— MR. VAN BUREN SUSTAINING THIS COURSE -HIS 
RESPECT FOR THE FEELINGS OF SOUTHERN AND WES 
TERN BIEN. — We invite particular attention to the facts set forth in 
the following oflicial extracts from the Record. If any Soudiern oi 
Western man can stomach such conduct, he is prepared for any thing : 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

Friday, .TunQ (2, IS-IO. 

Mr. Botts, of Virginia, asked leave to olVer d\e following pveamble and 
resolution, obsei-ving that he held himself personally and as a represen- 
tative, responsible for die truth of every word and syllable contained in 
the preamble, as established from a personal examination of the records 
of tne case. 

Wherea.s, by reference to the proceedings of a Naval General Court 
Martial, held in the month of May, 1839, on board the United Stolen 
23 



l,^^ MR. VAN iniuii'?^^ PRINCIPLES. 

yhip M.iccdutiiiin, iheii lyinp; in Pensacola Bay, for the trial of Lf. 
Gcorj't; Maim Hooc, of Va., of the United Stales Navy, on cliargesanil 
r-yv^cilicatiuns originally piefeired against him by Commander Uriah P. 
,evy ; among other irregidaiities comi)lained of by the accused, the 
following facts will appear, which call loudly for redress, to wit : 

That on the 3()ili day of May, James Mitchell, the steward, a negro 
s-ervantof the said Conunander Uriah P. Levy, of the 0. S. ship Van- 
didia, Avas called upon and sworn as a witness on behalf of the prosecu- 
tion, to testify against the said Lieut. Hooe ; that the accused objected 
to the examination of the witness upon the ground that, he was a 
idoied man; that the Court, after deliberation, did not consider the 
olijectiona valid one, and ordered the examination to proceed ; that the 
accused thenoil'ered the following protest, which wa^, at his request, 
sjiread upon record : 

" The accused begs leave to state to the Court, most distinctly, that 
he solemnly protests against the evidence of this witness being received 
and recorded. It is far from the wish of the accused to object to any 
evidence which the Court may deem legal; but the witneie is a 
colored man, and therefore, in the opinion of the accused, is not u com- 
petent witness, eVen befbre this tribunal. 

" G. M. HOOE, 
" Lieutenant U. S. Navy." 

Whereupon, the witness proceeded to dehver his evidence before the 
Court ; upon thb conclusion of which, tlie accused offered the following 
paper in writing, which, at his request, was also spread upon the record : 

" The accused having prot^ested against the evidence Of this witrtess, 
on the ground that lie conceives his testimony to be altogether illegal ; 
that he knows it would be so considered before the civil triburJals of this 
Territory, the forms and customs of which, he humbly thinks, should 
be as closely followed by a martial court as possible ; therefore asks to 
spread upon record the fiict tliat he cannot consent to, and has totally 
declined cross-examining this witness. 

" GEORGE MANN HOOE, 

" Lieut. tJ. S. N.^' 

That on the same day, to wit, the 30th day of May, Daniel Waters, 
a negro cook, and private servant of the said original prosecutor, Uriah 
]'. Levy : was called, sworn, and examined before the Court, whereupon 
the accused presented the following paper in writing, which, at his 
re(iue3t, was spread upon the record, to wit : 

" The Court, having decided to receive and record the testimony of 
colored persons, the accused, in regard to this witness, can only reiterate 
his objections us set forth in the case df Mitchell, the (Captain's stewaitd ! 
The accused will puisne the same comse with this witness that he deci- 
ded to take with the other colored man. 

GEORGE MANN HOOE, 

" Lieut. U. S. N.'* 

That the trial progretacd until Wednesday, the tJth day of June, t^fhcn 



JMR. VAN IUTREn's PIUXCIPLRR. 1 ^T 

the Court entoiod up its juelgment, of whicli the following is ilie con- 
clusion ; 

" And the Court therefore hath and doth sentence tlie said lacnt. 
George M. Hooe, to he dismissed from the West India squadron, after 
having heen reprimanded in general orders liy the honorable Secretary 
of the Navy." 

Which said procccdincfs are endorsed, 

" Approved, ^ J. K- PAULDING." 

That, on the return of the President of the United States to the scat 
of Government, the said Lieut. George M. Hooe addressed a rcnion- 
strance to His Excellency the President, complainnig of the irregidiuiiics 
of the Court, generally, which renionslrunce concludes with the 
following statement : 

" There is one other point in the proceedings of die Court (touching 
their legality) to which I invite the particular attention of your Excel- 
lency. It respects a matter to which all Southern uieu are deeply 
8ensitiv€H— and, if not over-ruled by vour Excellency, will assuredly 
drive many valuable men from the Kavy. In the progress of the 
proceedings of this Court, two negroes, one the cook, and the other 
private stewaid of Commander Levy, were introduced as witnesses 
against me. I protested against their legal competency to he witnesses 
in the Territory of Florida, on ilie ground that they were negroes. The 
Court disregarded my exception, and, as the record shows, they were 
allowed to be examined, and testify on my trial. This 1 charge us a 
proceeding illegal and erroneous on the puit of the Court, and, il so, 
according to established law and precedent, must vitiate and set aside 
their whole proceedings. All which is most respectfully submitted to 
yotir consideration and final decision, by 
" Your obedient servant, 

" GEORGE MANN HOOE, 

" Lieut. U. S. Navy." 

That, after examination of the record, the President returned the 
same to the Navy Department, with the following endorsement ; 

" The President finds nothing in the proceedmgt in the case of Lieut. 
Hooe which requires his interference. M. \. 15. ' 

And whereas, the introduction of negroes and private seivants ol' tlic 
prosecutor as witnesses to testify against the cliavacteis of gentlemen of 
the Navy, in service of their couutrv, is a practice, though sanctioned 
by the President of the United States, tliat will not be jusiilied, and 
ought not to be tolerated by Southern men, or ^^ Northern men icit/i 
Southern prineiplcs,'" and, if not conocted, must operate as a serious 
•injury to the Navy, to the humiliation of its ollieers, and to tlie infinite 
discredit of the Government; 

Resolved, therefore, That the Secretary of die Navy be refjuircd to 
communicate to this House a copy of the proceedings of. the court 
martial held for the trial of Lieut. George M. Hooe, that his wrongi^ 
maybe promptly redressed, and the evils complained of corrected wiilij« 
c ,ji d«l».v. 



188 



iMIl. VAN nUREX S rRIXCIPLER. 



Mr, l^)oivi<v(^o)o inijuix^d wicr! )ii(\iPuio of ix'ilrcss \m colloaG^ue pro- 
po;;c(! hv (Ik; iiitroihiclicji of ihis iv-clmj.-n! 

-Vlr. .SianJy r;illei! ;V!r. i ),<nii'«onlc In oidnr, making prfjine rcmarke. 
Villi.)), (n.)!) \\u- rot)Ju-^!(»ii uJiifii iajniediatclv uiwe, Avcrc iiKiiidil)le to 

M)i.Tcpoi|«;). 

'rii*' < -luii) ^.ii(.i the resoluliou could ,not be icceiycd only ]»y i^^cneral 

ff»i:-|')ll. 

Mr. l'\ TJiumaG, of Miuyland, ohJccLed, 

]\Tr. iMiih^, (hi'iciipoii ntovcd to ^^u.-peud tiic mlc.^, and deniajuled the 

yc.-i,; .iiid iiav^-, w Incli woe ordrK^d, and were a.-;; foil.)',\-,- : — Yo-jy *>;"> — 
:\ays,, S'k iSo die rulrs wc[<' nu( s(i;^p»')Kkd. 

[d-'ioni the Richmond Whig.] 
Ni'JJt'O Tlv-rn ,)[( );\\'. — 0(sc of Lieut. 7/00/;.— The principle 
I'Mi-hiN! iii ihi' .Msr (.) iaciu. llooe, and approved by the .'Secjctary 
-.1 ihr Aa\yaud ih<,'. Frc-ideiU, of adiiiitting negroes to ti^slify against 
MYu-.vi: (^f (lie i\ary, h;i--- .'ycIkmI much feehng in tlna State. It i^ one 
of jjiosc qix'siiciH oil u'hi.!i (he people feci more than they reas&n, and 
i( \^ o»i'' \\ liii h 'v.in.iiii.' (he .-tiongest indignation which can inllame the 
hi>sonk'. of .! \riu^. people it is a measure, more deeply imbued witli the 
i;pir(l of al»oli(ioiti;;ai, than any which has come to onr knowledge, and 
ia i^i- praeticalth.'eirec!,s, it goes Anther to put tlie negro upon a footing 
of (•(juajily wilh th(^ uhile. litai.i — (Ik; great o!>ject of tlic AholitiouistB — 
ihaii any thing e\ er aehieva! Iiy Tappan or ( Jarrison. The social 
eipiality hi-Awa-n \\u- ul.:i!e and Mack niccs, preached and practised by 
a lew f'iiKj.iic \\M)iiei), ;i;cb e ■ 3,!is,; Crimkc, JVliss Abby Kellcy, &c., 
.Old a f.'w de-i;;iiii'"; b\ |)o. riiieal iiicn, lias jiioduced, and can produce, 
»io had e>"'e,-t-. !'' v.iiiiiile- .-et by sorb :diajae(<'h-., 1 ariy 110 weight and 
i n Ih fi' J u-c; ihey ttiiJ) :e) vi' fo !)ri).i': !h<'ir authois uilo o. lit no and eonteiupt. 
!lf\jt (h/- allaii a. :!:i!te.; a vej V diiieieiit aspi'ct, w'lieu (la; lh-i<t ollicer of 
J!ie (*(i\-er)i!ueiii, and (lie Miiii.ierof iIk; Jlarine, sanction a principle, 
w htrli ),(!ii( i :: e\ ei \ "viiiieiiian in the American Navy to a quasi level 
wilh five bfie!. .. Here die eh'vated stations of tliose who set llic 
exianjde, tj,'<d ile hijh aiilhojiii}' with which they are invested, oouspiro 
tuut.tarh ii<ei.' iiiiporiiiaee to th.'ir pree(>,pi,-; m\^ pi.iclices. No man in 
the pid>lie rriAJia' eao <li. reijard the one or dispute (he other with impu- 
.uiiy. 'Y'\,v\y ii:sr tl'iiil !:■ law \o (lie Army and the Navy, and whatever 
jvgiijaiioiis liiey jiiay aalopi, are, iin|)erali\ c upon all comiccted with 
oit.hcrof those im'poriant branches of ilie |>nbli>- .ei\ice. 

It is in this light, in uliich we regard the [)ri|irip!e established in the 
case of l.iiMit. ]ioue,a,iid whicirinvo^slg that decisioti with a peivading 
arul cnduriag iiuportance. it is a direct insult ollored by the IhesiUcnt 
and his naval Minister, to the f.'clings of a large portion of the'Atncri- 
tau people, and in .siiI)j<L'c(jiig the conduct of the Naval oilicers to the 
iinveiilance of (he black servants of the commander reduces them to a 
s.tateof dVgrada!.io»i to which neither Northern nor Southern gentlemen 
can submit. This caimoL fail to exert a Miost l)aneful influence upon 
dial faxorite arm of the national defence. Centlemen of honoi and 
:j'ibi)ity uill, by degree>sj)e batdshed fn5ni the service, and they will 



MR. VAN BUREX'S PRINCIPLES. ISO 

be succeeded by a mean-spirited gencralion, willing and fitinstru. 
ments to do the biddiiig of a niastcf. 

But tlicrei"? anotbcv consequence resulting from the pnnciplc Iiere 
establisbed, of not less consequence. If negro testimony is admissible 
in the Navy, is it not admissible in the Aimy, and even in the Fedend 
courts! We cannot conceive of a reason foi a disiinction, and we pre- 
sume there is none. An officer of tlic army may 1)C cashiered upon the 
strength of negro testimony, since a Lieut, in the Navy has been 
reprimanded and dismissed upon the testimony of two servants of Capt. 
Uriah P. Levi/! And in the Federal court, any individual, if this 
principle be recognized, n)ay be prosecuted by the Guvermnent for u 
breach of thb llcvenue or any other laws, and by the testimony of his 
own servant, be amerced. Suppose, for example, the (Jovernment 
should arraign a citizen of Richmond upon the charge of smuggling 
English cheese, or any oiher article paying duty — The cas© comes 
oefore Judge Peter V. Daniel — Suppose the accused to be an incorrigible 
Whig ; his servant or that of some other man is summoned to give testi- 
mony — conviction ensues, as a matter of course, — and his Honor, the 
Judge, has the supreme feliciiy of passing sentence upon the political 
reprobate. 

This is not an impossibility— it is the legilimate sequence of the 
principles established in llicease of Lieut. Hooe— i. e. that negroes are 
competent witnesses in cases in which the United States or any of iw. 
oflicers are interested. 

Since the facts in this extraordinary case were brought to light, several 
efforts have been made by the understrappers of the party to relieve the 
Administration of the odium. The Globe has put forth sundry articles, 
distinguished much more for tlieir violence than respect of truth. The 
Enquirer, always Charley at the hole, has lent a helping hand. This 
worthy in his other self as Editor of the 'Crisis,' lias procured a letter 
from Mr. Paulding to exhonorate Mr. Van 13uren from all blame in the 
premises. The design, ;is in the case of Mr. Poinsett and the Standing 
Army., 13 decidedly good ', but here, as there, the execution is decidedly 
bad. The Hon." Secretary hits vMg of the mark, and does not touch 
the true matter in issue. In other words, he admits the offence charged, 
and does not touch the true matter in mitigation of damages. He ad- 
mits that negroes, aud tliey the servants of Otpt. Uriah P. Lcvy^ were 
introduced as witnesses against Lieut. Hooe ! This cannot be palliated 
by any combination of circumstances, or be made palatcable to lohitc 
gentlemen, either uordi or south. His apoligies for apjrroviiii^- procced- 
iQgs so novel and revolting, are : 1. " The admission of the description 
of testimony objected to by Mr. Hooe, is a universal practice on board 
of ships of war." So much the worse if it be so, and the greater 
the necessity for arresting such a practice. But can another instance of 
this kind be adduced ? We never heard of one ])efore. 2. " This 
decision was no doubt made oil the ground, that no disqualification of 
a legal nature, which could only cxist^by a law of Congress, was shown." 
This admits every thing— and claims what we before stated was a legit 
inmte scfpience of the decision that negro testimony is admissible in f U«* 



190 MR. VAN BUREn's PRINCIPLES. 

Army and in tlio Federal (Jouits! 3. " Tlic evidence of the neffroe^5 
may be cnt'f^hj rcjecti^d without aflecting the. sentence of the Court. '- 
]Io\v does thfe .Secretary know this ? But it is a rule of law as well as 
of common sense, that irrelevant testimony shall not be admitted, for 
there is no cdcnlatinLi' what niuhie bias it may exert on the minds of 
the jurors — and if admitted, it i^ good cause for an appellat^j jurisdic- 
tion "to set aside the decision. But all this has nothing to do with the 
main point. Of the merits of the decision, so far as relates to Lieut. 
Ilooe, we know nothing, and they have nothing to do with the question 
we are discussing — i. e. the admissibility of negro testimony against 
v.hite men. This is the great matter— .this it is which does violence to 
the feelings of the people, and which the Secretary of the Navy and the 
President have approved. 'J'he A{\\ excuse is fur the President, and is 
full of <piibhhng, a la mode his associate, Poinsett. It is as follows : 

" It is not deemed necessary to go further into this subject than merely 
to add, that the President had nothing to do with the Court or its 
proceedings. The judgment of the Court was approved, and cavried 
into effect by the order of this Deparlment-v^thc approval or opinion of 
any higher power was not necessary." 

No one supposed the President had any thing to do with " the Court 
or its proceedings," which were held accorcling to the Secretary, " on 
board a U. S. "Ship of war in the Bay of Pensa.cola." But he had 
something to do with them afterwards at Washington. The facts a?e 
these : The proceedings arc sent to Washington ; they were endorsed 
l)y the Secretar}^ ; 

'^APPROVED, J. K. Pauldixg." 

L,ieut. Hooe then appealed from the decision of the Court and tlie 
approval of tlie Secretary^, to the President. In his memorial to that 
high Functionary, he expressly complained of lire illegality of thenegio 
testimony, and asked the especial attention of the President to it. Tlie 
President examined the record aud memorial, and returned the same to 
the Navy Department with- the following endorsement : 

" THE PRESIDENT FINDS NOTHING IN THE PROCEED- 
INGS IN THE CASE OV IJEUT. HOOE, WHICH REdUIRES 
HIS INTEPvFERl^NCE. M. V. B." 

This leaves no loop-hole for escape. Out of his own inouth he is 
condemned. But we will do the President the justice to say, his co)i- 
duct in this particular is consistent with his past life, and in perfect 
keeping widi hi^ advocacy of Free Negro 8ujrage. He who had 
maintatned the litncss of tlie African race to exercise the highest rights. 
of a freeman, that of electing Legislators and rulers, could not consis- 
tently object to their competency as witnesses before civil and military 
tribunals. 

[From the .Tonesboro\igh Whig of September 30, 1840.] 
THE STANDING ARMY— A NEW DISCOVERY— MR. VAN 
BUREN CONVICTED OF FALSEHOOD-GEN. JACKSON^S 
OPINIO.NS OF A PERMANANT MILITARY FORCE-OUT- 



MR. VAN BUREN's PRINCIPLES. l9l 

LINE OF THE ARMY BILL BY THE MADISOI^LVN^ 
CONCLUDING REMARKS BY THE PRESENT EDITOR— 
The Army Bill of the Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, endorsed by 
President Van Buren, in his hist annual Message, has met with such 
s:^eneral disapprobation, and proved so injurious to the cause of tlio 
Spoilers, that tliey have hed, twisted, and turned a iiUndred ways, to 
avoid its pernicious inlUicnccs. We now have it in our pov/cr to present 
this step towards arbitrary power in its tlue colors, witli the falsehoods of 
Mr Van Buren, and the gross blunders of his supporters, to which we call 
the attention of all parties. 

We commence with the letter of eight memberf of Congress, to the 
citizens of the United States, and an extract from the President's Mess- 
age, certijied to by the Democratic Clerk of the Ho^ise of RcprCsentil- 
tives, which place the charge of the President's endorse) /lent beyond 
tlic reach of Conlradiction : — 

" Washington, May 26, 1840. 

To our Pciloit- Citizens : 

We have been informed that fhe cditOfs of 
some newspapers, who advocate the re-election of Mr. Van Buren to the 
Presidency, have refused to publish the recommendations and project 
of the Secretaty of War for the organization a;nd discipline of the militia 
of the United States, with the approval of the Presidant. Being also 
informed that the audienticity of those portions of the Message of the 
President submitted to Congress, have been frequently rlcnied, when 
published in newspapers, we have, for the purpose of rcmovii% all 
doubts, procured duly certified copies of that portion of the met^sage, 
jand all the the reports of the Secretary of Vi^ar strbmitted at the present 
feession of Congres, that relate to the subject, which we present foT your 
consideration. 

^"R. garland, of Louisiana. JNO. BELL, of Tennessee. 

M. H. GRINNELL, of New York. JNO. M. BOTTS, of Virginia.; 
TRUxMAN SMITH, of Conn. CHARLES NAYLOR, of Pa. 

L. SALTONSTALL, of Mass. J. C. Cl-ARK, of New York. 
Extract from the Message of the President of the United States to 
the two Houses of Congress, December 2, 1839. 

" The present condition of tlie defences of our principal seaports and 
navy yards, as represented by the accompanying report of the Secretary 
of War, calls for the early and serious attention of Congress ; and, as 
connecting itself intimately with this subject, / cannot recommend too 
^strongly to your consideration, the plan submitted by thut officer, for 
•tlie reorganization of the militia of the United States. 

Office House of Ref. ? 
May 23, 1840. S 

At the request of a member of Congress, 1 have compared the above 
extract from the President's Message, with the original on file in my 



102 MR. VAN BURETff'K P«IXCIPLES, 

ofrice, and find it to bo, roncct, and to be contained in the message liint 
relates to the subject of the extract. 

' H. A. GARLAND, 
Clerk House Rep. U. S:\ 

Now, notwithstanding Mr. Van Biucn endorsed this Army Bill, and 
called the attention of Congress to it, since he has witnessed its bad 
eflects in the comuinnity at large, he has denied having ever seen the 
plan, and has actually compelled ids Secretary of War, in a commmii- 
. cation to Congress, to acquit hini of any participation in the matter, 
and to take it upon himself I At page 44 of Doc. No. 2, 2Gth Congress, 
1st Session, the original proposition, endorsed by the President, is stated 
in the following language by his Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett : 

" It is proposed to divide the United States into eight mihtary districts, 
so as to have a body of twelve thousand five hundred men in active 
service ; and another of equal number as a reserve. This would give 
an armed mihtary force of two hundred thousand men, so dialled ajid 
iitalioned^ as to be ready to take their places in the ranks in defence of 
tiieir country whenever called apon to oppose the enemy or repel the 
■invader. The whole term of service to be eight years ; four years in 
the first class and four in the reserve. One fourth part, twcnty-fivc 
thousand men, to leave \\\c service every year, passing at the conclusion, 
into the reserve, and exempted from ordinary military duty altogether, 
at the end of the second. In this manner twenty-five thousand men 
will be discharged from military duty every year, and twenty-five thou 
• sand fresh recruitshc, received into the service. It will be sufficient fov 
all useful purposes, that thcremaindcr of the militia, under certain regu- 
lations provided for their government, be enrolled and be mustered at 
long and stated intervals ; for in due process of time, nearly the ivJtole 
'mass of the jnilitiairill pass through the first and second classes and 
be either members of the active corps, or of the reserve, or counted 
■among the exempts, wlio will be liable to be called upon only in peiiodfc^ 
of invasion or imminent peril. Tlie maimer of enrolment, the mnnbcir 
of days of service, and the rate of compensation ought to be fixed by 
Ih.w : but the details had ])ctter be left subject to regulation ; a plan of 
which I am prepared to submit to you." 

This one thing wc will nov/ do. we will give an extract or two fiom 
'a letter recently written by Mr. Van Biuen, to a committee of his friends 
In Virginia, in answer to five interrogatories propounded to him, in a 
letter bearing date of June 12, 1S40. 

The an. wer of Mr. Van Burcn,is dated July 31, 1810 — and in reply 
to the (lui'siiun whether or no, he " approves of the plan of Mr. Poin 
sett for the organization of the militia," he says : — •' My knowledge oC 
mihtary afiairs is very limited ; but I will nevertheless give you such 
views as I have been able to take of the subject of your oncjuiry ! " 

Here it will be seen, that the President's ''knowledge, of military 
alTuiis is very limited," notwithstanding his Biographer, in '• Holland's 



V.VA iJUlCLJA 



life of Vim B men," labors to show \m 'Mcuowl^cl-.c ol nulit.u) ;if- 
faiis," is rcry eztcnsU-c, by the intioductioii ol a uiiltaiy iiicayvuc lie 
once succeeded ill passing i1iioul;1i. the Lcgirflaluie of New York! Of 
this measure we shall have occasion to speak presently. 

In this same ponderous letter, written to this Virginia (Jonnnitle on 
the subject of Mr. Poinsett's ahas Mr. Van Burcn's proposition foi a 
Standing Army, the President says : 

" It \s,.biit kitelij Ih-at my attention has been partkuUtrbj drawn to this 
subject, and, as there is no doujjt that the great men to whom I have 
alluded contemplated an organization of the militia, and provisions for 
its better instructioih,, embracing substantially the principles contained 
in Mr. PoiiiscU''s plan, it becomes me, in the face of so much apparent 
authority, to hesitate before I pronounce deliuitely upon its i:on3titution- 
ality. I, shall, I ani.conrKlei:i, in the opinion o^^ all ca4idid niinds, best 
perforin my duty by refraining to do so, until, it becomes necessary to act 
officiallij, i»i Uie matter. In the mean time, I will content myself with 
saying, that the desired measure cannot be safely accomplished, in the 
form proposed' under the Federal Constitution as it statids ! ! ! " 

Thiis it will be scon, that tlie President is convicted of wiffid and 
deliberate lying. He is guilty of lying, because it is a principle in 
law, that the suppression of truth, is equivolent to the expression, of 
falsehood. Tlie foregoing avowal of Mr Van Buren's is false by sup- 
pression — false by inisrcpresentation—und false by denial 

In the Tennessee Sentinel of the 29th of February ISIO, there is an 
cditoriaMieaded " Organization of t/ie MilUia,'' suppoced to be written 
hy a cousin-in-law of the present editor of that slieet, defending 
the plan, of Mr. Poinsett, atid Mr. Van Buren's endorsement ^ and 
frankly acknowledging, in so mmiy words, that the object of that schenje 
is in paii, to protect the people against die cncroaclunciits of the Whigs, 
who are niodestly styled " Alien and sedition gaggeks 1 '' 

In the Sentinel of June Gih, ISIO, dicre is a long editorial, headed 
" Standing Arniij,''' in which the stupid Ass, who now edits that pnpcr, 
holds forth in these words : 

" T|ic Secretary, in obedience to the resolutions of Congress, makes 
a report which extorts the praibc and admiration of all Uie candid of his 
political opponents — it is reconinKendcd to tlie consideration of Con- 
gress BY THE PRESIDENT— and presently the British Federal 
Whig Party raise the hue and cry of Standing Army ! " 

In this same editorial, this plan of Mr. Poinsett's is styled " superior 

in every respect " — " free from any well founded objections "— " a 

judicious and simple classification of the militia " — " a wise measure — 

a measure necessary to secure the public safety," «.^c ! 

* A,ii(jl m this same Sentinel, of Sept. 19, 1810, edited, we suppose, in 

■-■"■'' '■' '25 



l".)l MR. VAX nrUKN S PKIXCIPLES. 

till" ;il).s«;n(C of (!ruiil:')i Tom, l)_y a rousii/ -in-law of his, in an editorial 
li(M<i.;il " (ica. Ilanisoirc StundiiiiT Antiy," llic writer has the audacity 
lo prouoniirc, Poiusctl'rf ?chcino " iiiiU)0(Mit and liarnilcss" — and even 
f'oes so far as to pny, thtit " Mr. Poinsett proposes nothing nen' — nothing 
that has not been previously reconnnended " by other Presidents ! 

Again — In a recent number of tiie Globe, a most miserable an^^ 
slianiefui ellbrt is made to even slneld Mr. Poinsett from the respon- 
sibility of the authorship of this famous Army Bill. The Globe says : 

" It was framed by Maj. Samuel Cooper, one of the Assistant Adju- 
tants General oftlie Army ((Japt.jDe Hart,) was charged by the Secretary 
of War, with the duty of arranging and embodying t/te details of his 
plan, and by whom the hill in questioiiwas prcpaied for the committee, 

IN CONFOrvMITV WITH THE plan!" - • 

Really, these desperate efiorts of tho President, Secretary of War, and - 
(Jlobe editor, to extricate themselves from tiie fatal consequences of 
this army bill, arc, in our opinion, supremely ridiculous. Were we in 
their places, we would now deny that ever such a bill was draw'n up ! 

In Holland's Life of Van Buren, page 9S, it is said, in reference tea 
Militia Bill, he introduced and passed through the Legislature of New 
York: 

" ]')uringlhis special session, Mr. Van Buren maturcd^hrou^ht for- 
irard, and defended in debate, several war measures of the strongest 
cliaraetiv. Of these, tlic most prominent was, " .4;i act to mdhorizt 
the raisini^- of troops for the defence of the i-tatc" which passed both 
houses, and being appioved by t lie (Governor, became a law on the 24lh 
October, 181 i. It authorizes the Governor to place at the disposal of 
the General Government, 12,01)1^ men fortcvo years, to be raised by suita- 
ble classifications of the militia of the state.''' 

Again— On the same page, the writer says : 

" This law has been truly characterized by Col. Benton, in his Ia(e 
letter to the committee of tJic Mississippi Convention, ' as the most en- 
ergetic war measure cmr adopted in this count ry.^'^^ 

Once more— In this same Life of Vart Buren, page 108, speaking 
of this " classifrcaiion " and " conscription " war bill as it was called, it 
is said : 

"The principle of it was adopted by Mr. Madison's administration; 
recommended by the Secretary of War, Mr. Monroe, to (he Congress of 
the Uniled Slates, and found nv that noDY, TOO ENERGETIC 
TO BE PASSED !'' 

Now, what we wish to Cidl the attention of the public io, is this : this 
bill of Mr. Van Buren, " too cncrrretic to be passed bi/ Congress,'' but. 
which was adopted by the liCgislature of New York, will be foiiftcl, 
upon examinatiun, to luumonizc, in every nialerial lespecf, with the 



MR. VAN BURKX'S PRIXCIPI.E3. 1*^5 

bill, or plan proposed by Mr. Poin^ctr. This i.^ a late discovery, but fcr 
llie proof, let any gentleman tuin to the Journal of either the New 
York liegislature, or of Congress, and he will find by a eomparison of 
these bills that Mr. Poinsett has taken liis snggestiuns from Mr. Van 
Buren's bill ! This being granted, and we dare any one to deny it, it 
lollows of necessity, that Mr. Van Buren called the attention of Mr. 
Poinsett to the features of his " old energetic v:ar measure,^- and is in 
truth, tlie father of tho scheme. The guilt of lying, therefore, which 
attaches itself to the President's (^/e/«W, is apparent to all, and is criminal 
in the first degree. For ihe especial benefit and insliuctiou of that 
portion of the Van Buren ranks, who profess to be following little Martin, 
because he is following in the footsteps of old Hickory, we sui)ioin, in 
conclusion, and without comment, the following extract from the Me«i- 
nge of Gen. Jackson, in 183-1, giving his views of a Standing Army, and 
of^an increase of the military force of this nation : 

** The army is In a high state of discipline. Ita moral condition, so 
far as that is known here, is good, and the various l)rancheB of the public 
'Service, are carfuUy attended to. It is amply .snKFrcfRNT, under its 
present organization, for providing the necessary garrison for the sea 
baajd, and for the defence of the internal frontier, and also for preserv- 
ing the element of militaiy knowledge, and for keeping pace with those 
improvements which modkrn experiments is continually making. And 
fckege objects appear to me, to emhrace all the legitimate purposes for 
which a PERaiANANT military force should be maintained in our country. 

" *riie lessons of history teach us iLs dangers, and the tendency which 
«i-ista Co an increase. This can be best met and aveited by a just 
<Mi«tiott on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent them 
i^ Congress." 

'■■ Wo'have a few concluding remarks to make on the subject of this 
Military St^stem of Mr. Van Buren's, and we are done. After the 
ilefcat of Mr. Van Buren, in ISIO, the* philosophical portion of his 
friends, were exceedingly busy, aiAl bothered their brains no little in the 

'effort to assign that sesult to adccpiale causes. We announced to them 
Chen, as we do now, the true cause of his defeat, which was the disgus^ 

,ting absurdity and dangerous tendency of his measures, urged upon 
Congress for adoption. Among these, and by no nieans the least in 
point of importance, was his nefarious proposition to innovate upon our 
long tried militia system, and to establish on its ruins another system, 

-with which the good people of this country had no affmitie.^. Tim 
greatly contributed to his overthrow. He propo; ed an al)omination in 
the shape of a Standing- Army as a sul)slitut(5 for our venerable militia 
ayst«ni; and the American people justly indignant at this ellbrt, coolly 
Hirned ranoH and put a subetjtute for th<; Gn'mrdkin of KhidcrlinoJ: \:- 



19f) Mn. v.\K rrrnr.'s''^ pnixcipr.F.r. 

the ProcJdonlial chair. l,ot hh-^ niolaucliol^'- fate sorvc as a warning to 
all fiidur anpirants for.'hat oriic',^,not to.la\- luiliol}- bands -on .that, ark'of 
our iiaiioiial K^af'ct}:. Avul let \\\p. concictifni of 11:1 If ul falsehood^ be as a 
\'ainiiig to all pre.ont and comuig pohlicians, not to sny a lliiugone day 
and deny it, die i\r'X(. 

Politiciau^ n'-'W, Vv'ith comparative safety, run tlicir brazen Jiead.-' 
agaiiv^t a National Dank — tiicy iiiay curse a Protecldve Tariff — they 
niaykick again^^t (he .One Term Principle — ihey may denounc-e Mr. 
('lay's Land l>ill, or revile again.:t (he restriction of the Veto powei-, until 
their tougue:- are as black as their depraved hearts ; they may do all these 
f lungs, vre say, aud heiolaated, but the moment they propose to muti- 
late our long tried aud sublime militia systeiri— they sign theh" own 
polilical death v.arrant — ihey utterly aud forever annihilate their chan- 
ces for future political disiinction. For the truth of these remarks, look 
at the melaiu'lftoly fate of that blasted monument of every honest man's 
disple;?siue, Martix Vax^ PuuiiX ! 

()i;c!v..i(.iially there is a gv.iod thing found in the Madisonian, Joh\' 
Tvr.Ptic's oigui. Eiilici hy accident or design, it administers the follow- 
iuo" (5e:-erved reluiko to tlie slanders lieaped upon the virtue and intelli- 
gence of (he People, hy tlu^ leading Locofoco organs, in attrihuting the 
result of tiu" election \\\ IS 10, to tlie influence i>{ '■'■ hard cider y singinjT;-, 
((.'ul eooii-skinsy jvv'en Mr. Van Huren himself, great Z>e??mcra< as he 
prof(>sse-s to be, in ;\iiuding to the scenes which hurled him from power, 
in his late Indiana letter, styles dien^i " tke disreputable scenes o'f 1S40." 
l>cautirid Dcmorrary this! Sec how the Tyler organ takes off such 
<'(>mpliments to the intelligence of the people : 

" TlIK LXTJ'JJ.fGENCE OF THE PEOPI/E.—It seems to ns 
thatihe tiloI)eand Richmond Knq.uirerdo ga-at injustice to, the,, People 
of this country v.diei) dicy represent or countenance the idea that the 
great revolution of IS 10 w'aseliecled by 'coon-skinshard cider and singing.' 
Wliatever may be the taste of such exhibitioiisof ])opidar feeling, still 
they are eflects and not causes. They are effect? (Mul (jHervescence boils 
over. It ]nightas well be said that the bubbles on the. surface of a hot 
^■l)ring caused ii lo l)oil. Of all the people on the surface of the Globe, 
the Americans, from their social habits, and from their position, .'spread 
over an extensive territory, and the great body of them tillers of the 
earth are least likely to!)e induced by such means to change their opin- 
i<Mis of public men, and to withdraw Uieir confidence from those lliey 
had delighted to honor. J )oes any one believe that " hard cider, singing, 
and coon skins,'' could have siiaken (Jen. Jackson's popijlarity ? TIk; 
very fact that such exhibitions became general and were indulged in by 
innuense masses, pi'oves that the ground was prepar(Ml for them ; that 
there was soniellnng in the condition of the cotmtry or in the measines 
of the Administration with whi<h the Peo]>le were dissatisfied, and they 
weie exceedingly exhileraled b\' tin- hope of a change, and indulged 



MR. VAN BURE-V'S PRIXCIPLES. 197 

ill such demonstrations as can only proceed from or be consonant with a 
liifjh state of excitement. It, is the custom of Aristocrats, of those wlio 
deny the capacity of the People for self govrrnmcnt, to n^prescnt tliem 
as the tools of demagogues, liable to be operated on throu^di their pas- 
sions and prejudices. and led to results destructive to the interests and 
prosperity of "the country. Such, however, is not the doctrine of Dem- 
ocrats, we submit that those who ivowld account for the exiraordiiiary 
changes of puWic' opinion, which occurred ia IS 10 by "hard cider, 
tinginj^ and coon skms," do but follow in the wake of the Aristocrats and 
Tories of Europe and America, and pay a sorry compliment to the 
intelUgeime, iateg^ify n)?4 patjio^isjp Qif thcjt fellow-citizens." 



CHAPTER XVI. 



THR f.U.\\D llESULT OF THE TENNKi^KFE ELECTIONS — CAITSES 
TTIEUEOF — SUCCESS OK THE WHIGS THE TRUE ST.ATE OF THE CASE 



The returns from the clortions of this State, though in an unofficial 
form, are now complete, and too much is known for the comfort of the 
Locofocos. The result, in a word, shows the re-election of Gov. Jones, 
by a maiority of 4009, and a Whig liei^islalure by a majority of 8 om 
joint ballot — 3 in the Seratc and 5 in the House of Representntivee. 

EAST TENNESSEE —In this ond of the State, two years ago, 
Jones' majority was 3250, being a gain over his former iwajority of 19 
votes I There are 20 counties in East Tennessee. 

MIDDLi: TENNESSEE.— There are 30 counties in Middle 
Tennessee. Five years ago, they gave Polk a majority of 2o20, and 
this bout, they have given him a majority of only 1595, wliich shows 
a loss to him, and a gain to Jones, of 925 ! 

WEST TENNESSEE.— In the Western division of the State, 
(here are 17 comities. Two years ago, these counties gave Jones a 
majority of 2533, and this bout, they gave him a majoiity of 2354, 
being a loss to Jonea of 1 79 only, after all the boasted gains of the 
enemy, on the ground of the unpopularity of the *l^ariff, among the 
.0 3tton-growers of the Disuioi! Thus Tories' majority in East and 
AVest Tennessee, is 5604, from which take Polk's majority in Middle 
Tennessee, of 1595, and Jones is ahead just 4009. 

CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.— Notwithstanding the revo- 
lutionary disorganizing 13 immortals, in the late State Senate, forced 
f.he Whig party to concur in their arrangement of the Districts, (he 
Whigs nevertheless have eXected/uw. out of the elei'cn Congressmen. 
Jn the 3d District, where Jones got a majority of 760, Blackwell, a 
jLoco, is elected by eighty votes. And in two other Districts where 
^iOcos are elected, to wit, A. Y. IJrown and Cave Johnson, they got in 
by the skin of their tteth, though they had (he advantage of heavy 
majorities to start upon. In almost every other District whereaLoco is 
elected, the majority of the party is considerably reduced. 

The following exhibit of the Congressioal Districts and candidates, 
of this State, will not be uninteresting at this time, while it will serve 
for future reHercnce : 



Tin: GiiWD ui-::iULT of texxkssek. 191) 

1st,. Dis'niccT— Odmpo.scd oftlic coiuidcs of Johnson, Carter, Sul- 
livan, Washington, Hawkins, Greene and C'ocke. Loco mnjority 
731. John A. Aiken and An(he\v' Johnson were coiilesting- for ihis 
district. Johnson succeeded by about 401) votes, while Polk's nuijority 
over Jones, was reduced from T3 1 , to 375 ! 

•'2nd:-D!STRiCT—Jeirerson, Grainger, Claiborne, Campbell, Ander- 
son, Morgan, Sevier, Blount and Montoe. Wliig majority 21)42. 
Candidates— Wm. T. Senter, Whig ; W. W. Wallace, Loco. ■ Senter 
succeeded by the rise of 2t)00 votes, which was a great Iriuinph, in 
view of the fact, that two Whig candidates run till near the close of the 
contest- Jonca' majority over Polk, in the same District, the data 
upon which the forenamed majwrity was founded, is 2804. 

3d. District^— Knox, Roane, Bledsoe, Rhea, Meigs,' McMinn, 
Polk, Bradley;, Hamilton and Marion. Whig majority ItHB: Gandi- 
dafcoij— Thomas J. Campbell, Whig; Julius W. Black well. Loco. 
Dlackw«ll succeeded, as before named, by a niajor^y of t%gkiy voteaj 
while Jones' majority over Polk, is 760, which shows the District t© be 
still Whig. 

4th. DISTRICT — Fentress, Overton, Jackson, WlMe, De Kalb, Van 
Buren, Warren, Cofiee. — Loco majority 1335'. Candidates— ^Alvan 
Cullom Locofoco ; Mr. Bransford, Whig. Cu41om'was elected by a 
majority of 1400, which shows a Locofoco' gain' of near 100', in that 
District. 

5th District— Franklin, Lincoln, Bedford, Marshall. Loco ma- 
jority 3025. The candidates L/Oco of coufee. were M. A. Long:, and G. 
W. Jones. Jones succeeded over his Locofoco competitor^ Gov. 
Jones is beajtew 2S65 votes in' th«t District which' shows a whig gain 
of 160 votes. 

6th Di'STRfcT^ — Hick^nan, Maury, Giles, Lawrenfcc, Wa^rtc and 
Hardin ILoco majority 1400. Candidates—N-eil S, Brown, Whig ; 
Aaron V. Brown', Loco. Aaron succeedetl hy a majority of about 600 > 
while Jones was beaten but 697, showing a Whig gain in the District, 
ofTO^vpCps! 

, , : :7,th District — ^^Wilson*, Ruthierford, Cannon, Williamson. Whig 
itiajority,3349. Candidates^— David W. Dickson, Whig ; no opposition. 
This xnajorHy was calculated' from the vote between J'ones and Polk 
io 1841, and as Jones has beaten' Polk 2328 in the same District, this 
bout, and the Locofoco ticket lost upward&^of a hundred, there is still a 
Wh'^g^gain in the district of sometliittglilcQ 80 'votes. 

8^h District— Smith, Sumner and Davidson. Whig majority 1303. 
Candidates— Df. Joseph H. Peyton, Whig^ Gen. Daniel S. DoneJson^ 



4\JU THE OKAXD RLSULT 1\ TEXXESSEE. 

l,oco. Tlic Whig candidate in (his District succcedctl. by upwards ol 
1000 votes, while Jones' majority over Polk is 1020, a falling oil' — not 
from the Whig vote, but from the Whig mr/Jorit*/, occasioned by an 
increased JiOcofoco vote. 

9th District— Robert-son, Montgomery, Stewait, Dickson, Hum 
jihreys, Benton and Henry. — Locofoco majoiily, §70. Candidates — 
'teustavns A. Henry, Wh'ig ; Cave Johnson, Loco. The Locofoco 
candidate succeeded by about 300 votes, while Gov. Jones was beaten 
only 38.5 votes, showing a Whig gain of 485 in the District. 

iOth DisTutCT — McNairy, Hardeman, Fayette, Shelby, Tipton, 
Haywood, 1 .auderdalc and Dyer.— Whig majwity, 3&5. Candidates 
— Jolm B. Ashe, Whig ; Frederic P. Stanton, Loco. The Whig can 
didate, Ashe, succeeded, getting the Whig majority, while Jones' 
majority over Polji is 338, being a loas to the Whig niajonty of 17 votes- 

llth District — Perry, Henderson, Madison, Carroll, Gibsoa, 
Weakley, Obion.— Whig majority, 2,6Cte. Candidates— MiUon Brown, 
Whig; Mr. Pavatt, Locofoco. Judge Brown is of couse elected, and 
the majority of Jones over JPolk is 2o20, being u falling off of the;Whig 
majority of 88 only. 

IIL,Q'AP1TULA'J10.\. 

Whig majority in 6 Congressional JDistricts, 9,S3(J 

Locofoco majofity in 5 Districts, 5,722 

Balance in favor of the Whigs, -1,108 

Thus it will be seen that if the Whig maiorities were distiibutetJ as 
they shol(ld be, (he J^ocofocos would have but oiic member iii Congress, 
'\vl^le the' W,%s would jiav^ ■ ^ ' ' '' ^ 

THE |LJBGJSLATU^E — Two years a^-o, the yVhigs Jiad a ma- 
jority of Mrce in the House, and the Locofocos had a majority of one 
in t.he Senate, IVow, t^he Whigs have a majority oijive in the House 
andiArce in the Senate, which gives them eight on joint ballot— a 
suffecient majjority for all reasonable purposes. And next to the success 
oHhc Whigi in carry ^ Legislature, the characters of the 

members elect, for taleffts and respectability, should afford our friends* 
the highr.M gratificaton. With here ana there on excepuon, the Whigs- 
had (heir very best men rn'tlie field, as also had the liocdfdcos, which 
acicountk for imich 6f the cTiergy w'ltli w'hich both parties prosecuted 
the late canvas.' tii tWe wKi^ collumn of members elect, we find the 
name^ of as n'lany c\s^g>e Ex-Congressmeft. Besides these we find the 
names of rriarty i^eh kriowh to us, either personally or from character, 
at gentlemen and polhicians of the first' mbral' and political worth in 



THK UK.\XD RESULT IN TENXESSLE, 



201 



'' THAT SAME OLD COON !!! ''- 




For two long years past, greatly to our annoyance, ilie Locofoco 
papers have abounded with coarse wood cuts, carricaturing " that same 
old coon." Some liave had liim in the act of beuig skinned, with a 
huge I.ocofoco over him, and a iKitcher knife in hand. Others have 
had him on his back, on a rou',Wi table, feeling upwards for the ground, 
with one unfeeling Locofoco to hold, while another would skin ! And 
others, more cruel, have represented him as on the' ground, squaUing 
like a wild cat, and literally covered with dbgs ! 

We confees, as painful as it is, that our coon has been for two years 
past, " setiin on a rail,'' and to all hn'nVan appearance, " sleejnn wcnj 
sound ; " but he is on his feet again, and at the top of thte tree, ready to 
give the two " weary travellers" from North Carolina, who come with 
*• glad tidings" from the old North State, the right hand of fellowship- 
He has been roused up in Tennessee, Kentucky, North Carolina and 
Georgia, and will henceforth, he assures Us, " keep wide awake and 
didy sober," save only, when he may chance to fall in with a barrel of 
" hard cider." Verily this mention of " cider," reniinds us of the 
" departed joj's " of ]840, when we first met w^iih the codn, who " came 
to the beach a poor exile of Erin," and with whom, 

" " Wi' monyvL vow, and lock'd embrace, 

Our parting was ' fu tender ; 
And pledging aft to meet again, 
We tore ourselves asimdcr." 
26 



t{\2 rilK C.UAMJ HKPri.T IN TENNr:SSEE. 

Willi the cuon, ?.Iusic, has maintained univerrfal dominion, and like 
the swecL Diird of Avon, he lias said, lie is " mov'd with concoid of 
awcct sounds." Let, tlicn, his Whii;- (Vicnd-s cheer him occasionally, 
with the spirit stirring- air of a Noiili CajoUna VVhig, iiircphj toa '-'•verij 
mournful ellcgy " on the sninn old coon : 

" The Coon is (h^ad ! " Ah, say not so, 
He only slee])s awliile ; 
Witli ten-fold strength he'll soon conic forth 
With the same old winning " smile.'" 
*' The coon is dead ! " How mistaken ! 
For you there's no such luck : 
You wish him dead, I doubt it not — 
But he lives in " old Kentuck ! " 

The hickory pole that once stood high: 
Kmblem of your Hero's lame — 
Has long since fallen to the dust, 
And mingled with the same. 

But ihe same old Coon is stout and atrong : 

He's stood the withering blast ; 

He'll still endure the heavy stornr — 

And come again at last ! 

The hicJccry pole ! Who set it up ?J 
The " .Oimocrats! *" — 'tis said ; 
That lengihy pole has tumbled down : 
The cry is, then " The Coon is dead ! '* 
" The CooF. is dead ! " He lives, dear sir, 

To fight another battle — 

O'er hill and dale, in '44, 

You'll hear his music rattle ! 

He'll start with strength from " old Kentuck ! " 

And gathering as he goes, 

He'll drive the motley crew again, 

And triumph o'er his foes ! 

He'll meet you in the Empire State, 

And lead you such a route : 

He's up again equip'd for fight, /• 

And lives, you will not doubt! 

" The Coon is dead ! " It is not so! ! 
For you there's no sucli luck ! — 
., He only sleeps in Ashland shades — 

In the State of " old Kentuck ! " 

liong live the coon, " the same old Coon ! " 

His tiinmphs are not yet o'er ; — 

But the hickory pole, " tiie same old pole " — 

Wc ne'er shall see it more ! 



THE UKAND RESULT IX TKWF.FSEK 



'203 



"I,A¥ 



V9^ 

9 




The Coon in Tetmes^ce, has co\ oicd himself w'uh glory, and a 
portion of that imperisliable rennwii, J. . is about lo impart lu tfie 
Dom'mecker of Locofocoism ! The poin[)otis Koostcr of the Chapman 
-Stripe, has been crowing away in Tennessee, for tlse last t\vo years, loud 
enough, in all conscience, to wake np every Inn south of ^Jason and 
Dixon's lane; while the Coou^, disgusted with the treachery of Tyler^ 
retired to their native forests, and indulged in those nocturnal habits, 
peculiar to their natun:., previous to their being civiUzcsd by the Whigs. 
But this crowing of these American Doi/t'meckcrs, has ;uoi',st;d ihu 
Coons, from the borders of Nootka Sound, to the forests of Mexico ; 
and tkat opinion of their characters, formed solely from extendi 
appearances, the mingled expression of sagacity and innocence exhibi- 
ted in their aspect, tijeir personal neatness and gentle movements, 
inclining the feathered tribes to view them as posseted of a guileh.'sa 
and placable disposition, has been found to be eirouLOus. The Coon, 
when insulted and injured, displays ta blood-tliirsty and vindictive spirit, 
and as this cut will show, he slaugluers the Locofoco ten.auts of the 
poultry-yard with indiscriminate ferocity! And thus it is, he nobly 
breasts the rising svn'ge of Locofocoism and diivej it back — spreading 
despair among the ranks of the enemy, and sfrikinry dowsi into the du^t., 
\\\t\x feathered organ, at the very moment In; was tip toeing and e.iow- 
uy^ in tho face of the party headed by (he Coon, wiili confid-'ntdef-iance \ 



g04 TME (iUAND RESrr.'I I.\ TRXNr.RaEK. 

Ever honoied he. the Tt'imossee Coon ! nnd IiipLost praises lollie nol)lo 
Victory lie has achieved in that vast extent of teirilory, of which the 
Hennita^p is the centt*^ ! ! 

A TRIUMPHANT VICTORAM— Most noUy have the Whigs of 
Tennessee dischaigetl their (hify to themselves, to their State, and to 
their coiuilry ! After a Unvj;, anil hard fouo;ht, battle, contending- agaiilsl 
th*) inonie.Ll po\v<n- of the State, in tlie outrageous conduct of the Banks, 
and aiiaiiv-!! ih'' palronnge of the GencMal GJovernuient, including the 
Post Ofiice Dcpailriieril, the Whigs have tiviMM) a skjxal a.vd tri- 

riNTPriAXT VlCTOiiY ! 

Such is the eniphalie and decisive rebuke which the independent 
freemen of this Slate have given to the factious conduct of the "•hnnior- 
?a^^AiV^C^/7.," denominated l)y a dislinguished Whig orator, in Carter 
'•ouuty, on the 2:Sth of June last "tt^e imaioiital — the eternal — 
THE ixKERXAL THiRTEE.v! " Sucli is tlic emphatic rebuke which th« 
pe )ple of Tennessfe liave given to the conduct of the Locofoco party, 
in holding on to the Banks against law, and refusing to fuHer an inves- 
ti^iitioninto their af]airs ; such the indignant condemnation they have, 
pronounced upon the miserablr doctrines and measures of Locofocoism, 
the enemie.^ ofHRXRY CLAY, and of a IS'atioxae Bank and a 

Pk'OTECTIVR TjiRIFF- 

We are aware tjiat the T-ocofocos themselves, »iow labor to impress 
tJio public mind with a belief, that the refusal of the " hiuiiorial thir- 
A'f/?. " to elect Senators to Congress, alone caused their defeat. Thir» 
will not bc^in to do. There has been a great cliange going on in the 
pnl)lic mind, wilhin a few years p;ist, on the su!)iect of a United Siales 
Hank. Men and neighborhoods, in almost ev(My county in this Slate, 
who l)iu a few years aeo, Vvere loud and bitter in their deinmciations 
ofsurh an insiitulion, have b(M-omesiI(!nt, and others have come out 
openly and warmly in its favor. Thrri is a knock down argument in 
its favor, which the leaders of Locofocoism know it is difTicult to refute 
and lo t'leir sorrow they know that the most hmnble and unpretending 
men of the country arel)ecoming ac(juainted with that argument, and 
have more than once knocked them down with it. The common 
people recollect tliat dining the whole p(Miod of (he existence of a. 
Nationa Bank, the country prosnered, and every -kind of business 
floiirishiul, and that since Gi-.x. .Tacks. .x, d(>slroye(l (hat institution, it 
[ins been the reverse. Every thing like currem-y, trade and commerce, 
has becoiue dcrangedy and times daily get worse. This ar/:innci/t the 
people can't forget, nor yet fail (ofee! the force of. in every section of the 
l^iion. 
We have had an opporiunity of know iiig sonielhing of po[)tilar 



THK GRAND RESULT IN' TKNWESSEK. 



2(i5 



sehtimcnt on this subject, having travelled tlirouoli ut loasif, portions of 
half the States in tlic Union, since the war upon the latv/ Bank was 
begun iiud ended, W^e have, moreover, seen gentlemen vote the Loco- 
foco ticket this summer, because ui-ged to it once more by party leaders, 
tuad ftom a reluctance to break old party .ties, avowing- at the same time 
iheir conviction of llie necessity of a 1\atioxal Dank. In 1S44, a 

Rank, we predict, will be more popular than any nian or any party 

an(lll)at the man, or the party, by whom it may be opposed, will be n« 
r ortainly and e{f«jctualty crushed, as the opposers of the Bank v/ere 
'n 181 6. Mark our prediction ! 

EX-OOV. POLK "ON HIS WINDING WAY !II" 




AN INTERESTING DIALOGUE. 

Col. Polk— Gov. Jones, do you know the difference between /zm-f/Ze- 
d<'e and twecdk-dnm ? 

Gov. Jones— Yes, Colonel, I think the difference is about foiir 
ttmt^and votes, but of this we can only be certain when we get the 
returns ! 

Col. Polk— [ wish, Governor, to discuss these subjects gravely, before 
my fellow-citizens of Bean's Station and vicinity, and not to resort to 
the low slang and undignified exclamation, connected with a Bear* 
fight, of" Lay on Nancy! "— " Lay on Nancy ! ! "— " Lay on Nancy ! !" 

Gov. Jones— I think. Colonel, that there is as much of the grave, 
and more of the f^^iVy about the exxlamation " Lay on Nancy!'' 
tfiati. there is in the discussion of the subjects of tweedk-dre and ttrf^e^ 



206 TMK GRAXD RESfLT IN TEXNESSF.E. 

dle-dum, ospcrially vrlieii sucli disoiissiou is accompanied with Your 
horrlblo ugly grinnMig ! 

Col. Polk Governor, if sliangeis iVom other States were to pass Uere. 

while you are excluiniiiig " Lny on .\ancy ! " they would say you are 
not a Governor, or seeking to be nitule one ; but that you ought i,o be 
put in the ring of a Circus, with a straight jacket, painted, and turned 
loose ti3 a doirn! 

C4ov. Jones — I am willing to be painted — to put on a straight jacket 
take the whip in my hand, and enter the ring of the Circus, in tlie 
presence of the strangers from other States, as the Tennessee clmni — 
But this I agr(^e to on the condition that the same strangers shall return 
just as my competitor is making such a horrible face, and bawling out 
" lay on Xancy ! " Where would my competitor be placed by these 
impartial strangers? They would say he must go into the ring of the 
Circus likewise, but not iji t!ie character of the clown with me, he must 
he the liltle ftllow on the boh tailed poncij ! 

Col. Polk— Governor, T intend noiliing disrespectful, hut I am wih 
linjf to let the crowd say who looks the inost like a down, myself or my 
competitor ! 

Gov. Jones— Roll on Colonel, for the way I am moving you, leaves 
no room to doubt but that you are the clown ! 

TEN HUNDRED THOUSAND CHEERS FOR TPH: NOBLE 
WHIG STATE OF TENNESSEE. -Attention the world, till the 
news of the Tennessee cleciions is given ! O ye inhabitants of this 
wide earth, stretch wide your eyes and look at Tennessee, while she 
stops the onward march of that liOcofoco ball ! Heads erect ! — Right 
noot seven feet in rear of tlie left, to act as a brace !— Hands raised as 
■•iiigh as they can reach, widi tingers spread wide apart ! — Mouths spread 
wide open to cati'h the accents! — Faces turned towards Old Kenfuck, 
with backs upon South Carolina!— Eyes "a feet" apart, squintmg 
riowards I^ouisiana and Maine ! — Keeping time with the feet, after the 
fashion of the " Rogue's March," while the leaders of Misrule inTen- 
tnessee, work their way up Salt River ! ! 

Michilimacinack, but the Whigs have packed it on to the LocofocOs 
m Tennessee ! In the name of Nebucadnezzar, but they die hard ! — 
Chickamicomico, but we have the Locos now ! ConajoL'arie, how they 
hate their defeat ! Cock-a-doodle-do I what long faces they have ! — 
" Big A, little a, r-o n, Aron'' thou ncplus ultra of human learning, 
only see how Tennessee has turned the ball of Ijocofocoisni back again, 
I.ti the name of Buzzard's Bay, Cape Cod, and Turk's li^land, ouq^rt 



THEORAND RESULT IN TiiXXESS]^:!:. 2()7 

not the motto on this ball to be changed ! Pamilico Sound, ihon land 
of the Kilkenny Cats, \\\\\ you not rise up in judgment against the 
Whigs, for their causing this whole-sale defeat of modern Democracy, 
in the land of Jacksonisin, Polk stalks, and old '' &tck Miller'^ of 
aicMinn ! 

Yes, Tennessee is regenerated ! — The triumph of the Whigs is com- 
plete ! The enemy are routed, " horse foot and dragoons! " Tennessee, 
proud chivalrous Tennessee, which lias been a soit of forlorn hope of 
the cause of correct principles, and of constitutional libcrt}', while 
other States, one after another, were bowing down before the footstool 
of plunder and Locofoco misrule, mistaking demagogues for Siatcsmen, 
she, we say, has stood the more firm ; and in proportion as the good 
cause has grown weaker elsewhere, just in equal proportion has it 
flourished in Tennessee, where the first beacon light of Reform, bj^the 
nomination of Judge White was kindled, seven long years ago! — 
And since she indignantly threw aside the galling yoke of Jucksonism, 
in 1836, who of her sons has not been proud to clainj licras the land of 
his nativity ? 

Better than all, the result of the late hard fought battle in this State, 
shows beyond a doubt, that HEXRY CLAY is the favorite of Tenne^-- 
see for the next Presidency. His claims to that high office, were 
advocated- by Gov. Jones, with distinguished ability >and success, as 
wall also as by the various Whig candidates for Congress and the Leg- 
islature. The Locofocos, from Polk down to Crouch of Washington 
county, cried " bargain, intrigue and corruption," and asked the people 
if they would support C/«y, the known enemy of their old chief ?— 
On the other hand, the Whig orators and newspapers, responded, aye , 
wcgo for Henry Clay in preference to any man living. The public 
will distinctly recollect the bold and manly avowal of the gallant Jones, 
who declared in all his speeches, — " I am for Hexry Clay first — 

I AM FOR Hni last — I AM FOR HIJI ALL THE TIME ! " 

THE STOCK-RAISER'S RESIDENCE AT ''ASHLAND." 




2<)8 



Tilt: (iH,\M) RESULT IN TENNKKSEF.. 

VOTE FOR GOVE UN OR, 
EAST TENNESSEE, 





1S43. 


1841. 




y^ 


t ^ 










V ^ 




Whig. 


L.F. 


Whig. 


L. F. 




.lonea. 


Polk. 


Jones. 


Polk. 


Anderson, 


594 


2SS 


540 


265 


Bledsoe, 


528 


236 


590 


227 


BradJe}', 


483 


872 


480 


846 


Blount, 


3054 


730 


1065 


669 


Claiborne^ 


598 


813 


462 


756 


Cocke, 


820 


160 


821 


100 


Campbell, 


333 


379 


343 


362 


Carter, 


fu9 


141 


729 


138 


Grainger, 


1018 


572 


1003 


524 


Greene, 


9T8 


1524 


894 


1574 


Hawkins*, 


1130 


1296 


10.53 


1343 


Hamilton, 


628 


623 


548 


560 


JefTerson, 


1607 


257 


1605 


176 


Johnson's 


379 


95 


372 


70 


Knox, 


1911 


454 


1842 


385 


Meigs, 


124 


576 


84 


574 


McMinn^ 


879 


1025 


955 


884 


Monroe J 




163 majority. 


847 


985 


Morgan, 


161 


138 


158 


125 


Marion, 


478 


368 


431 


320 


Polk, 




188 majority 


194 


345 


Roane, 


888 


671 


883 


649 


Rhea, 


213 


359 


164 


379 


Sevier, 


850 


61 


869 


SS 


Sullivan, 


353 


1251 


313 


1336 


Washington, 


851 


1(:>8S 


789 


1123 




17587 


14328 


18034 


14803 




14328 




14803 





3259 3231 

0" 'T\\\4 result is not so bud for East Tennessee, the region from 
whence Col, Polk ^cnt such cheering intelligence buck to his friends in 
Middle Tenncsfccc ! 



THE GRAND KESULT IN TENNESSEE„ 



209 



VOTE FOR G O V E R N O R. 
MIDDLE TENNESSEE. 
1 813. 



1841. 



Whig 


. L.F. 


Jones 


Polk. 


1511 


1480 


340 


933: 


354 


690- 


247 


583 


.518 


463 


2064 


1481 


112 


407 


417 


1039 


1307 


1226 


277 


913 


582 


665 


- 


171 majofitj 


1020 


530 


690 


2314 


482 


477 


687 


1337 


1421 


1800 


1242 


911 


291 


1048 


1580 


1367 


1199 


764 


816 


1782; 


2101 


713 


445 


595 


149^ 


179 


932 


456 


338 


1162 ^ 


2432 


1070 


648 


333 


1930 


856 






26147 27745 


26147 



Bedford, 

Cofiee, 

Cannon, 

Dickson, 

DeKalb, 

Davidson, 

F^entress, 

Franklin, 

Giles, 

Hickman, 

Hardin, 

Humphreys, 

Jackson, 

liincoln, 

Lawrence, 

Marshall, 

Maory, 

Montgomery^ 

Overton, 

Rutherford, 

Robeitson, 

Sumner, 

Smith, 

Stewart,; 

Van Biiren, 

White, 

Warren, 

Wilson, 

Wayne, 

Williamson, 



1598 2520 

0=- This result is not so bad cither for Middle Tennessee— Polk's 

majority there two years ago, the reader will poicive, Avas 2520, while 

now, it is but 1595, a falling off from the Locofoco ticket in two years, 

of 935 votes! 



< ' 


^ ^ 


Whig 


L.F. 


Jones. 


Polk. 


1853 


2344 


new county. 


new county. 


319 


657 


new county. 


1768 


1236 


144 


359 


603 


1361 


1110 


1276 


247 


939 


510 


596 


433 


693 


1109 


628 


728 


2504 


522 


505 


^^k\\ county. 


1367 


2187 


925 


781 


262 


959 


1711 


1534 


960 


680 


T02 


1621 


2 569 


690 


3r8 


614 


pt^w county. 


1158 


511 


476 


2027 


2245 


971 


666 


319 


18J6 


809 


24371 26891 


24371 



27 



'^w 



THE GR.\ND RESULT IN TENNESSRE. 



Benton, 

Carroll, 

Dyer, 

Fayette, 

Gibson, 

Henry, 

Henderson, 

Haywood, 

Hardeman, 

Lauderdale, 

Madison, 

McNairy, 

Obion, 

Perry, 

Shelby, 

Tipton, 

Weakley, 



VOTE FOR GOVERNOR. 




V^EST 


TENNESSEE; 




1843. 


1841. 


( ^ 


~~^ 


^ A ^ 


Whig. 


L.F. 


Whig. L.F. 


Jones. 


Polk. ^ 


Jones. Polk. 




110 majority. 


258 331 


1274 


459 


119.5 425 


360 


238 


326 912 


'1072 


1060 


1003 864 


1159 


516 


1017 432 


783 


1167; 


721 1108 


1093 


402 


1100 328 


694 


640 


655 554 


583 


861 


624 853 


7.T majority. 


new county. 


1185 


656 


1046 654 


782 


643 


741 509 


'c 


130 majority. 


274 387 


725 


450 


707 388 


1300 


975 


829 736 


356 


467 


619 684 


592 


906 


509 726 








12034 


9680 


11524 8991 


9680 




8991 


2354 




2533 


RECAPITULATION. 





Jones' major-ity in East Tennessee, 
Polk's majority in Middle Tennessee, 
Jones' majority in West Tennessee, 
Jones' total majority, 



3,259 
1,598 
2,354 



4,015. 




0r Since the foregoing estimate of the vote of Tennessee for Gov- 
ernor went to press,the Columbia Observer has ceme to hand., in which 
the entire vote is given, and Jones' majority is set down at 4185, which 
is probably correct. 



Cause of folk's depaat, &c. 211 

CAUSE OF POLK'S DEFEAT— TENNESSEE LOCOFO- 
COS GOING FOR CASS.— The causes of the defeat of Polk, and 
of the Locofoco candidates for the Legislature, are fruitful Uienies 
among the talking members of that miserable party. The more re^jk- 
less among them, charge the Whigs with frauds at the ballot-box, ami 
Willi all manner of illegal voting, while Polk himself 8ays, that having 
to carry Van Buren broke him down. Hence he is understood now 
to be for General Cass, and has instructed his leading organs to take 
tliat shoot. He sees that his chances for being run on tlie ticket with 
Mr. Van Buren, since he could not carry his own State, are all blasted, 
and hence he has gone to work in favor of General Cass, in tlie hope 
that he will be run for the Vice Presidency on that ticket ! 

The MississiPPiAN, a leading Van Buren organ, of a recent date, 
thus attributes tlie defeat of Polk to himself : 

[From tlie Mississippian.] 

" As to tlie causes which produced this defeat in Tennessee, Uioy a*» 
obvious enough. In the first place^ Mr, Polk has not himself 

KBPT UP WITH THE PROGRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PAfiTT, NOR WWS 

THE SPREAD OF ITS PRINCIPLES. While the Republi'caa party itself, 
axid the tendencies of the times are for the return of a hard money cur- 
rency ana die utter prostration of the late corrupt and rotten paper 
system, he loiters on the way and finally becomes the apologist of tiie 
State bank system, and their defender in his own State. Had he inden- 
tificd himself more thoroughly with his own poliucal friends — embraced 
the creed of the Benton school; and boldly lead tlie way in arousing 
the populai hatred to the shaving shops of the country, we cannot but 
think that he would have succeeded much better, and perhaps changed 
the result." 

Here is the mystery of Polk's defeat revealed at last! The icfiy 
and wherefore of Gov. Jones' reelection is out. Polk "loitered on tlie 
way" — he advocated "a corrupt and rotten State Bank system" — he 
did not "embrace tiie creed of the Benton School," and go the whole 
hog for the hwd money currency ! Not only so, but he did not keep 
pace with tlie fmvs, and worse than all, as charged by Gov. Jones on 
the stump, he would not "identify himself with his own political friends" 
— 60 at least says the Mississippian, whose fidelity to "the party" 
will not be questioned, if indeed its authoiitativeness is. 

Well, it is a matter of but little importance to the Whigs who the 
Locofoco candidate for the Presidency may be; but their own bickerings 
ienlousies, divisions, and heart-burnings, warrant the belief that they 
will meet in Convention — agree to disagree — and finally run three or 
f nir candidates with a view to bringing the election bofore the House 
of Representatives. All we ask of them is, that they will bring out 
their beet man, as we want a man worth beating. If they will do this, 
wkh HENRY CLAY on our ticket, we will give thamJcssce! 



212 



THE CiRAXn RESULT IX TENNESSEE. 



Polk ''weished in the balances and found wanlin«:." 




THE DEGENERACY OF THE PRESS.— Every now and then, 
as the gaying is, the Lbcbfoco papers of' this Stale set up a dreadful 
!iowl about the dccrcnerary of the Press ! We herewith submit a few 
i istauces of their regard for tiuth, and of their segacity as poHticians. — 
Out of their own mouths we condemn them. By their own confess- 
ions, we prove, that they act upon the iniquitous principle, that, — 

"The workl is gene rail 3' averse 

" To all the trudi it sees and hears ; 

" 15 ut swallows nonsense and a lie, 

"■ With greediness and gluttony ! " 

Ex-Governnr Polk will give Gov. Jones a Coon-skinning before the 
canvass is ended. — Central Gazette of April. 

(iov. Polk is a regular Coon-skinner, and will make sassage meet of 
Jones in lees than no time. — Columbia ( Tom.) Democrat o/Mayllth. 



THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE. 213 

Polk'S majority will be 4000 — which we think will be about as near 
the result, as can be ascertained at this early stage of tiie canvass. — 
Gallatin Union of \2th of May. 

When we come to rejoice over the victory in August next, we would 
rather not be compelled to rejoice over those in our own ranks who are 
pressing themselves forward in one or two counties against the wish of 
the majority. We want them to share in the triumph, which they can- 
not do if they persist in their efforts to impede the victorious progress of 
Democracy. We hope they will be wise in tune. — Nashville Union of 
May. 

The new? of Polk's success comes to us from every quarter, and espe- 
cially from the West where the candidates have been holding forth. — 
Marfroesborough Jcffersonian of May loth. 

He soon v/ill be Ex-Governor Jones. — Athens Courier of June 2nd. 

Gov. l^blk is now coming up through East Tennessee, and is sweep- 
ing cvery'tliing before him. — Sentinel of June Kith. 

Hon. T. D. Arnold, R. J. McKinney, J, A. McKinney, T. A. R 
Nelson, either or all of them are superior to Mr. Jones in point of 
learning and ability. And strip him of die Gubernatorial robe, and 
among great men it is generally acknowledged that he is " email 
potatoes." There are a thousand men in his "own party ju Tennessea 
tnore talented and learned. — Sentinel of July Ist, 

"Now, v^hzx&MQX private opinion we may entertain relative to the abifi- 
Ses of Gov. Jones — (a man for whom we aie known to be partial) wa 
will waive that opinion for the present, and agree with the Sentinel, in 
the opinion that he is no man at all. But where does this conclusion 
place Ex-Gov. Polk ? To have been beaten by a man thus inferior to 
" a thousand men in his own party in Tennessee" — a man " generally 
acknowledged to be small potatoes," is bad enough, we know, but to 
have been distanced 41 S5 votes by such an ohe^ after a hard fought 
battle, is both humiliating and disgraceful ! The people of Tennessee 
certainly have no sort ef respect for Polk ! Why, if the Wliig party 
had brought out one of "a thousand men" we might name, among 
whom are, " Hon. Thomas D. Arnold, Robert J. McKinney, John A. 
McKinney, or Thomas A. R. Nelson," Polk, according to the Sentinel, 
would have been distanced some twenty thousand votes ! 

The prospect for Polk in East Tennessee is far better than it ever has 
been before. He will gain heavily in all the strong whig counties, and 
more than sustain his old vote of '39. — Columbia Democrat of June 29th. 

The Editor and Publisher of the Sentinel, only a few days before the 
late election, remarked to a Whig, who is the Father of the former, and 
the Father-in-law of the latter, that they had no hope of Polk's elec- 
tion, and never had, hut that it was necessary to keep up appearances, 
in order to inHucnce the county elections! This charge we published 



214 THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE. 

in the Whig at the time, and it never has been contradicted : if it hat'I 
we should hdv6 sustained it fully. True, the Sentinel said it would be 
attended to after the election, but for reasons doubtless satisfactory to 
the " Joint Stock Company" of that concern, it has never been replied 
t<> yet- 
Now, where an Editor an Publisher will acknowledge that they lie, 
and that they do it for effect^ is any community bound to believe them, 
e^en when they speak the truth ? The Scriptures say a liar is not to 
be believed, even though he speak the truth. But what better could 
be expected of a man who acknowledges that he writes ihings he ought 
not to do, because " his friends and party h".re woidd givehim nopeaco 
all /i€ engaged in it ? " Of this confession, humiliating as it is, the 
Editor of the Sentinel was convicted before a full Quarterly Conference 
of tlie church in this county. 

With more trutli than ever, we may say, in die language of the Poet: — 

" Ah ! who like me can bless or curse ? 
What can be better, what be worse, 
■Than language framed for Paradise 
Or sold, to infamy or vice ? 
Blest be the man by whom I bless ; 
Accursed he v/ho wrongs the Press ; 
The reprobate in prose or song. 
Who wields the power of right for wrong. ^^ 

But it is perhaps, unfair to associate the Sc7uinel of this town with 
other liOcofoco papers, as infamous as they generally are. It is the 
most reckless sheet in (he State ; and those who are acquainted with 
its history, will agree with us, that it has, from first to last, been edited 
by more broke doimi Preachc7's, and lewd, lying, irresponsible men, 
dian any other single sheet in existence! And yet, in point of deprav- 
ity, a want of honor, and a total disregard for truth, its present Editor is 
a head and shoulders taller than any ruffian who has yet controuled ita 
filthy columns. His miserable countenance — the longitudinal aspect of 
his faccj, and the shooting out of that upper lip of his. with a diabolical 
grin, all and singular, evince that he has passed the Rubicon of honor- 
able warfare. But to the lovers of order and tnith, it is gratifying to 
know that Public Opinion has branded him in the forehead, with the 
deep and indelible mark of Cain, that he may be despised and shun- 
ned of all men, until Death arraigns him at the bar of impartial justice, 
to receive the retribution his crimes have mciited ! 



TKK GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE. 

A LOCOFOCO ROOSTER. 

Here is a Cock from the poultry yard of Waterlooy 
Hark! how he crows!! Cock-a-doodle-doo!!! 



216 




^^.^CFP 







:i^>^ 




LOCO SONG. 

j?V«e— "Exile of Erin." 

There are in our town many Locos despairing, 

Oh ! pale are their cheeks and their spirits are low ; 

At the " rascally Whigs" they are awfully swearing, 
And calling on Chapman, poor Chapman to crow ! 

Before the election they seemed very clever, 
And told us their voters were all lying low ; 



216 THE GRAND RESULT IN TENNESSEE. 

Now, they pretoid to be as cheerful ns ever. 

And call upon Chapnian, poor Chapmau to crow ! 

They say that poor Polk, " no knocking can wake him,''^ 
The Whim's of Tennessee have beaten him so ; 

And they beg that the friends of the party may lake him, 
Where Chapman, poor Chapman can teach him to crow ! 

No more on the stump his eloquence ringing. 
Shall cause every nmn to the speaking to go ; 

No more will they laugh at his exquisit grinnmg, 
The Colonel at home with poor Chapman must crow 

For Polk, the Vice candidate, the tear drops are starting. 
And down the lank cheeks of the Locos do How ; 

For the hopes of Van Buren are quickly departing^ 
And faintly— oh! faintly does poor Chapman crow ! 

Oh! short are my s/?W5— and oh! where shall I wander! 

To lengthen my comb and my tail— I quickly will go. 
To Eastman's Printing Office, and mournfully ponder, . 

O'er the news of my ruin, while Chapman shall crow! 

#e'il sit in the back room, and add np each columnj 
And make out a gain to the party to show. 

And though our faces look cqnfoundedly solemn. 
We'll call upon Chapman to give a good crow I 

We'll head it "O. K.," and we'll say in November, 
The State of Tennessee for Cass will go ; 

We'll brag while we can, and we all must remember^ 
To calf upon Chapman to give a loud crow ! 



CHAPTEll XVII, 



SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 



JAMES C, JONES, 



PtcUminanj remarks — Rirlh and Parentage — I 'is early days — 
Lpaves school and become?, a Parmer — Plecied to the Legislature — 
His services in the General Assembly-^ Chosen on P lector for 
President and Vice President— Elected Governor over Polk — 
4g(iin elected Governor over Polk by an increased in,ajority — Risks 
/iis life in. the ca?ivass — Topics of discussion— The 26^/i of June 
tr^ Joneshoroii^Ji — Mis 'poviers upon the stump — Description of his 
ptrson — Concluding remarks. 



^,The high degree of elevation vvhich the present Go\(:ernor of Ten- 
nes^^e has reached, and the desire wlxich we know many of our readers 
have, to see a brief statement of his birth and parentage, alone cpnsti- 
tute our apology to the public for presenting tiiis — not only brief, but 
ii}iperfect sketch of his life and public services. A debt of giatitude is 
due to this able, indef'atigable, and triumphant leader of the Whig 
parly, in. Tennessee, which no eulogy can repay. But while we fall 
far short of repaying this debt of gratitude, in this feeble attempt at, a 
iiaemoir, we have the consolation to know that it will not be withheld, 
either by the whole-sonled Whigs .of Tennessee, or their brethren in 
other States. Already have the Whigs of Nordi Alabama taken steps 
to give the eloquent, magnanimous, patriotic young Governor of Tejii- 
ness.ee,, a public entertainment in Hnntsville. And in the Lexinoton 
Reporter, wc see that something of the kind is contemplated in Ken- 
tucky. Our friends in that State may well aflord a thing of this kind; 
for tliis gallant leader of the Whig party here, avowed every wbere, in 
all his public speeches, that Henry Clay Avas his choice for the Pres- 
idency— ^^that he was "for C\^y first ^ for Clay last, and for Clay all 
the time.'''' And with this battle-cry he triumphed gloriously : And 
finally, should our friends in Kentucky be favored with a visit IVom our 
young Governor, they will find him to be a leader as bold and fearless 
as Mr. Clay himself — an orator, who will measure amis before the people 

28 



218 A SKETCil OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

Xifilh tlieir Crittcndens, Matiiliallb^ Morehends and their Combs' ! They 
could not lefrain from the cxclamalion, were they to hear him for theni-^ 
selves, — an hundred cheers for the gallant State of Tennessee, and' 
her noble Son, who, but live years ago was following the plough, and 
has now vindicated his claims to a place among the first of popular 
orators in the United States! The Boston Atlas, after speaking in the 
highest terms of the Governor's bold and manly avowal of his preference' 
for Mr. Clay, concludes its article thus,— '* He has carried his State 
gallantly through the contest — and the appropriate wreaths of victory 
should adorn his brow. We wish his brother Whigs of the other States 
would devise some suitable gift, to be presented to him as an enduring 
testimony of their esteem for his character, and their gratitude for the 
high service he has rendered his country." Among the numerous 
demonstrations of applause and' high regard, wdiich the gallant leader of 
the Tennessee Whigs has been honored wuih, by nis Whig brethren in 
different parts of the Union, none i.i more com;?limentary than the 
adoption of tlie following resolution, at a numerous meeting of the 
Whigs of the city and county of Philadelphia, on the 26th day of 
August : — 

" Resolved^ That the Whigs of Philadelphia city and county marked 
with deep anxiety the progress of the canvass for the late election in' 
7''ennessee, and do now^ heartily rejoice at its most auspicious termina- 
tion ; and while they tender to their brother AVhigs of that glorious 
State their felicitation at the result, which is a trimnph of national prin- 
ciples, they in a special manner offer their thanks to his Excelleiic^^ 
Governor Jones for the distinguished and leading part Avhich he took' 
in the canvass, and which undoubtedly was a principal ingredient in. 
the elements of success. 

James C. Jones is a native of Wilson county, Tennessee. He 
was born on the 7th day of June, ISOO, near the Davidson line, almost 
in sight of the llERi-MiTAOE, and about fourteen miles above Nashville, 
which makes- him 34 years of age last June! His parents removed 
from Virginia to Middle Tennessee at an early day. His father, a plain' 
old fashioned Virginia gentleman, of very moderate fortune, died when 
the Governor was yet ati infant, leaving him to the care of an affection- 
ate mother it is true, but at the same time to contend with the hardships 
of orphanage. The surviving parent was not surrounded with such a 
string of w^callhy and influential relatives, as to enable her to raise her 
son at once to those high degrees of elevation beyond diose who were 
born in the same circumstances and hue of life. Nor is the Governor 
now indebted for the proud stand he occupies in the political world, so 
much to any thing extraordinary in itself, as to a well-timed and sedu- 
lous use of his own powers, and sucli other advantages as the circurii- 



OP GOVERNOR ^AME,S p. JONES. 219 

!5tai^ces of hk life afforded. He was educated with a view of making 
him a liawyer, but at th age of 16, he L]ecaine dehcale in heaUh — left 
school on that account — became attached to the farm, and determined 
to devote himself to the pursuits thereof. His circumstances were not 
actually indigent, but they were nevertheless such as to subject him 
constantly to hard manual labor. Jle was naturally industrious, ancl 
ploughed many a long summer's day, in the cornfield, in the rich lands 
iri the vicinity of Cumberland River, in his shirt sleeves, and without 
^shoes. This exercise completely restored his health, and vlu'Ie yet 
very young, he became united in marriage, to an amiable lady, tlie 
daughter of an honest farmer; and from that day to this, unlike his 
competitor, the renowned ciiampion of Locofocoism in Tennessee, he 
has been every year blessed with — "eitjier a g-al or a hoi/ .'" 

From the age of IG, to that of 30, he continued on the farm without 
^ny participation in p^olitical affaiis whatever, until the Spring of 1S39, 
>vhen he was prevailed on by his friends to canvass for a seat ip the 
popular branch of the Legislature, before the numerous, patriotic, and 
intelligent citizens of Wilson,— a county wliich was entitled to two 
Representatives and one Senator, and polled as n^any as 3420 votes \ — 
His debut upon the stump was a successful one, and hp was p"ium 
phantly elected over some of tlje stropgest men in the county. This 
^'QS tiie memorable campaign in which Col. Polk triumphed over 
jGovERXOR Cann->n, and bur readers will recollect that the elections all 
furned that year upon National Politics, and the P;r jdcniial question. 
And although the Clcnj qucstiou was fust made in this campaign, he 
^'as the only Whig candidate for the Legislature, in the Middle Division 
pf the State, who took ground openly and boldly for Henry Clay. By 
his eloquence, and the ability hedisplayed upon the stump, our young 
povernor gained much distinction in that campaign, as a piiblic debater, 
and an efficient partizan orator. He served in the Session of lS39-'-10, 
of our General Assembly, and even his political opponents will bear us 
witness, that as a Legislator, his success was as marked as his talents 
^ere obvious. Then it was, too, that he fust became oflcnsive to the 
self-styled Democracy of Tennessee, llh fust oficnce was, the intro- 
duction of a ijill to burn the unsold Bonds of the State, Avhich the 
newly elected Governor had proposed in his Message to make Sterling 
Bonds, and send them to British capitalists to be sold like sheep in the 
market! This bill was introduced and supported, at the risk of losing 
that breeze of popular favor, which was hearing on his bark bravely 
tnvard the haven of worldly prosperity and renown. Pic made his 
irfluencc feh. in the General Assembly; and several of his speeches 
during that session, arc said to have been inimitable specimens of ar^ju- 



220 A SKRTCTI OP THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

nient, and liumov. Aiul the Jomnnlsoflhe House will show with what 
activity and eniciency he enfcied upon the discharge of Ids duties as a 
member He intended that his political career should close with that 
session; but tlic convention met at Nashville, in the Spring of 1840, 
for the purpose of nominating Electors to be run on the Whig ticket 
for President and Vice President, and withont his consent, and even 
contrary to his earnest solicitations, his name was placed upon the 
Harrison ticket. In this new position, he did not content himself with 
faithfully discharging the ordinary duties of an Elector, but he entered 
the arena of that severe contest — traversed the Middle and Western 
Divisions of die Slate, and took an active part in the most important 
discussions before the people, contending with the most talented of the 
opposing parly! In that spirit of self sacrifice, which he lias since 
displayed in two great pulilic "emergencies, without stopping to cal- 
culate the disadvantages (o himself, in a pecuniary point of view, 
he boldly arrayed himself on the side of his country, and his country's 
best interests: and in behalf of that cause which he believed to be the 
cause of truth and justice, he exerled himself with all the energies of his 
nature. He was even in the field as an Elector^ less than one ic'cek^ 
from the day of his return home from the Legislature. 

After the close of the contest for the Presidency, and before he had 
lime to breathe, as it were, he was chosen by the imanimous voice of 
n Stnte convention atMurfrcesborough,in the Spring of 1S41, to n'leet 
Col. Polk, the champion of Locofocoism in Tennessee, in a contest 
for the ofice of Governni. 'In this contest, though there was a great 
fallingofffrom the Whig majority obtained in the election of Gen. 
llAuitrsoN, yet our young Governor ran aliead of the Whig vote as in- 
dicahMJ ill ihc' election of liiembers to the liCgisIaturc. 'And to say the 
least of (!iis memoialtle struggle, if was characterized by a zeal, energy 
and ability, on his j)ar(, which alone coufd have secured success to the 
Whig ticket— in vicv.^ of ihe discouraging circumstances of the death of 
the lamented IlAuuir-:ox, and of the perfidy, treachery and knaveiy,of 
t'lat prince of traitors, ./V«?. Ti/kr. And that long and arduous cam- 
paign, was not less creditable to Jones in the end, that it proved to be 
serviceable to ihe great Wliig parly in Tennessee. 

Early in i tie month of March last, at the earnest solicilations of the 
whole Whig party in this Stale, the subject of this sketch again set out 
to canvass the Slate for reelection, contending with the same experienced 
opponent, and who is by long odds the ablest and most popular mai^the 
JiOcofocoR could have started in this State. And laboring under great 
jiliysical debibly, at ihe sacrilicc of comfort, and at the peri) of jife iiself, 



OF GOVERNOR JA:\1ES C. JONES, 221 

the gallant and eloquent subject of ihese remarks, unable to travel on 
iioi-seback, nevertheless met the appointments of his competitor, at ninety 
four different places, extending through a peiiod of live long months, 
'including the heat of summer, riding 30 and 40 miles per clay, and 
addressing the People, often in the open air, for tv:o hours and fifty 
wmwifes, which was the limit of the candidates by agreement! And 
in the face of imiversal defeat and gloom, undismayed by adversity, 
imappalled by treachery, the indomitable Jones bore aloft the ample 
foldsof the Whig banner, shouldering Whig men and measures, and 
placing the question of his re-election before the People, upon the 
broad grounds of A«*w;?«/ Politks, triumphed by an increased majority. 
Thus it is, that Jaimes K. Polk, the able and untiring leader of Loco- 
fpcoism, ui almost a dozen hard fought battles, has been for the second 
lime unhorsed by the still more talented and accomplished leader of 
the Whig columns of Tennessee. In this contest, as also in that of 
'41_, he ran ahead of the aggregate Whig vote, as indicated in the elec- 
tion of members of Congress, and of the General Assembly; and we 
liave no hesitancy in saying, that to the great popularity, manly argu- 
ments, flowing eloquence, and burning zeal of this bold and triumphant 
leader, are the Whigs of Tennessee now indebted for a majority of eight 
on joint ballot in our General Assembly. Whilst his speeches operated 
like electricity among the Whigs, they worked among the Locofocos 
with Mesmeric magic! The rabid and boisterous shouts of the Loco- 
■focos, which literally rent the air, on occasions of Polk meeting Gov. 
Cannon, were hushed into religious silence when their leader came to 
face the young farmer of Wilson ! 

And just in this connexion, by way of digression, we must be permit- 
ted to allude, somev.iiat more ih detail, to the topics oi discussion in 
this last memorable campaign, as well as to the manner in which the 
discussions resuttod, as far as tiiey came under our observation. We 
lieard the candidates at three different points, to wit, Rlieatown, Jones- 
tjorough and Elizabethton ; but we will confine our remaks to the char- 
acter of the discussion in Joncsborough, which, in all material respects, 
Was similar to what occurred elsewhere. The topics of discussion were, 
the Public Expenditures — a National Bank — the Tariff question —the 
Banlcrupt Law — the Distribution scheme — and the old exploded cliarge 
against Henry Glaj^ of '• Baj-gaifi, Intrigue and Corruption. " On 
allof thes? questions, <3}ov. Jones with cruel pertinacit}'", continued to 
polke his competitor under the ribs, and to pound him over the head and 
eyes, until we really felt sorry for " Gen. Lodi, " and were very much 
inclined to beg his tormentor, as he was himself, for Heaven's sake to 
spare him ; that a few more such sock-dsiagrrs, on one occasion, were 



222 A SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

quite too much for humanity. Bat the subject of our memoir contin- 
ued to bore the little defeated. He reminded the vast concourse, that 
he had declared for Ofoy, first, last, and even all the time, while liis 
competitor utterly refused to say who he was for, further than to avow 
that he intended Lo run his principles for the Presidency ! To this the 
Governor avowed that he was at as great a loss as he was before. He 
desired to know, as he presumed the assembly did, which of his princi- 
pies he intended to run! Was it his Internal Improvement hy the 
General Government principh, of 1S24, or his Anti-Internal Im- 
provement notions of 1839 ? Was it his Anti-Sub- Treasury ^x'md- 
plesof 1835, or his *SV6-TyYra5?;r?/ principles of 1843? Was it his 
High Tarijfnoiiom of 1832, when he voted to tax Tea and Coffee, 
or his Free Trade doctrines of 1813 ? Which of his principles did he 
intend to run? Certainly he would not run them all, unless he con- 
cluded to run all his candidates, to wit, Van Buren, Calhoun, Johnson, 
Cass, Stewart and B uchanan ! When these questions were propounded^ 
Buch Hyena-like grins, as Lodi gi^ve us, were never seen out of a 
Quejiu'rerie ! To have thro^^^n his features into such unearthly contor- 
tions, all will agree required a tremendous effort ! 

The crowd in attendance here, was variously estimated— at, say from 
three to four thousand persons. The speakers themselves, declared the 
assembly to be the largest they liad addressed du ring the cavass. But 
t^ie never-to-be-forgotten 29Lh of June, 1843, came and went — the 
much talked of — the long to-bc-remembered day on which the lean 
Governor of Ten, was lo meet the '^oid of Locofocoism, and the great 
champion of Western Democracy — aye, meet the invincible Ex-Gov. 
Polk, face to face, before the sovreigns of the land, and contend with 
the battle-axe of tiuth — that day, ^ye say, came and went, and is 
jiow numbered with the years beyond the flood ! Truly the par- 
ties did meet, and they fought, and a giant-like battle it was. — 
Yes, the lions of the two great tribes of Tennessee met — they grap- 
pled in our very midst — lliey roared in the iQtw&X. forest " hard by " the 
Presbyterian chinch, for near six long hours together — and the freemen 
of" Old Washington," together with a portion of the citizens of the 
four or five surrounding counties, including some from North Carolina 

respectfully sat in judgement on their eflbrts — and lo! the day 

was ours ! We do not exaggerate or misrepresent facts, when we say 
that popular sentiment, so far as it has been elicited by the discussion, 
(and we have heard a great many express themselves) on that Monday 
is decidedly favoral)le to the cause of Gov. Jones — he is believed lo 
have mastered the Goli.mi of modern Democracy in Tennessee ! His 
friends desired a dilFcrent result. They logkcd, they hoped, they 



OF gover:vor james c. JONES. 223 

^j rr/ycf/ for somelliing belter — they expected, and believed they wptc 
en tilled to a speech, at least worthij of their boasted champion, but alas! 
the sceptre had departed from democratic IsraeLand the followers'of this 
onceinvincible leader, were doomed to witness his defeat. An air of tri- 
xmipli no longer sat upon the brow of" General Lodi " — and that here- 
tofore commanding voice of his, v/as heard to soimd the defence of 
Locofocoism but faintly — in him, as an ocean of fulness, buoyancy of 
spirit, no longer flowed and blended its vigorous current. But the cloud 
of cheerless gloom, which lowered over his head, obscured from his 
vision the sun of political prosperity ; while dispirited and faint, when 
the speaking had ended, he crept into Chester's tavern, and shared wltli 
his mourning friends, the cup of unmingeled wretchedness. The 
fragrant grove seemed to scatter odours in vain around the Ex-Governor: 
and the sun high up in the hill of Heaven, and rolling his fiery chariot 
through a cloudless sky, shined but to reveal his wretchedness. His 
gray hairs, thinly scattered over his weather-beaten pate — his hollow 
eye, and pale way-worn cheeks, told the tale of his soul's horror, while 
his fluttering heart, rent by despair, alone knew its own bitterness. By 
the horror of such a picture, reader, you are taught the wretchedness 
of a man, widowed of his glory, and rifled of his once flattering pros- 
■ pects. The ultras of his party, may not indeed have been fully sensible 
of his condition : the stupifyhig opiates of Locofocoism may have dead- 
ened their alarm. But as Cowper justly remarks, 

— " Surely 'tis a piteous sight to see 

So many maniacs dancing in their chains, 
With eyes of horror execrate their chains ; 
Then shake them in despair and dance again!" 

Suffice it to say, that the Governor showed himself to be more than a 
\ijatch for the great " Magnus Apollo " of Tennessee Locofocoism. — 
His manly arguments, -inimitable eloquence, and sound pi inciples, 
contrasted delightfally with the studied, artful, demagogical appeals of 
an ambitious aspirant, in behalf of an exploded Sub-Treasury scheme, 
a Kard money and State Bank falicy, and old worn-out Jackson 
prejudices ! 

For the infomiation of such of our readers, as have never seen t^ov. 
Jones, we will give a brief description of his person. And this v/e 
attempt, perfectly aware of how diflicult a thiwg it is, to draw a correct 
And discriminating portrait of a friend. Blind admiration and unquali- 
fed praise meet one on every side. But as the Governor is by no means 
the best looking man in the wodd, and as " pretty is as pretty does, " 
bur sketch of his person shall at least possess the high merit of precise 
iiand faithful delineation. As already shown, he is, since June last, in 



224 A SKETCH OF THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

ihe 35th year of his age. , He is, six feet two inches high, not stout, and 
in June la^t, weighed 125 pounds, being only 5 pounds lighter than his 
competitor. . His limbs are long ; he has a slow, precise walk, takes 
lengthy strides, and has a very careless appearance. His compleJcion is 
swarthy— has only a tolerable forehead in appearance — with a substan- 
tial handle on his face, and rather thin hair, of a dark hue, inclined to 
curl. His mouth and eyes — the former large enough in all conscience, 
and the latter small piercing and grey, give every indication of that 
Superior genius which he is known to possess. The fire of his eye, 
over which loweis a dark heavy eye-brow cannot be described ; but it can 
be felt with tremenduous powei, when he is delivering an animated 
speech, no one can resist its potency, as the Locofocos of Tennessee 
well knov\^. He has a great deal of pleasantness in his manners, and 
posse?es a most rare faculty of mviking every one to whom he is intro- 
duced, no matter how great the crowd, feel easy and free. There 
can be no restraint in his company, as indeed there is none. He makes 
himself agreeable to all, the rich and the poor, the great and the small. 
And.as a Ladifs ma?i,he has few superiors. 

The election of Gov. Jones, in August last, may be justly regarded 
as one of the greatest triiunphs the Whig party has achieved in Tennes- 
see. And we rejoice in the fulness of our hearts at the result of a Con- 
test which has been so bravely fought and nobly won. The co^ise- 
quence of this great and glorious result, as the leading journals of the 
Union show, is now felt in effecting a change of temperament in the 
Whigs of all North America. This signal and brilliant victory has 
shown them what can be done, if diey will aiise, throw of the shackles 
of their despondency, and be vigilant and resolute, and act with the 
spirit that animated our young and talented Governor, and other master 
spirits in the contest of 1840. And from this time forth, till the crown- 
ing of 1844, we confidently expect to see in every Whig State in the 
Union, decisive marks of that re-aavakening which Tennessee,. Avith the 

gallant we had like to have said the immortal Jones at her head, has 

so nobly begun. 

We repeat, a lasting debt of gratitude is due to this able and triumph- 
ant Whig leader. And the heartfelt gratulations of the Whigs in 
every other State, and the sore disappointment which the Locofocos 
exhibit, is a sure indication that it will not be withheld, either by the 
Whigs of his native State, or their political brethren in other States. 
And the measure of our ambition, as his devoted personal and political 
friend, would be full, if we could but see liis name placed on the ticket 
with that of Henry Clay, for the Vice Prosiilency of the United 
Slates. And with the hope of living to yet behold a sight of this kin'd 



OF GOVERXOU JAJMES C. JO.NES. 22j 

we take a (empoiaiy leave of the subject of this hastily written biogra- 
phy — one we love as we do a near relative. Other glories, and si ill 
greater distinctions await Gov. Jones, but what they aie lime alone, 
can reveal. The past is secine — the present we know — and his dearly 
bought lanrels, and richly deserved honors and fame, are incorporated 
with the histoiy of his native State; while his name will live and flour- 
ish in the hearts of the Wliigs of Tennessee, till those hearts cease to 
beat. May he be rewarded with Xhe. highest honor which a free People 
cah bestow in this world, and with a home in Heaven, when he is done 
with the cares and vicissitudes of mortal:' life! 



29 



CHAPTER X\m 

THE LAST VvTLL AND TESTAMENT 

OF 

JAMES K. POLK. 

Ill the name of Democraci/ — Amen ! 

I, Jamks K. Polk, of the town of Columbia, and State of Ten- 
nessee, being; of lawful ag-e, as nn^ gmy hairs do show, being diseased in 
body, and perplexed in mind — insomucli that my "bodily presence*' 
has become "weak," and my 'speech contemptible' in the estimation of 
ray countrymen. and expecting to die in November 1841, and then to be 
formall}' and forever buried, do make and ordain this, my la&t will and 
testament. 

i/(???7. IsL Havinf^ no "little ones" of my own, and never having- had 
any talent in that "line of business," my will is to leave ni}" effects to 
my friends. My will is not to do mnch for my god-father, A. Jackson^ 
aUhough he has done much for me. For all this, however, I am un- 
der no seiious obligations to him, because he acted more from passion 
than pj^inciple^ and more from a hatred of John Bell, than love fornie. 
Beside, all obligation ceases, when it is understood that my cunning 
overcame his 7reakness. He, too, is not long for this world, having: 
exposed himself to the inclemency of the weather, in 1840, by going 
into the Western District to electioneer for our cause, and having after- 
wards had to take large portions of //«?■(/ cider ^ to' reduce liim, the 
remedy is about to prove fatal. My will is thai we "meet at the hatter's 
shop," and talk matters over ! 

Itein 2d. My will is, that Martin Van Buren be given over to "hard- 
ness of heart and rcprobacy of mind," and that he be penuitted to 
work out his ruin with greediness, because he has twice been a load on 
my shoulders, "too intolerable to be borne," or got along with. 

Item 3d. As to my old friend General Cass, I will alnd bequeath to 
him the nomination of (lie State Convention of Tennessee, in Nov. 
next, for tlie Presidency — not that I believe tliere is any possibility of 
liis election, but as a rebuke to Messrs. Van Buren and Calhoun, for' 
attempting to force tliGmsclves on "the paUty" whether or no! 



TIIE LAST WILL -VXD TESTA3IEXT OF J.\]\rES K. POLK 227 

Itrm Ath. As to my old friend Ricluud ]\L of Kentiickv, I will Jiini 
nothing, as he seems to have a Avill of his own, which, unfortunately 
for me, led him to an association with certain female ^'■voters of color;'' 
which 1 never could justify before the people, and which has been a 
i^reat draw back upon the good cause in the South and West.' | 

Item 5th. My new alii, John Cataliae^ of South Carolina, I provide 
a place in the Southern Circus, where h'e can continue to display his 
agility in immwg somersets, to die "tune of turn about and wheel about." 
Item Gth. My old "yoke fellow," the Great Expunger of Mis-souri, I 
willA:bequeath as much pajjer ?}ioiiet/ as he can carry ofT 'mhisTmoat. 
I have no fears of his ever suffering, as he lias shown, from his yoiuli 
up, great skill in financier i/ig, and ^\ ould always provide for himself 
jjo matter at whose expenee. 

Item 7th. My slippery little friend, A. O. P. Nicliolson, I leave sole 
heir to the track in this Static, in a race for Governor, in 1S45, to be run 
on the Democratic ticket, — to be the worst beat man that ever run in 
tliis or any other State, m3'self not excepted. 

Itejii 8tL T]}e leaders of tlie Democratic party in Tennessee, with 
but few exceptions, I leave to take care of themselves, — feeling no 
great concern for them, as they uevey supported me so much ftom any 
confidence they reposed in me, or regard fof the principles I advocated, 
as from a slavisli feai- of "the I'AiiTr," and a desire to obtain office 
ihemsclves. 

Itef/i 9t/i. The commom people of Tennessee, I turn tliera over to 
my Executors herein after named, clnd desire that they, may be permit- 
ted to do with them, and by them as they iliink best. 

Item IQih. My adopted sons, my dearest darlings, xha'-'-iminortal 
thirteen,^' 1 desire, most ardently, may enjoy, as a reward for their 
perjury, perfidy, abandonment of principles, and revolutionary conduct, 
in the late General Assembly of Tennessee, all the advantages and 
comfort, to be derived from the editorial in//.j, of such venal and pros- 
tituted sheets as the Union, Argus, Sentinel, and little Courier ! 

Item 11th. My dutiful friends, in the different divisions of the State, 
"too tedious to mention," and to Avhom the S ■natorship has been 
promised, I will the consolation of not being troubled with a trip to 
Washington. And the one at Ihe "City of Meckleubuig," can just 
imagine himself a Senator in Congiess, and Ids vanity is such, that it 
will afford him as much consolation as if he were there ! 

Item 12th. Those Democratic presses in Ti'.nnessee, whose editors 
lied hard, and threw mud fast and thick, v.itli a hope of being rev»'ardc.c 



22S' ; THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF JAMES K. POLK". 

with llie State PrintinfT, and with ofliccs :^inclcv the General Govern- 
)nent, my will is, that tlie}^ he allowed to shift, for themselves. The 
world owes each a living, and if ihey cannot ohtain it fairly, the prin- 
ciples of our party, if carried out, especially between tiro days, will 
hring in money, corn, hogs, chickens, bedquilts, and all other "neces- 
saries of life." 

Item 13th. My will is, and ever has heeij, that the Directors of the 
Bank of the State, arid its JBranches, and their friencs and their relations, 
hold on to what money they have got, and that they get all they can 
between this time and their surrendering np the Banks ! 

Item U(h. Contrarij io my w'lll, I appoint JAMES C. JONES and 
the TWO WHIG SENATORS shortly to be elected^ my Executors. — 
This I regret, because I know they will manage the affairs of my 
estate on different principles from those which have governed me ; and 
which will, I know, cause som^3 of my particular friends, to comply 
with that requisition of Scriplure, which s'ays, — ''in the sweat of thij 
face shalt tJnou eat brc^id'^ 

Item Aoth. My will is, that I be decently buried upon all-fores, on 
my cotton farm in Mississippi, with my head towards Uie w^est, a.nd a 
withered Polk Stalk planted thereon, labeled " Uepvdiation of the dd>t 
ftmdractcd for my interment.''^ This \ desire, that when the last barrel 
of hard cid^r is emptied, the last coon skpn is used up, and the Whigp 
tiie on their way t<j that state of being "whe^e tlie wicked cease to 
trouble and the w-eary area' rest,' I may join my friends on their march 
to the head water? of i^alr. Biver—^ strcani which the Missouri Hum- 
biigger has promised shall be navigable by that time ! 



Attest, GR-^^■D-soN of Er^EKiEL Polk 

"The immortal 13." 




CHAPTER XiX. 



Electoral Voles for President aud Vire President in IS 10 — N'eu- and 
Qld Ratio— Causes of Van Bureit's defeat— the Ctdhouii Pqptrs 
against the Vg^ii Bur en Organs— Ojjposit^oii yiec tings i?i Neio Yor/c. 



ELECTORAL AZOTES. 
By (lie new apportionineiit, flic niinil)C!- of Electors of President, 
and Vice Plesideut, chosen by nil the States, will be two Inuidred and 
seventy-five, of which, one hundred and thirty-eiga^; are necessary for 
a choice. 

We give the following' comparative table of tlie nnmbcr of Electoral 
votes to which each Slate is entitled, both by (he ncv>' and old ratio : 
' Nein Ratio. Old Patio. 

1. (New York, 3G 42 

2. Pennsylvania, 26 'SO 

3. .Ohio, 23 21 

4. YIRGINIA, IT 23 
C Tennessee, 13 3 5 

6. Kentucky, 12 14 

7. Massachusetts, 12 j4 
a Indiana, 12 .9 
9. North Carolina, M ] 5 

10. Geor2:ia, 10 11 

11. SOUTH CAROLINA, 11 

7 

10 

4 

s 



12. ALABAMA, 




13. Maine, 




14. ILLINOIS, 




15. Maryland, 




16. New .Tersev, 




17. mSSOURI, 




IS. Connecticut, 




10. NEW HAMPSHIRE, 




20. Vermont, 




21. Louisiana, 




22. Mississippi, 




23. Michi-an, 




24. Rhode Island, 




25. Delaware, 




m. ARKANSAS, 


3 



A 
3 
4 
3 
3 

2T.'> 294 

The number of Electors, by the Coaslitniion, it will be recollected^ 



230 CAUSES OF VAX bx:rex's defeat. &.C. 

is equal lo ihc whole niunboi of Senators' and IleprescnlaUves in Con- 
gress. Tims, 1)}' the iiew I'atio : 

Seinito's, - • 52 

ile|)rea;:it:Uivcs, - - - - - - - 223 

Toteil, 275 

The old 13 States, (incliuling Maine, formerly belonging- iq Massa- 
chusetts,) are entitled to 170 Electoral votes ; the new States lo 105. 

Nineteen of the 2:*) ,S;:V;c-^ vo;rd for Gen. Harrison, giving liini 234 
Electoral votes; the .•ai.ie ;^!:i''' - are now entitled to 215 Electors. — 
The 7 Slates in i'J:W'.\\i. ' ' 've Mr. Van Buren GO votes in- 1^40 . 
they are now entitled to the ;:ah.c lunnber. 

The advocates of Van Buren v.itli the Vv'ashington Globe antj 
Hichniond Enquirer, at their head, avrare of the tieiiienduous defeat 
which he sustained before the people, and with a view to obviate the 
cll'ect that defeat nuist have on the puhJic mind, in the coming contest, 
arc pursuing a singular course 'Vi iv.c^i who claim to be Democrats. 
Having resolved to tiy him;- ; ndeavor to appologise for his 

disgraceful defeat, by P:^-^i''^ _ iiad not fair play, and that the 

people were fooled. T' ;i! iiiat AVai Iiad a majority of the 

people with him, but ti;;a iliey vrere ^'(v^-^-A^f wjy by his opponents ! 
That is to say, the good and holy, true and virtuous, incorruptible 
Democracy, according i ' ' -i showing, v,-ereZ*r/ie(/ to vote against 
their favorite man ami ;. 
But what a str.pendiior.s op purchase of the Democracy 

p;ust irave been, by the " Lbiu.. j.al Whigs!" See the thing as 

it is. Gen Harrison's majority in the popular vote of the Nation, was 
ONE HUNDRED x\ND FOUTY-SIX THOUSAND ! The leading 
organs of Democracy say, that but for the agency of corruption^ Van 
would have beaten Harrison as far as the latter beat him. Multiply the 
majgrity of Harrison by two, and it will be scon that 292,000 good and 
true Democrats'wcrc actually bought at the shambles, by the corrupt 
leaders of the Wiiig party ! Democrats, what say you to tliis charge 
preferred against you by your ov/n organs ? 

But we must, call the attention of tjie reader to an extract from the 
New York Plehlan, a violent, but still a leading Van Buren paper, 
edited by that notorious prince of villians, Levi D. Slanim. AVe copy 
tliis false and attroious paragraph entire, from a leading editorial, be- 
cause the whole article was written with a view to show the cause of 
Ml. Van Durcn's/lefeat in the memorable and never-to-be-forgotten 
contest of IS 10. The Plcbian savs : 



CAUSES OF v.\^' euken's defeat, fcC. 231 

"LARGE AMOUNTS OF FUND3 WERE COXTRKJUTED, 
AND PUT IN CHARGE OF UNSGRUPUF.OUS AND WICKED 
AGENTS TO BUY UP AND TRANSPORT FRO^M TOWN TO 
TOWN, STEAMBOAT CARGOES OF FOREIGN VOTES, 
ACCORDING TO ORDER, AND AT A STIPULATED PRICE 
PER HEAD. THESE VENAL DREGS OF HUMAN COR- 
RUPTION, THUS BOUGHT UP A.S ARTICLES OF TEAFFIC 
IN THE HUMAN MART, WERE SOMETIMES, MADE TO 
_g WEAR TO THE FAITHFUL AND CONFIDNTIAL EXECU- 
■^HON OF THE VICIOUS BARGAIN; AND IN SOME IN- 
STANCES THEY VOTED SIXTEEN TIMES, AND PROB- 
AJ31-Y COMMITTED SIXTEEN PERJURIES IN ONE 
AND THE SAME ELECTION ! ! ! " 

III tlic language of the imaiorUil Clay, on a memorable occasion, we 
alone find the cause of Van's clei'cat in '40 in this — '' Truth is ialmor- 
TAL AND PUBLIC JusTiCE CERTAIN. " But ^ve are keeping our readers 
froiii some articles vrc intended them to see. TFe give an extract first, 
from a long article ia I'le M'>jjJdngto)i Spectator, an able Calhoun 
journal published in that city. After fin-nishing a tabular statement of 
fhe votes cast in 1836, and again in 1840, the Spectator proceeds: — 

Tiiusit will be perceived t^"'at, in 1836, the Democracy were in the 
majority in fifteen out of twenty six States, though the popular majori- 
ty for Mr. Van Buren, was but 25.413, and was the smallest "ever 
received by a successful Democratic candidate. In 1840, the Democ- 
racy Avere in the majority in but six out of the twenty-six States, and 
ill a popular minority of nearly one liinidrcd and fifty thousand ! 

To what cause then can the overwhelming and unparalleled defeat 
of our party in 1840 be attributed? It cannot be ascribed to the un- 
pojpularity of Democratic principles, for they have rebounded from the 
fall, and are rapidly progressing to their accustomed ascendency, and 
itisFQLLY^nay.iDorse, it is VilCKEDNESS to assert that it 
poos loliobj the result of fraud, dehamhery, and bribery. — IViis would 
be ail insult to our llepuhllan Institutions ■, and reiterating in other 
words the exploded heresie-^ of the hi^h toned Federal school— that' the 
People are incapabl". of seJf-govrrmnent,and are their oionAoorst ene- 
mies. And at whose door would lie the charge of having been bribed 
,or bought like cattle in the market'?- Not the Whigs because there 
.tons no necessity of bribing them. And rcill any Democratic Editor 
have the hardihood to assert that a suficient number of his political 
brethren were bribed, as ivould account for our trentenduous defeat. 

The Rhode Island Chronicle, another Calhoun paper, also comes to 
the rescue, and demonstrates that it was 7?o/ " bribery, " but Mr. Van 
-Buren 's own unworthiness, together with his maladministration, that 
defeated him. It settles also another point, much, prated of by our 
I adversaries, that the TFhigs h^d no principles " for the public eye. " 
The Chronicle says : 

" It inu^t after a sober and careful review of die past, be admitted by 



232 CALHOC^' PAPERS VS THE VAN 13UKEX ORGANS. 

nil candid men, that Mr. Van Biircu'c^ administration was in many 
respects an nnfortunatp. one. It was unfoitnnate in (he LOSS TO 
TfTE GOVERNiMENT AND THE PEOPLE OF MANY M[L 
LTONS OF DOLLARS BY THE DEFALCATIONS OF HIS 
Ot^'FrCERS. It ivfis unfoilnnatc in being- identified with the Quixotic 
attempts to estnblisk an, ahsoluie 'iiietalii: crrrciicij, to the exclusion of 
all thef(rius of credit for the business operations of tJie people^ as 
veil as ill its rcroiniii-ndation of the obnoxious two hundred thousand 
Mililia bill. And it was especially unfortunate in its cxiravanrant 
expenditures — anioiu.tlit'^' to near I ij thirti/scventnillions of dollars 
annually. 

Notwi'thsfandino' all that has hecn said and snn"" relative to the 
warmdi and enllnuMasm with which the last Presidcniial canvas Jvas con- 
i\i\c{Q.(\^ no sensible 7nan can doubt that these subjects were fully discussed 
before the Grand Inqikst of the Nation., and a verdict qilite decisive 
enough giceii by the people in relation to them. " 

One more paragrapli from tlie Chronicle, touching Mr. Van Bnrcn's 
Den'iocrary,imd we drop tlie subject for the present. Tlic editor dc- 
'C lares that ; — 

" At the most tryinp; period of the existence of the Democratic Party 
in this counti V — (hni.i'.r ''n i;i>i war with Creat Britain — Mr. Vcdl 
Jjureii oppo.sf I ' /,':■' /■. I',./'//- I ', .<id/'niial nomination of the Deirfoo'at- 
ic Party, the eieetion if .lanitu Madisoji, nnd united himself yvilji ihp 
Federal Parly in the support of De Tl^ilt Clinton, the PEACE PAR- 
TY candidate. . In 1S23 and '24 he likewise strenuously opposed th^ 
election of General Jackson to the Presidency. , Since .Tohn Cluincj 
Adams refused to appoint him Minister to England in 182(3, he has it 
is true, whether iiiduced i>y inlcicst or principle, it is now necessary to 
inquire, actetl witli die Deniocraiic parly, with coiiunetidable consisten- 
cy. For this consistency of action v.'iih, and support of tlie party Mr. 
Van Buren has received from the Democracy of tlie State of New York 
and the Union, tlie ofiices of United States Senator, Secretary of State', 
Minister to "England, Vice President, and President of the United 
States, from which he received the princely fortune of $176,000 ! ! " 

This last declaration is perfectly satisfactory, and sustains fully what 
'the Whigs have always asserted, that Van Buren'a Democracy never 
developed itself until after Gen. Jaclcsons election wais rendered certatrj, 
jii\d a'favorablc opportunity offered him to ride into power by playing 
upon Gen. Jackson's feelings, and singing liosannns to the present Do 
juocratic party. 

In reply to the wholesale libels of the Richmond Enquirer and i'ts 
profuse denuiiciationsof the "log-cabin and Imrd cider mummeries of 
1840," tlm Mobile Tribune, a Calhoun paper thus discoursetli ; — 

"We repeat the fpiestion : What caused Mr. Van Buren's defeat by" 
two lumdrcd tliousand votes ? 

-f'brour'own part, we feel compelled to say that we believe the 



CAUSES OP VAN DUREn's DEFEAT, &C. 233 

laigei portion pf t!iosc votes was coiijposed of the lioiicdt, the deliberate, 
tlixi well considered siiUVagcs ©f those who cast ihcni. 

Tho^esuirrages conveying' tlie will of two hiindied thousand of our 
cotfbtrymcn, are not so lii;!illy,nay so contenipiiiousiy to be considered* 
The zeal of Mr. Van Biiren's frieads is one thing; the settled opposi- 
tion ami repugnance of an ovcrwlielining niajority of Ins countrymen 
are quite a cllflercnt thing. Are the popular feelings vMiich, hi 1840, 
shook thi>; nation like a tropical- tornado, worthy of no respect ? The 
revolftt.'oti of 1840 had indeed a meaning, which those wlio look upon 
ibc surface of things only have read with little profit; 

For our own part, we stand at all times awed bhefdre the aroused 
inhjesty of the people. As for thai grisat popuKar movement of 1 84 0, 
\?eniust pluck from our bosom every democratic instinct ere wc stand 
uh to sit upon and scolF at the power which pioclafmed the will of a 
self-governed nation — the sovereign thunders of a free independent 
suffrage, which roared in its! resistless strength across the length anil 
bieadth of the land. We may have despised the exhibitions of folly 
aild excitement which characterized that era; But what great and 
general excitement is without them? These were the trash and weeds 
which floated upon t her surface, but he must be a shallow reasoncr 
who fancied that they contained the force whii;h lashed the ocean into 
a connnotion so terrible. The revolution of lb 10 was a manifestation 
of public feeling not to be disguised.-' - 

How very dilTerent is the language of a Locofoco leader ctftcr an 
electidn, froin what it is bcfora an efeclioh. For instance, 

Before an Election : Dear people ! you arc too pure, too patriotic, 
and too intelligent to be deluded by Fedcrafists, Abolitionists, and 
Bankites. T^he sovereign powier is lodged with yoM, and you control 
the balfot-box, and you always do right! You can't be humbugged! 
You never have been misled ; and when the liberties of your country 
are endangered, you wilt cOme to their rescue ! Nobody can giun you! 
In short, you never do wrong ! 

After an Election : Yoti rfriserablc f6dl^!'you know-nothing rascals, 
you are incapable of sclf-g'over)i7ne7tt,!. You are a mere "floating 
mas3,in which little or no confidence can be reposed at the hour of trial ! " 
You have been bought up by British Gold ! You poor devils, you have 
no principles ! You have sold yourselves to the Federalists ! You 
have gone oil' after Log Cabin fooleries ! You have worshiped a 
skunk- skin I You all got beastly drunk on Haid-Cider! You have 
elected an old fool ! Go to the devil, yod pittiful wretches, you can " be 
most conveniently spared I " 

Verly the troubles among the faithful are increasing. Tlic Van 
Burcn party in the city of New York, recently held a niectir>g in 
Tammany Hall, at which they appointed nint; delegates to the State 

30 



234 CAUSES OF VAX bituen's defeat, &c. 

Convention, instincUnglhcm to po their death, as the saying is', for the 
httlc Magician. This induced tlic Calhoun paiiy in the same city to 
call a great meeting in the Park, in pursuance of which, the New 
York Evening Express, of Sept. oih, says, " there were ahout five 
thousand people assembled in the Park. " The call for the meeting, 
signed by a s[>ccia! committee of one hundred mot, was in the follow- 
ing words, as set forth in their hand-bills : — 

PARK MEETING, EN MASSE.— Dofliocrats! Rally to thcPark^ 
all those in favor of t/ic Caiisc^'''- Free Trade, Low Duties, No Debt* 
Sepemtiou from Banks, f^conarnv, Retrenclimcnt, and Strict Adhc" 
rencc vo the Constitution"— ?Ac ma?i,J'Oim C. CALKOUN, as tlic 
Democ ratio s-sndidate for the Presidency of the United States, in 1844 
— the Country — its System of Government — its Iteprescntativo Insti- 
tnliorts — the inalienable riglit of lire people of each Congressional 
District to elect by their direct siiflrages the delegate \i\\a shall repre- 
sent them in the National Convention ; also, the vote per capita, and 
that each vote shall be counted for the candidate to whom it is given, 
the san^c being consistent with the great Democratic pfiftcipJ^tJial the 
Representative shall speak the voiec 'astlcrurry cut the will of thoaC he 
represents. 

Friends of the Cause, the Man, miA the CowntiT, meet in the Paik, 
this, MOx\D AY EYENINGj September 4ih> at half past 5 o'elock, 
rain or shine; 

Victory in such a ca'je will be grent and glorious ; much will it re- 
dound to the honor of those by whom it will have been won, and long 
will it perpetuate the liberty and prosperity of lite coimtrp "' 

At this meeting, Do€T. Stephen H4\sBROucfK was called to the 
Chair, and twantij Vice Presidents, and six Secretaries were appointed. 
Speeches were made — preambles and rcsokuioHS were pflered and 
adopted, as usual, while the meeting collectively' declared for the Nulli" 
fier, with this verse as t heir'motto : 

" Thy" spirit rndependcnee! let me share, 
liord of the lion heart, and eagle eye : 
Thy form Fll follow with my bosom bare, 
Nor fcai- the storm that howls along the sky I "' 



CnAPTER XX. 



Si/nopsls, shoicing the year hi U'liich each Stale of the U/tion vas 
settled, and hi/ irhat pfople-^thc muitiwr ^/ s.'/nare suites — time 
of holding clectio)is — quaUjicaiwns nf voters, and number of Rep 
reseutatives and Electors of each State. 



MAINE— Settled 1G30, by EngU4i; 32,000 square miles, CapiUil 
Augusta; G,'cneral election second Mouday iu September. l«egislatuie 
jMcet first Wednesday in January ; Voters must reside n\. the State three 
months before any election; sends membms to .Congress 7; Electors 9. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE-^Settkd 1623, by English ; 95,000 square 
miles ; Capital Concorii ; general election second Tuesday in March ; 
I.egislature meets on the first Wednesday in June.; Voters require iio 
other qualification than to be twenty-one years o.f age j rseatis mcmbera 
of Congress 4 ; Electors (3. 

MASSACHUSETTS— Settled 1G20 ; by English ; 7,500 squtvre 
miles ; Capitol Boston ; general election second Monday in Novcn»ber; 
Legislature meets the first Wednesday in llanuary ; Vomers one year's 
residence in the State, and have paid a State or Coiiiity tax ; sends 
tuembers of Congress lU ; Ulcctors 12. 

VI5RM0NT— Settled 1749, by English; 10,200 square miles; 
<?:!apitol Montpelier ; general election first Tuesday in September ; l^e- 
gislature meets second Thiirsday in October ; Voters to reside iji the 
State one 3^ear; sends members of Congress 4 ; Electors 43. 

RHODE ISLAND— Settled 103(3, by English; 1,300 square miles; 
Caoltol Providence ; general election 'i<^ <:iovernor aiid Senator in 
April ; for Representatives in April and August ; Legislature lur-cts first 
Wednesday in June and last Wednesday in October; Voters must be 
residents in the State three months, and have a freehold of 134 dollars 
sends memkefs of Congress 2; Electors 4. 

CONNECTICUT— Settled lG33,!hy English; 4,760 square miles; 
Capitol New Haven ; general election "first Monday in April ; Legislti- 
ture meets first Wednesday iii May ; A'oters to hold a freehohl of $7 
per annum, have done military duty, paid a State ^ tax, ami taken (he 
prescribed oath; sends menjbers of Congress 4 ; Electors 6. 

NEW YORK— Settled 1614, by Dutch; 46,000 square, miles ; 
Capitol Albany; gcneial election first jMonday in November, 3 days; 
lifigislaturc meets first Tuesday in January ; Voters, citizens 21 years 
of age, inhabitants of the State for the la^t months; colored men of 
a fre'chold of S250, paid taxes, and been a citizen three years; sends 
members of CongrcsL- 34 ; Electors 30. 



2j(j svvxorr.is. 

NF-W JEKSEY-ScUlcd 172^1, \>y Dnnop;S,3riO?quaic niilos; Capitol 
Trenton; <i:''neral election seconci l\]esda)M"n Orlobev, Voters to be 
cilizi^na of liic State one 5'ear, and worth 50 pounds proclamation 
money ; spends menibcvs of "Congress 5 ; Electors 7. 

PENNSYLVANIA— Settled 1G82, by Engli.-b ; 44,000 square niilc-s 
Capilol Harrisbnro-; <^-eneral election second Tuesday in Oclo)jer; l-e- 
gishuurc meoLS first Tuesday in .January; Voters, wiiitc, omvytar in 
Sate, ten da^vs where v-'-ting, and pay tax assessed loii.days Itefore elec- 
tion, between 21 and 22, vote without (ax ; sends jn'embers of Cont^ress 
21; Electors 2G. 

DELAWAIlE-ScMle.! ]C.27, by Swedes and Fins; 2,100 square 
n-iiics; CnpiiolDover; ^xMK^iai cicciion second Tuesday in October ; 
lJ,0!iis]atuic}neo!n first Tuesday ii^ January; Voters, lire same qiialifi- 
cations required as in rcimryivaiiia; sends members of Congress 1 ; 
J^lectors 3. 

MARYLAND—Setlled 1G24, by English; 14,000 square miles; 
Capitol Annapolis ;• general eJccficn first Monday inOclober ; -Legisla- 
ture meets first Monday in l)ecen)l)cr; Voters, one year's residence in 
(lie county w^rere he shall ol.ier to vote ; sends members of Congi-css 
i) ; Electors 8. 

VIRGINIA— Seided lOOr, by English ; 01,000 square miles; Cap- 
itol Richmond •- general election in April; Legislature meets first Mon- 
day in December ; Voters, freehold of $25, or I)een a housekeeper one 
year, or been as.^essed, amounts to ahiiost vmiveisal suibage; sends 
members of Congress lo; Electors IT. 

NORTH CAROLINA— Settled 1650, by English ; 48,000 square 
])riles; Capitol Raleigh; general election m August; Legislatme 
meets second Monda\ ni November ; Voter, citizen of the State one 
year, may vote for a member of the House of Conimons, but must 
own 50 acres of land to vote for a Senator; scuds members to Congress 
0; Electors 11. 

'SOUTH CAROL l?v'V — Set th^.d 1680 by Engl i.-h; :24,0i00 sqiiar.e 
mdcs; t^'apitol Cohnnbjji-; geiieral eleclKVi spcond Monday in Oct,o|>e;;, 
],egislat.ure meets fourll) Monday in No,von,ibcr ; Voter, resident .oHlie 
State two ycais, and si^s: months of the district wljcre voting ; sends 
membcis of Congress?; Electors 9 

GEORGIA— Settled ?T33, by Englisli ;' 60,000 scpuare miles; Cap- 
itol Milledgville ; gcnciaj election first Monday in October; Lcgisturc 
nieels first Monday in Novend)er; Vot'erj citizen of the Slate, and six 
inonlhs residence of county where voiing, and have paid all taxes ini 
posed upon him; sonils n^embersof Congress 8 ; Electors 10. 

LOUISIANA— .Settled 1690, by French ; 48,000 squaie ixiiles ; 
Capilol New Orleans; general election first Monday in July ; liCgisla- 
ture meets first Monday in Jan uarv ; Voter io nvside one year in the 
count v,nnd paid taxes wilhin (he last six jvionlhs ; seiuls members of 
Oongress 4 ; Elcclor^ .6. 

OHIO— Selilc.l 1788, by English , 39,000 -quan^ milrs, Capit;)! 



SYNOPSIS. 237 

CQ,l[um|^U3; general cleclien second Tuesday in October; Legislature 
meels fiWt Monday iu December ; Voter, one year's residence in the 
State preceding the election, having paid or been cliarged with Stutc or 
.county tax; sends menibqrs of Congress 31; Electors 23. 

Tv E NT [Ti^KY— Settled 1775, by Virginians; 421)00 square miles; 
<?apitol Frankfort; general eleciion first Monday in August; Legisla- 
Uirc meets lirst Monday m November ; Voters, two years residence >n 
flic State, and in the county where offering to vote, one year preceding 
the •eleccion ; sends niembers of Cong-icss 10; Electors 12. 

ILLINOIS— Settled 1749, by French ; 53,000 square miles ; Cap- 
tol Yandalia; general election first Monday in August; Legislature meets 
iirst Monday in December; V^ter, residence in the State six months, 
but can only vole in the county where lie actually resiiles; sends 
■members of Congress 7 ; Electors 9. 

INDLVlS'A— Settled 1730, by French ; 30,000 squaie )niles ; Cap- 
itol Indu\napolis; general election .flrst Monday in August; Ijegislatur£! 
aiacets first Monday in December; Voter, one year's residence in tlic 
'^tiitc preceding die election, entitles io vote in county of residence ; 
sfeHds members of Congress 10; Electors 13. 

■AL.iB AM A— Settled 1713, by French ; Capitol Tuscaloosa ; gene- 
ral election first Monday in August; Legislature meets fourth Monday 
in August; liegislaturc meets fourth Monday in October ; Voter, citi- 
zeu.of (he ^United Slates, one year of this, and three months residence 
in d;c comuy wltsr<3 he shall oiler to vote ; sends nicmb.ei;3 of Congress 
7; Electors 9. 

MISSISSIPPI- Seitld i710, by French; Capitol Jackson; general 
election in August; Legislature meets first Monday in November; 
Voter, citizen of Uie United States, and one year's residence in this 
State, and in the county six monihs, and have done military duty, or 
paid taxes^ sends members of Congress 4; Electors G. 

MISSOURI -Settled 17G3, hy French ; 60,000 square miles; Cap- 
jtol .?eiferson City ; general electioTi first Monday in August ; Legisla- 
ture meets first Monday in Noveml)er ; Yotei-, citizen of the United 
.*^tates, one year's residence in this State next preceding the election, 
and three months in the county; sends members oF Congress 5 f- 
Electors 7. 

TENNESSEE— Settled in 1705, by English ; 40,000 square milesj 
Gapitol Nashville ; general election first Tuesday in August ; I/Cgisla- 
ture meets first Monday in October ; Voter, citizen of the United States 
and six months in the county where his vote is offered; sands members 
of Congress 11 ; Eilectois 13. 

FLORIDA— For near 200 years under Spain, was ceded to the 
United States in 1819, and the East and West formed oije (erriloiy in 
1822. St. Augustine is the oldest town in the United States; Talla- 
hassee is the Copitol. Pcnsacola U. S. Naval station. 

MICHIGAN— Settled in lf)7ri, by French , contains 65,000 square 



238 A LI.-^T OF OFFICERS FROM 1TS9 TO 18-11. 

miles ; IiacVians, 30,000 Capital Detroit ; soil rich; iron, copper and lead 
mines' abound -, Voters, all citizens 21 years of age ; sends ,3 members 
to Con!?ress -, Electors 5. _ , , , . . , , , 

AP^KANSAS— Settled by French from Louisiana, and formed a 
part of Missouri in 1810; contains 57,000 square nnles; admitted iii 
the Uniou 1830 ; Capitol l^iltle Rock ; Voters, all citizens 21 years of 
a"-e ; sejads 1 member to Congress ; Electors 3. 

° WISCONSIN— Seliled by emigrants from other, principally New 
En'daud States; bounded by Lakes Michigan and Superior on the 
East bv Hudson 13ay Co. Teiitoiies on the North, Illinois on the 
South, "Mississippi and Iowa and the West ; ctw^nains 80.000 square 
miles; Capitol Madison. , ^.. . . . 

IOWA 'J'ERlirrORY— laes l)ct\vccn Missouri and Mississippi 
Rivers, bounded on tlic Nortli by Hudson Bay Co. Territories ; contains 
150,000 s(}uare miles ; purchased of Sacas and Foxes 1832; Capitol 
Iowa City. 

INDIAN .OR WESTERN TERRITORY— Extends from the 
"Western boundary of Arkansas and Missouri to Red River on the South 
and the Punca and Platte or Nebraska on the North ; roughly estimated 
at about 275,0U0 S(iuarc miles- The Western Teriitory, extendinj? to 
the Rocky Mountaiijsj contains 340,000 square miles. Columbia or 
Orc"-on 'rerritory, claimed by the United States, is about 850 inilm 
long, North and South, 400 to TOO miles broad, and estimated to coii- 
taiu 3.50,000 s(|uarc miks. 

# * TWO SE.^^ATORS arc sent from each State, in addition to 
the preceding enumeration of Members of Congress ^^ouiheru O/iromcle 

ALIST OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES .QOV- 

13RNMENT FROM 1T89 TO 1811. 

PRESIDENTS, 

ITSO. George Washington, of Virginia. 
1797. John Adams, of Massachusetts. 
180 L Thomas Jelfei-son of Virginia. 
1809. James Madison, of Aliginia. 
1817. James Monroe, of Virginia. 
1 825. John Q,. Adams, of MassachuscUs. 
1829. Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, 
1837. Martin Van Buren of New York.' 

1811. AVilliam Henry Harrison, of Ohio. 
18-11. John Tvler, oi' Virginia. 

VICE PRESIDENTS. 
J 789. John Adams, of Massachusetts. 
1797. Thomas Jeilcrson, of Virginia. 
il801. Aaron Burr, of New York. 
1805. George Clinton, of New York. 

1812. Eldridgc Gerry, of Massachusetts. 
1817. Daniel D. Tompkins, of New VoiU. 
J 825. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina. 
/833. Martin A'an Buren, of New York. 
1S37. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky. 
1811. John Tylci; of Virginia. 



A LIST OF OFFICERS FROM 1789 TO 1S41. 239 

SECRETARIES OF STATE. 

ITSO. Tliomas Jcirersoa, of Virginia. 

1794. EdmiiiKl R'andolph, of Virginiri. 

1T95. Timothy Pickeiing, of Massaclui setts. 

1800. John Marshall, of Virginia. 
LSOl. James Madison, of Virginia. 
1809. Robert Smith, of Maryland, 
1811. James Monroe, of Virginia, 
1818.- Jolui Gi,. Adams, of Massachus&tts. 
1825. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, 
182&.- Martin Van Buren, of New York. 
1-^1. Edward Livingston, of Louisiana. 
]'^33. Louis McLane, of Delaware. 
1;83G. John P^rsyth, of Georgia. 

1841. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts. 
SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. 

1T89. Alexander Haniiiton, of New York. 

1796. Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts. 

1801. Oliver Wolcott, of Virginia. 
W^3ri. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania. 
1814. G. W. Campbell, of Tennessee. 
1814. Alexander J. Dallas, of Pennsylvania. 
1817. William H. Crawford, of Georgia. 
182.7. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania. 
1829. SfMnuel D. Ilrgham, of Pennsylvania^ 
1^31. Louis McLanc, of Delewarc. 

l'S33. Roger B. Taney, of Maryland. 

1834. Levi Woodbury, of New Hampsliire, 

1'841. Thomas E wing, of Ohio. 

1811. Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania. 

SECRETARIES OF WAR. 

1789. Henry Knox, of Massachusetts. 

1795; Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts, 

1796. James M'Henry of Maryland, 

I'SOO; Samuel Dexter, of Massachusetts. 

1801. Roger Griswold, of Connecticut. 

1801. Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts. 

1809. William Eustis, of Massachusetts. 

Wll. William H". Crawiord, of Georgia. 

1813. John Armstrong, of New York. 

1817. Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, (declined.)' 

1817. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina. 

1S25. James Barbour, of Vii-ginia. 

1;S28. Peter B. Porter, of New York. 

1829. John H. Eaton, of TenrtCssec. 

1831. Lewis Cass, of Ohio. 

IS37. Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina. 

1841. John Bell, of Tennessee. 

r841. John McLean of Ohio, (declined.) 

1841. John C. Spencer, of New York. 
SECRETARIES OF THE NAVY. 



2^10 A LIST OF OFFICEna FROM 1TS9 TO IblL. 

1789. CJeorgc Cabbott, of Massachusetts. 

1798. Beufaniiii Studdaid, of Maryim'n.l. 

1802. Robert Smith, of Mary laud., 

1805. J. Crowinshield, of Massaclmsetts. 

1809. Paul Hamilton, of South Caioliua 

1812. Wiiliaiu Jones of Peunsylvania. 

ISM. B. Cfowinshield, of MassachuscUs. 

1818. Smith- Thompson, of New York. ■ 

1824. S. L: Southoid, of New Jersey. 

1829. John Brand i, of North Carolina. 

1831. Levi Woodlniry, of New Hampshire. 

1831. Mahlou Dickerson, of New Jersey. 

] 837. James E. Paulding, of New York. 

1841. George E. Badger, of Norlh Carolina. 

1841. Abel P. Upshur, of AHrolnia. 

POST MASTERS GENERAL. 

1789: San-iuel Osgood, of Massachusetts. 

1791. ^I'imoLhy Pickering, of Massachusetts, 

1795. Joseph Habersliam, of Georgia. 
1802. Gideon Grainger, of New York. 
1814. Return J. Meigs, jr., of Ohio. 
1823. John McLean, of" Ohio. 

1829. Williaiii T. Barry, of Kentucky. 
1835. Amos Kendall, of Kentucky. 

1840. John M. Niles, of Coniieciicut. 

1841. Francis GrLiingcr, of New York. 
1841. Charles A. Wickhire, of Kentucky 

CHIEF JUSTICES. 

1789. John Jay, of New York. 

1790. William Gushing, of Massachusetts?. 

1796. Oliver EUsworih, of Connecticut. 

1800. John Jay, of New York. 

1801. John Marshall, of Virginia. 

1830. Rosrer B. Taney, of Marvland. 

ATTORNIES GENERAL. 

1789. tklmond Randolph, of Virginia. 

1794-. William Bradford, of Pennsylvania. 

1795. Charles Lee, of Virghiia. 

1801. Levi Lincoln, of Massachugetts. 

1805. Robert Smith, of Maryland. 

1806. John Brecken ridge, of Kentuck}-. 

1807. Ca-sar A. Rodney, of Delaware. 
1811. William A. Pinckney, of Maryland 
1814. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania. 
1817. William Wirt, of Virginia.. 

1829. John M. Berrien, of Georgia. 

1831 Roger B. Taucy, of Maryland. 

1835. lienjamin Butler, of New Yoik. 

1837. Henry 1). Gilpin, of Peimsylvania-: 

1841. John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky. 

1841. Hugh S. Legcue, of' South Carolina 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 



HENMY CLA¥. 



CHAPTER I. 



Introductory rs^iiaik-' — nJi-. Cliv's prese:it position— Prospects of tho; 

Whig F„rty — l>i''o :ii<-;il <!i:^oo,is!itU!-.> oft!)- \Vhi;«— C:i-<-^e~! of tbe.-^e 
(lijiooiiiiituivs — DinVriMit pni'vui^R of shc> VVh(:-rs vi\\ hvcci'ncos in lilc— 
PresPiU ctMithtion of tiio Whio: P'.Jiy coiiipu: etl t) wIm' it was in 
1831) — Wlii_'' opi'iion in Ocorsria, 0;)i« and Penrt-'yivfuii^i— L><'Myptt'^s 
o| iiion of i^li-. Ci:iy — Benton's opinion of >Si-, Clay — >5i'. .J^•t^el•son'd 
oj-inion of i^lr. Ciay—Jadge i>i4;Lean*s opinion of Mv. (Jlay, 



That Henry Clay will be the Whig candidate lor tlie Presidency, 
and the only Wiiig candidate, in the approacliiag contest, adnnts of no 
sort of doubt. Mr. Clay is now in private liic— he i^ nut innvin^ iu 
any way— he makes no eiibrts to forestall the deliberaf.ons oi the \Viiij; 
National Convention to he held in Baltimore, in May next, where and 
when nominations for the Presidency and Yice Presiden':y are to be 
made. From these considerations many liave inferred lluvt Mr. Ciay 
will either not be nominated by the Whig party, or that, if nominated, 
he vrill not accept. Sucli persons know very little of the real character 
of the man. The position he has assumed in relation to this matter, is 
one havinu" its oriu'in in inst notions of delicacy. Ih: Clay leels it 
incumbent upon him to await ihe drri ion of that Convention, and to 
do nothing which will seem like ar e;:urt^o forestall its deliberations. 
Kis position, therefore, as well as his movements, are dictated by a wise 
and judicious regard for the harmony of the Whig party, and a due 
respect for the feelings of oiher aspirants to theofHce, in Ins (uvn ranks. 
When the Whigs shall have proclaimed hi;n their chi^ice for a leader 
in Convention, as wc know they will, we know ^vherc he will be found, 
and what his response will be, or else we have no just appreciation of 
his character. No defeat, no disaster, no predictioi^s, or abuse, prior 
to the nomination by the great National Convention, can friglrteu 
Henry Clay from the track. His giant spirit has never been daunted 
by obstacles, whatever may have been their rnagnitudc, at any period 

31 



242 hlFB AND PUBLIC SEUVICFS OPrif:?rRV CLAY. 

of his life, as nil will bcnr us tcstiniony, who know the man. At eveiy 
period in the his:oiy of Henry Clay, the m ore gloomy the prospect, 
the more fearless and invincible has he been. The storms and tempests- 
of party, onl}^ serve to av/aken the tremendous energies of his mind — 
and while the timid and despondWig are shrinking from the contest, 
then it is that the sound of his voice, eloquent, clear, encouraging, bold 
and mnnly, brings that hope v/hieh 'springs eternal in the human 
breast," to the hearts of friends, and victory to the glorious banner of 
th(J party who fight under liim. 

If there be a single Whig who desponds a; the reverses which have 
befallen our party, within tlie la; t two years, Icl liini recur to our prostrate 
and ruined condition in 1839, the particuhirs of which he Vv^ell remem- 
bers — and from that tnke confidence in all tune to come. Our condition 
now cannot, even ' ' ''-t timid or despondent, be regarded as half 
so hopeless, ns i? Ink ago of modern politics, and which 

" tried men's soul^. ■ Vv'ere everywhere overwhelmed with 

defeat. State aftci . , in 1838, had unfurled the IFliig 

banner, in 1S39, inglo ■ rSed the standard, and mustered under 

the black flag of Locoliv ,:ad some v.ijich liad never faltered in 

the Whig ranks, proved recrcuat in that year of Whig trials, tri!)ulations 
and disasters. Not, only was Coijgress carried against us then as now j 
but the whole Democracy of the iaird v.'crc nniiod on theii candidate, 
Mr. Van Burex, who was then in ofiicc, wielding tlie whiolc patronage 
of the Government to sustain himself, and to place himself and friends 
beyond the reach of attack. Then our prospects were truly gloomy, 
and for indulging in misginvigs, the stoutest hearts might have been ex- 
cused. But a brighter day davrned' upon the land — 1840 came, and 
the long-to-be-remembered defeats of 1039, were followed up by a 
series of the most brilliant tritniiphs everachieved in any country, by 
any part)'. 

But the periodical discomfitures of the Whigs, to whicli we have 
alluded, is easily accounted for The Whigs, taken in the aggregr 



ate. 



are those people, who do not spend their time in mourning over petty 
Echem.es of selfishness and aml)ition — they do not nmke politics a trade, 
like the mercenary demagogues to whom they statid opposed.. Unlilce 
the Locofocos, taken in the aggregate, ilie Whigs have regular pursuits, 
on which they rely for the support uf ilicmscivesand families. There- 
fore, the State elections do not cause them to abandon their several 
vocations. It is only on great and stirring occasions, such as was the 
election in IS-iO, and such as will be the one in 1844, that the Whigs 
'to^wartj will leave their usual vocations and go to the polls. 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 243 

The Wliio-s now, as iti 1840, embrace a large majority of tlie American 
people. On the othci hand, the Locofocos, taken in the aggregxUe, 
«u-e politicians by tiade, and look to the success of paity for a living. 
Not a few of them — are loafers and spongers — with nothing to loose 
and everything to gain. By politics they make their meat and bread — 
by politics they live imd move and have their being — and at their trade 
they work! It was on llus account, moreover, that they were justly 
denominated the " Spoils Party " — and by Mu. Calhoun, were truly 
isaid " to he held logetlier hi/ the cohesive power of jmhUc plunder ! " 
The United States Gazette, thus compares the present condition of 
"the Wiiig party, with its condition in 1S39 : 

FACTS WORTHY OF NOTE.— With reference io the elcctiori 
.of 1844, the Whigs occupy the same relation, in regard to time, wb^icii 
•tliey did in 1S3S witii reference to the Presidential election in 184Q. 
And wirh the exception of the distracted state of the Locofoco party, 
in refetence to their Presidential candidate, the circumstances, to almost 
everything else, are nearly tbe same. 

In 1S38 the State of Pennsylvania elected G/)v. Porter by a majority 
of549G. 

And yet in 1840 Pennsylvania cast her electoral vote against tlie 
Locofoco candidate for the Presidency. 

In 183S Deleware elected Mr. Robinson (Locofoco) her delegate hj 
.Congress by a majority of 50. 

And yet in 1840 Deleware elected anti-Locofoco electors by a naajor- 
ity of more than a tiiousand. 

Georgia in 1S38 elected McDonald (Locofoco) fqr Governor by a 
^najority of3T5. 

But in 1840 Georgia gave a good round majority for the anti-Locc- 
foco candidate for Pre.'?ident. 

Ohio in the year 1838 gave Shannon (Locofoco) far Governor a 
majority of 5729. 

Yet in 1840 Ohio gave the auti-Locofoco electoral ticket, a ne9.t 
little majority of 23,000. 

Maryland in 1838 gave to Grayson, the Locofoco candidate for Gov- 
ernor, a majority of 259. 

Yet in 1840 tliis same Maryland gave a majority for the anti-Loco- 
foco electoral ti»;ket of 4,77(3. 

In 1838 the State of Ma.ssachusetts elected Marcus Morton, the 
Locofoco candidate for r;.;v!'ruor, by a majority of one. 

Yet in 1840 good old Massachusetts gave to the anti-Locofoco electo- 
-toral ticket a majority of 20,930. 

In 1838 New Jersey returned to Congress a Locofoco delegation, 
.claiming a majority of GO. Tliis claim was not allowed, but the Whig 
REAL majority was less than that 

And in 1840 New Jersey gave the Whig electoral ticket a majority 
of 2,317. 

Maine in the year 1838 gave to FaiificI, the Locofoco candidate for 
Governor, a majority of 3j328. 



Jim h 


1 i '' 


10 ^'1: 


of 411. 






Ibr i'l-y. 


ran 


in iS 



2M LiFK .\ND pr::;i,ic services op iienuy clav. 

•■;ivc a iiKi^oiity f.n- the ^Vjlig electoral ticket 

crU'd S; ovens T. Mason, the Locofoco candidal e 
f-i r.'i iiic I.ocofoco iSfate lickcl 

Yci _ ! ;,, iM i^- iii rave for the W'i;!'/ etectoral ticket a majority 
of I.;:- i', 

Th:- ■ ^-i;- ;> : I "^ ^ in 1S3S. But in 1837 the 

liocos . ;; I : i;id in 1839 they earned Polk 

(LiOroioco) i'V a n-saioiify of ■>. }.:•' 

Yet in 1840 the Wlii:4-.s clccleJ their cu:ctcral ticket by a majority 
of] 2.102. 

We take no notice of those States which went for the TFhigs in 
1838, aril! ai.M) at i!}e Pre?identiol election in 18-10, such as N. Carolina, 
Indiaia' ;,] >oiii ^iaiia, Rhode Ishujd, Coijnecticut, and New 

York, 'a -1 V oiv; of '.'i-v-a I'lTia.tcs gave a majority for the Whig 

el'ctoral iici:>'; in LSIO \: rior to that wiiicli they gave for the 

.Slate (jiuia';:; i,i 1838 ; aa , .lease of majority goes to strengthen 

tlie couiideiice of the Vv L:-.,^ that in IS44 liie same result will be 
found ! " 

WHIG OPINION IN GEORGIA.— The VHrig State Convention 
of Georgia, through a committee, of vrhicli Senator Berrien was 
chairman, recently issued an able and interesting address to the people 
of that State. The follou-ing is the concluding paragraph : 

" The Convention Iiavc also reconsidered, and with entiie unanimity 
rcainrmed, the nonn'uatian of I-Ie?.j;v Clay for the office of Chief 
Magisirale of tlie Union. Of this patriotic citizen, so long and so 
eminently disiinguislied in the councils of the nation, whose name is 
fauiiiiar as a Isousehold word thiouglrout the length and breadth of our 
land, and wlio has elevated onr national character both at home and 
abroad, wiiat shall we say to you? Shall we pronounce his eulogy? 
It is written in the hearts of and admiring and gralel'ul people. Shall 
we detail liis services? For more than thirty years past the record of 
them is to be found in the pages of our nation's history. VV hat then- 
shall we be -ii-jit ? No, feilov/ citizens ! We bear to you the aspira 
tions, ii: ■ a i i;: I'lesires of a sufferin?: ]a upla, as they are wafted to us 
by e\e:', ia^ ■/.'■ from the ?\0!th aiKl iaan the South, from the East and 
from the Wc-i ; ot' iVi-aaaa! ixy>vinii,' in humble submission to that in- 
ecru; ible Provid.-nce wliicli iias hereiiirore wrested from them the fruits 
of victory, !;ut firm in their reliance on the same abiding mercy which 
has been so often vouciisafed to them, strong in the assurance of a hope 
v/hich has never faltered, and turning with united and unwavering 
confidence to the Farmer of Ashland as the'stay and liope of our coun- 
try, et Deo juvaute, (he restorer and protector of lier prosperity and 
happiness. Prepared for the struggle v>diich awaits them, '' they bide 
their time/' and they say to the freemen of Georgia, " Be ye also 
ready!" 

WHIG OPINION IN OHIO.— The following highly satisfactory 
information of the current opinion among the Whigs of the great Slate 
'-f Ohio, is copied from the Ohio State- Journal of recent date: 



LIFEJiXD PUBLIC SERVICES OP DEXUY CLAY. 245 

" It must hare been observed that every declaration of niass and del- 
egate Conventions tkroughoiit this State have been in favor of the great. 
American statesman of Asli land. We do not remember having seen 
^m expressior, 'm a township, coimty, or district meeting, or meeting 
•of delegates, (and nearly every one has spoken,) but wiiat has been a 
clear and explicit commendation of Henry Clay, and an expression of 
confidence in the election of this favorite of ail wlio aie advocating a 
complete restoration and establishment of the policy of vVashingten and 
the fathers'of the great Republic— tlie American policy and Republican 
principles. Theie is but one feeling among us in Ohio ; and for this 
reason avc have neglected to copy all the expressions of public feeling-, 
but have been content with recording those of Congressional Conven- 
tions. Our friends in other States mm/ rest assured that HENRY 
CliAY icill carry this State against Van Bitrcn, or any other single 
Locofoco, hy a 'mcijorif.)j as oveni-hehning as did General Harriann 
in 1840." 

WHIG OPIMON IN PENNSYLYANIA.— A AVIiij Convention 
was recently held in Bedford county in Ptii';\-1'. a:i;:i, ihc I'ocling of 
which is thus described by the Bedford Enqr.ir/.- ; 

" The best feeling was manifested at the Coitvcn'.ion on ?Jonday. — 
The enthusiastic outbreak at the mention of i\Ir. (yh;\'o name, shovrs 
how deep and abiding is the deterndnation of the people (o carry out 
the purely American principles in the advocacy of winch he is distin- 
guished, and give efliciency to the glorious vic(ory of iS40 by a still 
more brilliant achievment iri '44. Vv^e are prond of a demonstration so 
noble, founded as it is in the finest feelings of the human breast— grat- 
itude for the services of a long tried servant, and sympalhy for the 
suffering of the toiling millions. It is an earnest of wliat Pennsylvania 
v.dll do when tlie time for action arrives." 

C4ENERAL LAFAYETTE\S OPINION OF MR, CLAY.— 
Lafayette, the bosom companion of Washington, his connade in arms, 
in the glorious revolution, feeling the deepest interest in the welfare of 
the United States, and well arqi^ainled wi'h our inslitutions and great 
men, alwaj^s desired to see li>jniy Cla\' elevated to t'le Presi'Jency. — 
An officer of the United Siaics i'^iavy, being in the city of Paris, in the 
fall of 1832, u'as invited by General Lafayetteto visit him at Lagrange, 
his country seat. During the three days and nights the Naval officer- 
spent at Lagrange, much conversation was had on the affairs and prom- 
inent men of the United States. As the General's guest was about to. 
leave, he introduced him into his study, where, pressing him in vain to 
remain longer, Lafayette said : 

" Before you leave me, I want to show you our friend ;" and leading 
into another room, he exhibited a portrait of Mr. Clay. "Sir," said the 
^jJeneral '■^that is the man whom I -hope to see President of the United 
States:^ 

BENTON'S OPINION OF MR. CLAY.— With us, Col. Benton 



246 j,iFi; a:xD public services or ii^xry clay. 

is not very good authority in a^iy ibing, but with the Locofoco party he 
is. Ill the Mis^oiai Inleliigencer of October 23cl, 1822, (here appeared 
a letter oves the signature of the Missouri Senator, ia which he ezpresscd 
the following'- opinion of Mr. Clay. 

'' Til- :;.;'■;! ..!i,:i:!i w.iukj govern Mr. Clay's administration, if 
e]ectea,a,j •■,.![ i^,;jvva to the nation. They have been displayed on 
the floor of Congfcss for the last seventeen years. They constitute a 
system of .4/;/,e;-'C.'.';/ Policy. i:!ased upon the og-ricuhure and manufac- 
tures of his (i:i-:; ^- .,/,'.•-; . ; .; interior as v/cllas foreign coininerce — 
upon inlcra:;! os ,..u ; . : ' ;;>! i;r!]5iove:ncii{s — upon independence 
of (he new woiid, close c:;: ' iniiuires v.'ilh xMexicp and S,outli 

Ameiica. It is said that ^: !; p!•I■.^•.le the same system ; we 

answer that the /o;;/?f/e;- o:' i is the nutuyal executor .rf Ids 

owniDork. That tlie mo^■ ■otec(or of Ani;;!i':;ra iron, lead, 

])emp, Vi'ooi and cotton, v.'ou Id ;jc liie U'iumphant champion of the new 
Tariff; the safest friend to interior commerce woidd be the statesman 
who has proclaimed the Mississippi to be the sea of (he VV.e9t — the most 
zealous promoter of internal improvements, must be the President, who 
has trjuiiii)h!\l ove; (he President that opposed the construction of 
Nal!: ' ;;ials— (he n;03t successful applicant for treaties 

with ;i:h America would be the elo'-iuent advocate for 

iheir own in J^;p'::.v.ouce. 

THOMAS HART BENTON.'^ 

JEFFER;-* XION of clay.— There are no men, in 

■all this vast extj /_ l. ^untr}", \\]\o prcieiid \o have a greater regard 
for the opinions of Thomas Jefferson, (han the modern Democrats. 
His Lame, his thoughts, his policy, his pnblic views of men and things, 
are swung around their necks, in a huge budget, and at each successive 
canvass, are thrown into (Ijc teeth of their opponents, witii fearful effect 

We should legret extremely if the hope expressed by the sage of 
Monticello, in the su" (joined letter, should h.ave a tendency to lessen 
him in the estimation of tliose who seem to worsliip him now, as if 
they belei\-e they v.'cre to go to him after death ! It is certain that the 
opinions exprr^tcd in the subjoined letter were never recanted. He 
died in the following faith : 

MoA^TiCELLo, May 25, 1S23. 

'Dear Sir-^I have received your letter of the lOtli of this month ; 
.and at the same time was delivered me by Capt. Barlow, a piece of 
'domestic fabric called negro cloth, containing twenty-six yards for my 
ftwieeptance and inspections. I thank you foi the kind and very flatter- 
ing expressions contained in your letter; and for the handsome present 
^of the cloth. I should be happy to return you something more solid 
than empty thanks. 

1 have examined the cloth, and although I am of opinion (hat it is 
well calculated for the dress of negro slaves, who reside in SouJJi Caro- 
lina and the more genial climates of the South, I am fearful that it 
would not be found adequate to the wants of the Virginia slave. For 



LIFE AXD PVELIC SERVICES OF KE^'RY CLW 247 

the Slimmer, it wonlcl be too Avaim — for tlie v/inler, too cokl ; still, if 
3'ou can improve the fabric by puttinp^ a litiic jiiore wool in the filling, 
and mixing a Utile with the vraip, I do not ksiow bat it might be found 
adequate to all our purposes. 

You ask my opinion of the American sysfcm ? Hei.iiivo to that 
somewliat absorbing question, 1 should hope tiiat the whole of mv past 
life and policy had given a satisfactory reply. I iiavc ahvavs been of 
opinion that the people of this nation should manufictureall the fabiics 
that their exigent ies dem;uul, if they can do so, and that they can do 
so without appl}in2- to the wo;[fshops of England, France and Germany, 
who will doubt. Cotton and wollcns we make in rare abundance, 
and of a quality quite good enough to answer all our waiits and de 
mands; why then should we travel to Europe fcr our siqiplies? For 
our silks and line linens, we must for some tin^e !o c^me, g-& to the 
Wo: kshops of Europe ; but I apprehend that the (' - ■• --t far distant 
when even they will be manufactured by nativ. 

You ask my opinion of the merits of Mr. Henry - - : i ; . T)olicy 

for the protection of domestic industry and manufacr -'se a.xe 

questions which I feel some delicacy about answerii;_, „. ., because 
Mr Clay is now n candidate for the Presidency, and secondly, I never 
yet fully understood to what ends his policy extends: and although 
i will advance my opinions relative to the questions you put to me^I 
must beg that you will not at this juncture give my views to the public 
through the prcs?. As for 'dr. Clay, I consider him to be one of the 
most talented and brilliant men and Statesmeti that the coimtry has 
overproduced, and should I live nmny years longer, I hope to see him 
h'old the place of chief executive of the American republic. His careei, 
tJius far in life, has been a career of gloiy, and he has achieved that for 
his country whilst engaged in her cause Avhich would ornament the 
brightest place in (he escutcheon of the most favored statesman of any 
nge or nation. I say thus much in reply to our interrogatories, but, 95 
1 said before, I do not wish to have my remarks given to the press, for 
the simple veason that this country is involved in apolitical excitement, 
in which I am not disposed to take part, I have long since resolved not, 
to take part in the politics of the times. My wrist, vdiich is quite lame, 
admonislies me to discontinue this hasty note. With assurances of the 
most pelfect respect, 

I am yonr obliged fellow-citizen. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

JUDGE McLEAN'S OPIXION OF MR. CLAY —Some of the 
Locofoco presses have been publishing that Judge McLean, of Ohio, 
would be substituted for Mr. Clay, by the approaching Convention. 
In reply to ail this, a corespondent of the Charlottesville [Ya.] Advo- 
cate, publislied a letter from the Judge, which setdes that matter conchi- 
sivdy. Jndge McLean is a Clay man, a good Whig, and a pure 
patriot. His opinion of the last fourteen years of misrule, is clearly 
set forth in this letter; but the gist of it i^ conlaiucil in the concludino- 
paragi-aph.— Judge Mc Lean says :— 



24S LIFE AM) }M HLTC SERVICES OF IlErvRY CLAY. 

"• Thi> office Oi" Pro-'i. ■!■";!!, i;i i!]y opinion, has been lowered, um! 
silsi) '['-■ ■■'' ■-■^■r ol'iU- (-ii- .' -^^ homo and abi\)ad, by the means 
!•;•.; ' ■■' i):i\r,\ ■ Presidency of this great natioa 

i^, ii, ;., ■■ , ,r;n';! a!, io. - ,^ /-c. It sinks below the aiubitiou 
of an ha;v!)a;^ie n)inil, wheii it is atiainable only by a sacriiice of the 
Jofiics!, palii'-lisra. Not fo name oLhers, we liave in f'te elevation of 
Jciin^ivo!^, ;',L,i!;son, and 3Ionrce, examples of a liigli and honorable 
anibiii;;:! wliich is worih.y (-.f imitation. These eminent men, when 
named foi- liic oiTice of Presiden?, reposing on what they had done and 
what tlicir kisown capciiics enabled ihem lo do, in the highest public 
trusts, neitl-ier took, nor seemed to take, any agency in their own ad- 
vanceracnt. 

Fs>L- n-tany years I have been deeply impressed with tlie injustice, 
tlie co:;u;)iing and rninons ellects oJ' poliliral partizanship. Its i ;trc- 
diiction iiilo die Federal Government has vv^eil nigh mined our beloved 
connUy. iicfore this bane Iiad pervciled our moral sense, our love of 
counlry, and, so far as politics aa"e concerned, almost every noble feeling' 
of the ijcart, we were happy as a |>eopio in the enjoyment of great and 
lUTiintennptcci prosp.erity. Avid whatever may 1)0 said to the contrary, 
this terrible evil lies at the foundatioii of ali oirr em!)arrassinents. It 
has been mainly instrunu'ntal in the conmiercial relations avc have 
witnessed, and it has prosU-ated our political morality. Our pecuniary 
losses, v/illiin a few ye;irs past, are almost beyond the power of compu- 
taliou: l)nt these are scarcely worthy of consideration, in comparison 
with the loss, it nsa.y Ijo the irreparable loss, of moral force in oia- 
institutions. TUiii i-v/,- :'■ blind to the admonitions of history, 

wlio suppos,- ^ li),!; a ; :ent can be long sustained, whicli 

addresses issclf, widi a.l; :;.- !,; .Mv-nce to the baser passions of our nature. 
tSuch a course leads to a widely diil'used corruption, and consequent ruin. 
In my judgeiiient noiliing can rescue oiu" government from tliis, the 
common fate of republics J)ut a change in its political action. This 
action must be elevated. It must reacii and rorrse the moral tone of 
tlie nation. Instead of adnnndslering to the prostituted appetites of 
demag'ogues, it must rest o-n the vi'tuous afsd enlightened public opin- 
ion. It must i::'f';''r s--. iiiMn by its acts — Uioral strength. Its aims 
should be th. - •: :s'isi j- .!. The cliief of the govsrn.ment in raakinjg 
appointmen*s to oli]--- si;.;;dd caiiy out the principles of the virtuous 
Morroe, who on a s-s' :';i ^is-- so being reccom-ended lo him for an 
office, as a pes,''i.';e ;V!."!i, widi good quaiillcalions, remarked, with 
earnestness; ".'■.> iiisoi r;iii feel more grateful than 1 do for personal 
acts of kindness, luil in nsakiiig this appoiiitment I have a high public 
duty to perlbnn, ami I nu^st loolc to the public interest. " 

A dcparlTU-j from tlicsc principles drove m.--, reluctlantly, from polit- 
ical life; and in all sincerity I ass;;i-,' y.si liiat there is no political 
office, not; even tlie Presidency, witich could tempt me again in politics, 
on principles opposed to those which I approve, and on which I en 
deuvorto act. 

Pledges when given by a candidate for public favor should be received 
vrith suspicion., as they are generally made to answer a particular pur- 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAT. 249 

pose and' are seldom redeemed. No one, perhaps, should be named 
for the Presidency, whose opinions, on the leading topics of the day, 
are unknown to the public. Until within a few years past, pledg-es 
were not required from the candidate for the chief magistracy. And I 
may ask what good has resulted from this inovation ? Has it made 
our Chief Magistrates more faithful to the constithtion and their gene- 
ral duties? Let a comparison of our late history with the past, aiiswer 
this question. Who thought of asking a pledge from the venerated 
fathers of the republic above named ? A sound head and an honest 
heart, I think, are the best pledges. These will rarely fail, whilst ex- 
perience shows that pledges are made to be broken. 

No one who is named for the Chief Magistiacy, from a rcspecfablc 
source, should feel himself at liberty to say that he would decline a 
nomination for that office. But I beg you to believe, my dear sir, that 
this remark, is not prompted by vanity which leads nae to suppose tliat 
my name could be favorably considered by the contemplated Whig 
Convention. The friends of Mr. Clay, in consideration of his eminent 
qualifications and long public services, are looking with no ordinary 
solicitude to his nomination. And I assure you, that I have no wish 
by the obtrusion of my name to separate my friends, if I have any, from 
their present associations. I do not desire and would not receive the 
Presidency, if within ray reach, as the instrument of a party. Indeed, 
I should count it no honor to have my name associated ivith the down- 
ward course of our Government, and such a course is accelerated, and 
only accelerated, by ultra partyism. To bring back the Government to 
its old foundations, to restore its lost character, its former purity, energy 
au(;l elevation, would be an achievment second only to that of WasSi- 
ington's ; an achievment which would make any individuar the favored 
son of his country. Of this who would not be proud ? and short of 
this object, no honest man can desire the Presidency, 
With the greatest respect I am 

Your grateful and obd't serv't 

JOHN McLBAN. 

POSTSCRIPT.— Since writing and arranging the foregoing, we 
have met with the fallowing from the Concord Statesman, a leading' 
Whig Journal of New Hampshire : 

" The name oi Clay is trumpeted forth upon the breez'« ; it is heard 
from the hill-tops and from the valleys ; it is heare in the election re 
suits, and it is enshrined — aye, deeply enshrined in the bosoms of the 
patriotic and country-loving whigs. There his name is sacred. We 
believe he is destined to tje his country's second preserver; wc believe 
he is destined to strike from her shackled limbs the galling chains and 
fetters which the bitterness of Locofoqoism and Tylerism have fastened 
upon her; and we believe he is destined to plase the Union upon a 
su^:e foundatiion, which shall prove a blessing to it, and an ct£rnal re- 
buke to the enemies of its institutions. And \ve trust that the motto 
of the Whigs throughout the country will be — 

HENRY CLAY 

A SOUND CURRENCY, 

And Protection to American htdtistrfj] 
32 



CHAPTER 11. 



Birth and P'afenfftg'e— Hi's early dnys— The Mi II- boy of the SlasFtPS-^- 
fcjtudres Law — Hears Patrick Henry — Removes to Kentucky— Debut 
at a Debating? Society — Becomes a successful Practitioner — He advo- 
cates the policy of gradually Eimaficipatin^ the Slaves of K:entucliy— 
Opjroses the AJien and Sedition Law?!-' Is elected to the General As- 
eembly — Instances of his eloquence — Affair with Col. Daviess— Appears 
at the Bar for Aaron Burr — Subsequent interview with Burr in I\,York 



[1 n the following brief and fmperfeet outline of the life of Mr. Clay 
tf-c have attempted no laboured panegyrie, for he needs none. We 
take this occasion, however, once for all, to give the proper credits. 
That portion of the following pages, which relates to the "Life and 
Public Service of Mr, Clay, " we have mostly abridged from J. Win- 
chester's life of Clay as published in the New World, and from J. B, 
Swain's " Life and Speeches of Henry Clay, " published by Greely &' 
McElrath, of New York, And that portion of this work which relates 
to the charge of " Bargain Intrigue and Corruption, " is mostly taken 
from a large pOmphlet published by Mr. Clay himself, in 1837, at the 
office of the Lexir>gton Intelligencer.] 

Henry Clay is a native of Hanover county, Yirginia. He was 
born on the 12th of April, 1TT7, in a district of country familiarly 
known in the neighborhood as the Slashes. His father a Baptist cler- 
gyman, died during the revolutionary war, leaving a small and much 
embarrassed estate and seven children, of whom Henry was the fifth, 
to the care of an affectionate mother. The surviving parent did not 
possess the means to give her sons a classical education; and the subject 
of our memoir received no other instruction than such as could be ob- 
tained m the log cabin shool-houses, still common in the lower parts of 
Virginia, at which spelling, reading, writing and ariliimetic are taught. 

In 1792, his mother, who had become united, in a second marriage, 
with Mr. Henry Watkins, removed to Woodford county, Kentucky, 
taking all her children, with the exception of Henry and his oldest 
brother. It was always a subject of regret with Mr. Clay, that he was 
deprived at so early an age of his mothers counsel, conversation and 
enre. She was a woman of great strength of mind, and of the utmost 
tenderness toward her children. 

At the age of fourteen he was placed in a small retail store, kept by 
Mr. Richard Denny, near the Market House in the city of Richmond. 
fit remained here till ih© next year, (1792) when he was transferred w 



XirE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY. 251 

the office of the Clerk of the High vCouit of Chancery, Mr. Peter Tirl 
^^ey. There he became acquahited with the venerable Chancellor 
Wythe, attracted his friendly attention, and enjoyed the benefit of his 
instruction and conversation. The Chancellor being unable to write 
we'll, in consequence of the gout or rheumatism in his right thumb, 
bethought himself of employing his young friend as an amanuensis. 
Tliis was a fortunate circumstance for the fatherless boy. Hi? attention 
was thus called to the structure of sentences as he wrote them down 
from the dictation of his employer ; and a taste for the study of grammar 
was created, which was noticed and .encouraged by the Chancellor, 
upon whose recornendation he read Harris's Hermes, Tooke's Diver- 
sions of Purley, Bishop Lowth's Grammar and other similar works. 

Leaving the office of Mr. Tinsley the latter part of ITW, ':e went lo 
reside with the late Robert Brooke Esq., the Attorney Gtt^L'.ai. former- 
ly Gov of Virginia. His only regular study of the law v.a> Liuiiti:; (he 
year 1797, that he lived with Mr Brooke ; but it was iinpossiblc that 
he should not in the daily scenes he witnessed, and in the preseiice of 
eminent men whom he so often heard and saw, be in way of gathering 
much valuable legal information. During his residence of six or seven 
yea^s in Richmond, he became acquainted with all or most of the emi- 
nent Virginians of the period, who lived in that city, or were in the 
faabit of resorting to it — with Edmund Pendleton, Spencer Roane, Chief 
Justice Marshall, Bushrod Washington, Wickham.Call, Copeland, &.c. 
On two occasions, he had the good fortune to hear Patrick Henry — once, 
before the Circuit Court of the United States for the Virginia District, 
on the question of the payment of the British debts ; and again before 
the House of Delegates on a claim of the supernumarary officers in the 
service of the State during the Eevolutionary War. Mr. Clay remem' 
bers that remarkable man, his appearance and his manner, distinctly. 
The impression of his eloquent powers remaining on his mind, is, that 
their charm consisted mainly in one of the finest voices ever heard, in 
ills graceful gesticulntion, arid the variety and force of expression which 
he exhibited in his face. 

Henry Clay quitted Richmond in November, 1797, his eldest broth- 
er having died while he yet resided in that city. Bearing a license 
from the judges of the Virginia Court of Appeals to practice law, he 
established himself in Lexington Kentucky. He was without patrons, 
without the countenance of influential friends, and destitute of the 
means of paying his weekly board. " i remember, " says he, in his 
speech of June, 1842, at Lexington, "how comfortable I thought I 
should be, if I could make c^^lOG Virginia money per )'^ear ; and with 
what delight I received the first fifteen shilling fee. My hopes were 
more than realized. I immediately rushed into a lucrative practice." 

Before assuming the active responsibilities of his profession, he de- 
voted himself with assiduity several months to his legal studies. Even 
at that period the bar of Lexington was eminent for its ability. Among 
its members were George Nicholas, James Hughes, John Breckenridge, 
James Brown, Will Murray, and others, whose reputation was sufficient 
»• dincoura^e the most stout hearted competiiion. But true geniut^* 



^vJ, LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HEXP.Y CLAY. 

rarely iinaccompanieJ by a consciousness of its power ; and the 
fric'jdicss and un known youth from Virghiia fearlessly entered the field, 
V."' ' ' 1 loss intrepid spirit, would have seemed pre-occupied. He 
liled considcralioa and respect. He was familliar with the 
I -.-..^v,,..:.U£s of pra.ctice ; and early habits of business and application, 
enabled him to effect an easy mastery of (he cases entrusted to his 
ciiarg-c. His subtle appreciation of character, knowiedge of human 
n-i'a;:e, and facultie-? of persuasion, render him peculiarly succeseful in 
his appeals to a jury ; and he obtained great celebrity for his adroit and 
careful management of criminal cases. 

An anecdote is related of him about the time of his first entrance 
v.pon his profession, wh,;' :; sliows that, notwithstanding his fine capaci 
i,ies, lie h:id some native dihidenc.e to overcome before drey were faiily 
tpsted. He Ikiu joined a debating S'iciely, and at one of the meetings 
the vo;--^ •.vas about to be taken upon the quession under discussion, 
vAien I'.e remarked in a low but audible whisper, that the subject did 
not appear to liim to /wrre been exhuusted. 

" Do not ;^',:t, tlie cjuestion yet — Mr. Clay will speak, " exclaimed a 
member, wiij r.ad overheard the half hesitating remark. 

The chairman instantly took the iiint, and nodded to the young 
la-.vyer in token of his readiness to hear what he had to say. With 
(■•ViiT nciii.vstation of extreme embu'Tassment, he rose, anr-, in hiS 
cois:.; ion, began by saying:" Gentlemen of ti'te Jar 1/ ^^-unconsciously 
addressing liis fellow members as the lribu;ial,to which he^had perhaps 
of; en made injaginary appeals in his dreams of a successful debut at 
tuo bar. Ris audience did not add to his agitation by seeming to notice 
ir, and, after floundering and blushing for a moment or two, and stam- 
mering out a repetiton of the words " GenUemen of the Jury, " he sud- 
denly shook of ail distrust and timidity, and launched into his subject 
wiih a promptitude and propriety of elocution, which excited general 
Gurprise. 

To those familiar witii the perfect self possession of Mr. Clay's man- 
ner in aUei'iife on all occasions, the niost tiying and unexpected, this 

rr.'-'-—-'"-:':^\ p, -■;,* an amusing contrast; hYi the evidence is not on 
' . ■ g fiiiled for an instant in his resources of repartee 

. . ' ,■ ..! i.i Jcbate. 

";(>r ihls early essay in public speaking, lie was admitted as 
iT pvacononer before the Fayette Court of Quarter Sessions, a court of 
.'retieral jr.risdiction. Business soon poured in upon him, and during 
?hc first term he had a handsome praciice. His manners and address, 
!)o!h in personal jntorcourse and before a jury, were unusually captiva- 
fing. Frank in avowing his sentimenis, and bold and consistent in 
maintaining them, he laid the foundationof a character for sincerity and 
honor, which, amid all tiie shocks of pohtical changes and die scuirili- 
lies of paruzan warfare, has never been shaken or pointed In tJie 
possession of these attributes, beyond the reach of cavil or of question, 
li to be found the secret of that inalienable attachment among the vajst 
Jjody of his friends, which lias foliov>-ed him throughout his career. 



"''^ ' LIFE AND .PUBX.1C SERVICES OF HEXRY CLAT. 253 

Notwitiistanding his extraordinaiy suceess in all the criminal suits 
entrusted to him, the abilities displayed by Mr. Clay at lliis period in 
the civil cases were no less brilliant and triumphant. In suits growing 
oiutof the land laws of Virginia and Kentucky, he was especially dis- 
tinguished ; rapidly acquiring wealth and popularity by his practice. 

For an enumeralioa of the various cases in vrhich Mr. Clay was 
about this time engaged, and in which his success v/as as inarked as his 
talents were obvious, we must refer the currous reader to the records of 
the courts of Kentucky, and hasten to exhibit the subject of our memoir 
on that more extended field, where his history began to be interwoven 
with the history of his country, and a whole nation hailed him as a 
champion worthy of the best days of the republic. 

As early as 1T9T, when the people of Kentucky were about electing 
a convention to form a new constitution for that state, Mr. Clay may be 
said to have commenced his political career. His first efforts were made 
in b elialf of human liberfy, and at the risk of losing that breeze of popu^ 
iar favor, which was bearing on his bark bravely toward the Iiaveu of 
worldly prosperity and renown. 

The most important feature in the plan for a new constitution, sub- 
mitted to the people of Kentucky, uas a provision for the prospective 
eradication of slavery from the State b3nneans of gradual emancipation 
of those held in bondage. Against this proposal a tretnenduous outcry 
was at once raised. It was not to be questioned that the voice of the 
majority was vehemently opposed to it. But young Clay did not hes- 
itate as to his course. In that spirit of self-sacrifice, which he has 
since displayed in so nrany groat pulDlic emergencies, without stopping 
to reckon the disadvantage to himself, he boldly arrayed himself on the 
side of those fjiendly to emancipation. In the canvass, which preceded 
the election of members to the convention, he exerted himself with all 
the energy of his nature in behalf of that cause, which he beleived to 
be the cause of truth and justice. With his voice and pen he actively 
labored to promote the choice of delegates, who were pledged to its sup- 
port. He failed in the fulfilment of his philanthropic intentiors; and 
incurred temporary unpopularity by his course. Time, however, is 
daily making more apparent the wisdom of his counsel. 

JSli: Clay has not faltered in lu's views upon this great question. 
They are now what they were in 1T9T. In maintaining the policy of 
this scheme of gradual emancipation he has ever been fearless and 
consistent. liet it not be imagined, however, that he has any sympa- 
thy with that incendiary spirit, which would seem to actuate some of 
the clamorers for immediate and unconditionol abolition at the present 
time. His vievv's were farsighted, statesman like and sagacious. He 
looked to the general good, not merely of his contemporaries but of 
posterity; and his plan stretched beyond the embarrassmets of the hour 
mto the future. A more just, practicable and beneficent scheme than 
his, for the accomplishment of a consummation so devoutly to be wish- 
ed by humanity at large, could not have been devised. 

During the administration of John Adams in 1T9S-0, the famous 
alien and sedition laws were passed. The popular opposition with 
which these extraordinary measures were received, is still vividly r»- 



254 LXFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES Of HENRY CLAY, 

iiiembcred in die United States. By the "alien law," the president was 
authorised to order jvn alien, whom "he should judge dangerous to 
the peace and safety" of the country "to depart ^out of the territory 
within such time" as he should judge proper, upon penalty of being' 
"imprisoned for a terra not excceeding three years," (fcc. 

The "sedition law" was designed to punish the abuse of speech and 
of the press. It imposed a heavy pecuniary fine, and imprisonment 
for years, upon such as should combine or conspim together to oppose 
any measure ef government; upon such as should write, print, utter, 
publish, &c., "any false, scandalous and nialicious writing against the 
government of the United States or the president," &c. 

Mr. Clay stood forth one of the earliest champions of popular riglits 
in opposition to these memorable laws. Kentucdy was one of the first 
states that launched their thunders against them ; and though many 
speakers came forward to give expression to the indignation which wa»: 
swelling in the public heart, none succeeded so well in striking the re- , 
sponsive chord as our young lawyer. He was soon regarded as .the 
leading spirit of the opposition party ; and it was about this time that tire 
title of "the great commoner" was bestowed upon him. 

Four years afterwards, when Mr. Clay was absent from tiie county 
of Fayette at the Olympian Springs, he was brought forward without 
his knowledge or previous consent, as a candidate, and elected to tlie 
General Assembly of Kentucky. He soon made his influence felt in 
that body. In 1804, Mr. Felix Grundy, tlien an adroit and well known 
politician, made an attempt in the Legislature to procure the repeal of 
a law incorporating the Lexington Insurance Ofilice. He was opposed 
at eveiy step by Mr. Clay ; and the war of words between the youthful 
debaters drew to the hall of the House throngs of spectators. Grundy 
had niviaaged to secure°beforehand a majority in his favor in the House; 
;but (he members of the Senate flocked in to hear Clay speak, and so 
cogently did he present the impolicy and unconstitutionality of the 
measure under discussion, that they refused to sanction it after it had 
been passed by the other branch — and a virtual triumph was thus 
.obtained. 

It is recorded of Mr. Clay, that in the course of die legislative session 
.of 1805, he mcide an effort to procure the removal of the seat of gov- 
ernment from Frankfort; and his speech on the occasion is said to 
hav.e been an inimitable specimen of argument and humor. Fiankfort 
is peculiar in its appearance and situation, being sunk, like a huge pit, 
below the surrounding country, and environed by rough and precipitous 
ledges, " We have," said Mr. Clay, " the model of an inverted hat.-^ 
I^rankfort is the body of the hat, and the lands adjacent are the brim. 
■To change (he figure, it is nature's great pcnitentianj \ and if (he 
xnembers of this House would know the bodily condition of the prison- 
ers, let him look at those poor creatures in the gallery." 

As he said (his, he pointed with his finger to half a dozen figures that 
chanced, at that moment, to be moving about in the gallery, more like 
Animated skeletons than respectable compounds of flesh and blood.—' 
The ol)ject6 thus designated, seeing (he attention of the whole assembly 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY 255 

iuddenly direcVed towards them, dodged, with ludicrous haste, behind 
the railing, and the assembly was thrown into a convulsion of merri- 
ment. This arQ-umeutum ad hojninem proved irresistible. The 
members of the JEIouse agreed that it was expedient to remove the seat 
of government, but it was subsequently found impossible to agree upon 
a new location, and the Legislature continues to hold its sessions at 
Frankfort. 

It was an early reoolution of Mr. Clay, that no litigant, rich or poor, 
should have occasion to say that, for the want of counsel he could not 
obtain justice at every bar where Mr. C. could appear for 4aim. Col. 
Joseph Hamilton Daviess, at that time United States District Attorney, 
and a man of influence and distinction, had committed an assault and 
battery at Frankfort on Mr. Bush, a respectable citizen, and a tavern- 
keeper at that place. The bar at Frankfort declined instituting an 
action for the latter against Col. D. He appealed to Henry Clay, who 
promptly undertook the case, and brought the suit in Lexington. In 
the argument of a preliminary question, Mr. Clay fehit his duty to 
animadvert, with some severity, upon the conduct of Col D., who, 
after the adjournment of the court, addressed a note to him, remonstra- 
ting against his course, and expressinof a wish that it should not be 
persevered in. Mr. Clay immediately replied, that he had undertaken 
the cause of Mr. Bush from a sense of duty ; that he should submit to 
no dictationas to the management of it, which should be according to 
his own judgment exclusively; but that he should hold himself re- 
sponsible for whatever he did or said, in or out of court. A challenge 
ensued. Mr. Clay accepted it, and proceeded to Frankfort for the hostile 
meeting to which he had been invited. There, by the interposition of 
mutual friends, the affair was accommodated in a manner honorable to 
both parties. 

In the autumn of 1806, the celebrated Aaron Burr was arrested in 
Kentucky, on a charge of being engaged in an illegal warlike enterprise. 
The sagacity of this extraordinary man was indicated in his application 
fo Mr. "clay to defend him. Mr. Clay believed, and it was generally 
believed in Kentucky, that the prosecution was groundless, and was 
instituted by Col. Daviess, whom we have already mentioned, who wag 
a great admirer of Col. Hamiliton, and who disliked Burr because he 
had killed Hamilton in a duel, and was, moreover, opposite in politics. 
Mr. Clay felt a lively sympathy for Col. Burr, on account of his being 
arrested in a Stale distant from his own, on account ot his misfortunes, 
and the distinguished stations he had filled. Still he declined appearing 
for him, until Burr gave him written assurances that he was engaged in 
no enterprise forbidden by law, and none that was not known and 
approved by the Cabinet at Washington. On receiving these assurances 
Mr. Clay appeared for him ; and thinking that Burr ought not to be 
dealt with as an ordinary culprit, he declined receiving from him any" 
I fee, although a liberal one was tendered, 

! Burr was acquitted. Mr. Clay shortly after proceeded to Washington 
j and received from Mr. Jefferson an account of the letter in cipher, 
I which had been written by Burr to General Wilkinson, and other in- 



256 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

formation of the criminal designs of Burr. Mr. Clay handed the 
assurances above mentioned to Mr. Jefferson at the request of the 
latter. 

On his return from Ghent, Mr. Clay made a brief sojorn in the city 
of New York, and, among other places of mterest, visited the Federal 
Court then in session, escorted by his friend, the late Mr. Smith, then 
Marshall, formerly Senator from New York. On enteiing the court- 
room, in the City Hall, the eyes of the bench, bar, officers and attendants 
upon the court, were turned upon Mr. C. who was invited to take a 
seat on the bench, which he politely declined, and took a position in, 
the bar. Shortly after a small gentleman, alpparently advanced iii 
years, and with bushy gray hair, whom Mr Clay for an instant did. not 
recognize, approached him. He quickly perceived it was Col. Burr, 
who tendered his hand to salute Mr. Clay. The latter declined re- 
ceiving It. The Colonel, nevertheless, was not repulsed, but engaged 
in conversation v/ith Mr. Clay, remarking, that he had understood that,, 
besides the treaty of peace, the American Commissioners had negociatecl 
a good commercial conveniion with Great Britain. Mr. Clay replied 
coldly, that such a convention was concluded, and that i.s terms would 
be known as soon as it was promulgated by public authority. Col. B. 
expressed a wish to have an hour's intei view with liim, and Mr. C. toid 
huu where he he stopped — but the Colonel never called. 



CHAPTER III. 



El-^fed to th -^.' itp 'f'f'i llnt.-'l stites—il's first s >ppoh in favor of 
In'- >a! f > H >v w,!p.it — U .ii sen -u^-.^ke<■ of the Kfntiiokv House of 
A— etnhi — f) ei w*V\ {i>nn ■•irev >l i< snail — Ms sentiments in reffard 
to (luelli iT T>k s his seat rt ■«e< ond time in Viie United Stales Senate 
-S ..-alls 1 i» h'-iif of (!omp-tir m inul ciines -Lays the foundation of 
■ he A'lPMic m svsiein -T -f Un t-d -itatHs B uik -He heponies a member 
of the United Stjites Hou-e of Representiitives — Is chosen S|»eaker on 
th.> firs't ballot— Critirai -tate of pjiblic affdi-s— Is in favor of a war 
with iTieat Britain — iS'jteech on the biiJ tor iaising- troops — On a IVaval 
e^tahlistiment — Carries his measures — Our U'jval successes. 



On the twentiy ninth of December, 1806, Mr. Clay, then in his 
twentiy-ninth year pi od need his credentials, and took his seat in the 
Senate, of the United States. He had been elected by the legislature 
of the State of Kentucky, to fill a vacancy occasioned by the resigna- 
tion of the Hon. John Adair; and, from the journals of Congress, he 
seems to have entered at once, actively upon the discharge of the duties' 
of his new and exalted position. His first speech was in favor of the 
erection of a bridge over the Potomac river; and at this period we per- 
ceive the dawninig of those viev/s of "internal improvement," which 
he afterwards carried out so ably, and his advocacy of which would bfe 
alcnie sufficient to entide him to the lasting gratitude of the country. He 
amused the Senate on this occasion, by quoting a passage from Peter 
Pindar, as applicable to a Senator, by whom he had been assailed, and 
who was remarkable for the expression of superior sagacity, which his 
countenance was wont to assume when he rebuked the younger mem- 
bers of the body. Fhe picture was apt and graphic : 

" Thus have I seen a magpie in the street, 
A chattering bird we often meet ; 
A bird for curiosity well known, 

With head awry, and cunning eye, 
Peep knowingly into a marrow-bone. " 

Tliis speech was soon followed by his presentation of a resolution, 
axlvocating the expediency of appropiating a quantity of land towards 
the opening of the canal proposed to be cut at the rapids of the Ohio, 
on the Kentucky shore. 

The subject of appropriations for internal improvements was at that 
time a novelty So far as it related to the establishment of post roads, 
it had, it is true, been discussed in February, 1795 ; but no formial 
opinion of Congress was expressed, so as to be a precedent for futuie 
action. 

A committee, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Giles and Baldwin, was 
now appointed to consider the new resolution, and on the twenty-fourth 
of February, 1807, Mr. Clay made an able report to the Senate, in which 



25§ LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY- 

we find the following' passage : " How far it is the policy of the Gov- 
ernment to aid in works of this kind, when it has no distinct interest ; 
whether, indeed, in such a case, it has the constiiutional power of pat- 
ronage and encouragement, it is not necessary to be decided in the 
present instance. " A few days afterward, he reported a bill providing 
for the appointment of Commissioners to ascertain the practicability of 
removing the obstruction in the navigation of the Ohio at the Rapids. 
Tliis bill passed the Senate by a vote of eighteen to eight. 

Mr. Clay's election to the Senate of the United States had been bat 
for the fraction of a term, amounting to a single session. In the sum 
mer of 1806, he was again chosen by the citizens of Fayette to repra 
sent them in the Kentucky legislature ; and at the nexf. session he wa3 
elected Speaker of the Assembly. In this position lie did not content 
himself with faithfully discharg-ing^ the ordinary duties of a Speaker, 
He entered t'ie arena of debate, and took an active part in most of the 
important discussions before the House. A motion having been made 
to prohibit the reading in the courts of Kentucky of any British decision, 
or elementary work on law, he opposed it with a vigor and elociuencOy 
that did not fail of effect. More than four-fifths of the members of the 
House had evinced a determination to vote for the motion It was ar- 
gued th^t the Americans, as an independent people, ought not to suffer 
themselves to beg-overned, in the administration of justice, by the legal 
decisions of a foreign power. Mt. Clay had to contend against a most 
formidable array of popular prejudice. To obviate one of the most 
potent argrmients of the friends of the motion, he moved to amend, it 
by limiting the exclusion of British decisions from Kentucky, to those 
only, which have taken place since the fourth of July, 1776, the date 
of American Independence, and suffering all, which preceded that 
period, to remain in force. He maintained that before the declaration 
of our independence, the British and Americans were the same nation; 
and the laws of the one people were those of the other. He then en- 
tered upon one of (he most elocpient harangues, that ever fell from his 
lips. He exposed the barbarity of a measure, wh.'ch would annihilate, 
for all practical uses in the State, ,the great body of the common law — 
which would " wantonly make wreck of a system fraught with the 
intellectual wealth of centuries, and whelm its last fragment beneath 
the wave. " 

Those who had the g»od fortune to hear Mr. Clay on this occasion 
describe his speech as one of transcendent power, beauty and patho?. 
Asf he swayed the passions of his hearers, they might be seen now 
curling their lips with scorn, now unconscious of their streaming tears, 
and anon with countenances lit with smiles. A gentleman, who was 
a partaker in the effect produced by his eloquence, says: " Every mus- 
cle of the orators free was in motion ; His whole body seemed agitated 
as if every part were instinct with a seperate life ; and his small, white 
hand, with its blue veins apparently distended almost to bursting, moved 
ffrmcefully, but with all the eneregy of rapid and vehement gesture. 
The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought 
Xap to its mightiest enertries. and bria:hily dowing through the thin and 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HEXRY CLIY. 25S 

It is almost needless to add, that Mr. Clay prevailed on this occasion 
ill turning- the tide in his favor ; and the original motion was rejected. 

A repoit drawn up hy him in 1809 upon a question of disputed elec- 
lion is wortliy of notice in this place. The citizens of Harclin county, 
who were entiled to two Representatives in the general Assembly, had 
l^iven 436 votes for Charles Helm, 300 for Samuel Haycraff, and 271 
for John Thomas. The fact being ascertained, tliat Mr. Haycraft held 
an office of proiit under the commonwealth, at the time of the election, 
a constitutional disqualification attached and excluded him, he was in 
eligible, and therefore could not be eutided to his seat. It remained 
to inquire into the pretensions of Mr. Thomas. His claim could only 
be supported by n total rejection of the votes given to Mr. Haycraft, 
as void to allintents whatever. Mr. Clay contended that ihose votes 
though void and ineffectual in creating any right in Mr. Haycraft to 
a seat in the house, could not afi'ect, in any manner, the situation of his 
competitor. Any olher exposition would be subversive of the grcAS 
principle of free government, that the majority shall prevail. It 
would ope'-ate as a deception on the people; for it could not be doubt- 
ed that the votes given to Mr. Haycraft were bestowed under a full 
persuasion, that he had a right to receive them. It would, in fact, bo 
a declaration, that disqualification produced qualification — that the 
incapacity of one man capaciated another to hold a seat in the house. 
The committee, therefore, unanimously decided that neither of the 
gentlemen were entided to a seat. 

Such were the principles of Mr. Clay's report. It waa unanimoudjr 
adopted by the house, and its doctrines have ever since governed tlus 
Kentucky elections. 

While a member of tlie state legislatin^e, Mr. Clay introduced a reso*- 
lution recommending that every member, for the purpose of encouraging 
the industry of i\\o country, should clothe himself in garments of do- 
mestic manufacture. This resolution was at once most emphatically- 
denounced by Mr. Humplirey Marsliall, who stigmatized it as the 
project of a demagogue, and applied a profusion of harsh and ungener- 
ous epithets to the mover Mr. Clay retorted, and the quarrel went on 
until It terminated in a hostile encounter. The parties met, and by the 
first shot Mr. Marshall was slightly wounded. They stood up a second 
time, and x^Ir. Clay received a hardly perceptible flesh wound in the 
leg. The seconds now interfered and prevented a continuance of the 
co;iibat. 

Much as Mr Clay may have regretted this quarrel, a grateful people 
should not lose sight of the c^use. It sprang from his enthusiasm in 
behalf of a system of protection for American Industry and labor. 
Throughout his long and active public career he has been the consistent 
advocate of that system — its originator and its most efficient supporter. 
To him the American artizan is indebted for every measure of legisla- 
tive protection and encouragement, of which the object has been the 
elevation of the condition of the mechanic classes of our own country 
by shutting out the ruinous competition of the ill-paid and poorly-fed 
laborers of European manufacturing nations. 



I 



ggS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

Mr. Clay was once again called npon in the course of his political 
career, by the barbarous exactions of society, lo consent to a hostile en 
counter ; but we are confident that no man aboniinalestlie custom more 
sincerely than himself. The following passage in relation to this subr 
ject occurs in an address, which, in hisniaturer years, he made to his 
constituents : " 1 owe it to the community to &ay, that whatever here- 
tofore I may have done, or by inevitable circumstances might lie forced 
to do, no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do that pernicious 
practice. Condemned as it must be by thejudgement and philosophy, 
lo say nothing of the religion,- of every thinking man, it is an atlair of 
feeling about which v.'e cannot, although we should, reason. Its true 
corrective will be found when all shall unite, in its unqualified proscrip- 
lion." 

When the bill to suppress duelling in the District of Columbia came 
before the Senate of the United Stales in the Spring of 1838, Mr. Clay , 
said, no man would be happier than himself to see the whole barborous 
system forever eradicated. It was well known, that in certain quarters 
of the country, public opinion was averse from duelling, and no man 
could dy in the face of that public opinion, witliout having his reputa- 
tion sacrificed ; but t^ere were other portions again which exacted obedi 
ence to the fatal custom. 'J'he man with a high sense of honoi, and 
nice sensibility, when the question is whether he shall fight or have the 
finger of scorn pointed at him, is unable lo resist, and few very few are 
found willing to adopt such an alternative- When public opinion was 
renovated and chastened by reason, religion and humanity, the practice 
of duelling would at once be discountenanced. It was the office of 
legislation to do all it could to bring ubout that heahhful state of the 
public mind, and although it might not altogether effectso desirable a 
result y.et he had no doubt it v.'ould do much tovrards it, and with these 
vi«ws, he would give |iis vote for the bill. 

In the winter session of Congress in IS09 10, Mr. Clay took his seat 
a second lime in the Senate of the United States. He had been elected 
by the legislature by a handsome mnjoiity lo supply a vacancy occa 
eioned by the resignation of Mr. Buckiier Thiuston, whose term wanted 
two years of its completion. From this period the public history of Mr. 
Clay may be found diffused t irough the annals of the Union. The 
archives of the republic are the sources from which the materials for h 9 
biog»ciphy may be henceforth derived. When time shall have removed 
the inducements for interested praise or censure, posterity will point loihe 
records of his cjvic achievements, glorious though bloodless, no less as 
furnishing a well established title to their admiration and gratitude than 
as an eternal monument of his fame. 

The predilections which Mr. Clay liad early manifested in behalf of 
American manufactures and American principles, were unequivocally 
avowed in his first speech before the Senate on being eiecled a second 
time to that body as far back as April, 1 81 0. A bill was under discus- 
Cfion, nppropriating a sum of money for procuring munitions of w.ir, 
!Wid for other purposes; and an amendment had been proposed, in 
structing the Secretary of the Navy, to provide supplies of cordage, 
eail-cloth, hemp, 6ic., and to give a preference to those of American 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF IIEXRY CLAY. 261 

o-rowlh and manufacture. Mr. Lloyd of Massachusetts moved to strike 
out lUis part oC (lie amendment ; and a discussion arose concerning the 
o-eneral policy of promoting domestic manufucLurcs, m which irlr. Clay 
boldly declared himself its advocate. 

^ m * * * * * * * 

The twentictii of April succeeding on motion of Mr. Clay, the bill to 
enable the people of the Orleauo Territory, now l^ouisiana, to form a 
constitution and governme.t was amended ^y^'P^^'^^''!:^^^^'^' 
the laws, records and legislative proceedings of the Sta e shou d be m 
the Enlish lan-uage. l)n the ^T.h of the same month he had leave of 
Absence for the^rest of the session, after accomplishing an amount of 
nubUc business that few men could have despatched with so much 
promptitude, ability and advantage to the country. 

The third session of the eleventh Congress commenced the third of 
December, 1810. Mr. Clay was oiice more in his seat in the benate. 

The subject of renewing he charter of the Uuited Slates Bank was 
now the meat topic befoiv Congress. Mr Ulay had been instructeu by the 
le..isl itu?e of Kentucky to oppose a re-charter; and his own convicuons 
iule me accorded with tnins. He addressed the Senate at some 
t. .ha opposition to the proposed measure. He lived to lectify h 8 
opinioasonfhisimpoitam quest.o,. ; and his reasons for the change 
3s be satisfactor/ to every candid mipd. 'Fhey are given in an ad- 
Lss to his constituents in Lexington, dated thethird of June, 1816. 

In a speech to the same constituents delivered the ninth of June, 
1842, iie alludes to the subject in these terms: "I never b"/once 
changed my opimonon any great principle of construction O: the Na 
tiouar constiluti.n. In early life, o\i deliberate consideration, I auopt- 
ed the principles of interpreting the Federal Constitution, which had 
been so ably developed and enforced by Mr. Madison in his memorable 
report to the Virginia legislature, and to them, as I undeistood them, 1 
have constamlv adhered. Upon the qu stion coming up in the Senate 
ofihe United States, to rechar.er the first Bank of th- Uniied States 
thirty years a-o, I opposed the recharter upon convictions which 1 hoa- 
esdy enienained. The experience of the war, which shortly followed, 
ihe candlf.on into winch tlie currency of the country was thrown, with- 
out a bank, and, I may now add, later and more disastrous experience, 
convinced me I was wrong. I publicly stated to my constituents in a 
speech at Lexington, (that which I had made in the House o. Repre^ 
sentatives not having been reported) my reasons for that change, ancj 
they are preserved in the archives of the country. I appeal to that 
record; and lam willing to be judged now and hereafter by thei? 
yalidiiy. 

I do pot advert to the fact of this solitary instance of change of opin. 
ion as iiuplving any personal merit, but because it is a foci. I wi I, 
iiowever say ihat I think it very perilous to the utility of any public 
man to iuake frequent changes of opinion, or any change, but upon 
-rounds so sufficient and palpable that the public can clearly see and 
■pprove them. " 
M&nj important i;ubjccts were discussed by the Senate during the 



4b'4 LIFE A^iD PUBLIC SEr^VICES OF IIENIIY CLAY. 

session of 1810-11 ; and Mr. Clay was in all of them conspicuous. 
If is zeal and efficiency in the public service began to attract the eyes of 
tiic whole country. He was not the representative of Kentucky alone. 
His capacious heart and active mind, uncontracted by sectional jealous- 
ies or local iMgotry, comprehended the entire Union in (heir e'mbrace. 

At the expiration of his second fractional term of service in the Sen 
iii'e of the Ijiiii'-'l .'••^iMi,-^, having returned to Kentucky, he \vaselecte<^ 
a member oil ilouse of Reprcseniaiives. Congress convened 

on the day di; : . iy proclamation, the fourth day of iNovember 
1811 ; and, on the ihsi ballot for speaker, 128 members being present, 
he was ciiosen by a majoiity of tliirty-oi cover all opposition. 

The affairs of th.e nr'.iion v.omj never in a ii. ' position than 

at this juiicture The iionor of t!ie rep!;:. ;ake. Along 

series of ouira<;-es piiipviratedagainsi our commerce by Eiiglanc! and 
by France had rcacliid a height, at which farther toleration would have 
been piisiiiuiimous. Under llie Berlin and Milan decrees of JXapolean, 
our .<hii)s \, ( re seized and ourfsroperty confiscated by the French in a 
manmr t'.' provoke the warmest indignation of a free people. Great 
Britain \'ied whh Fiance, and finally far surpassed hei in acts of vio- 
lence and rapine towaids us. Each of tlie belligerents sought a pre- 
text in the conduct of the other for her own in.ju3tice. 

Atlengtli France, in ansuerto ouireiuonsirances repealed her odious 
decrees so far as we were concerned, and practically abandoned her 
system of seizine and oppression. Great Britain did not follow her 
example. 

A 3-ear had clap.-e;! since the Fiench decrees were resciiided ; biH 
Great Britain p( ij^isiei! in her course; affecting to deny their extinction. 
The ships of ilie U. Suites laden Wiih the produce of our soil and labor, 
na\igated by our own ciiizeuis and peaceably pursuing a lawful trafle 
were seized on our own co li-ts, and, at the very mouth of (*ur own hai- 
lx)is, condenmed and cotniscated. But it u'as the ruffianly system of 
impressmciu — by which Americaii freemen, pmsuing a law fid life of 
hardship and darinu; on the oceati, were liable to be seized in violation 
of the rights of out flag, forced into the naval service cf a foieign pow- 
er, and made, perhaps, the instruments of similar oppression towards 
their own counlryinen — it was thi« despotic and barbarous systeu:, tiiat 
|)^•incipally roused tlie warlike spirit of Congress and the nadon. And 
|)osterity will adndt, that this cause of itself was an all sufficient justifi- 
'cation for hostile measures, ''{'he spirit of that people nmst have been 
debased in deed, which could have tamely submitted to such aggrei.*- 
siona. 

The feelings of Mi. Clay on this subject seem to have been of the . 
iiiiensest description. Though co)tiing from a State distant from the 
sea-board, the wrongs and indignities practiced against our mariners by 
British arrogance and oppression, fired his soul and stiired his whole 
nature to resistance, 'i'o him the idea of succumbing a moment to 
such degrading outrages was intoleiable. The nation had been injuied 
and insulted. England persisted in her injuries and insults. It was 
lifeless to temporise lon^or. lie was for war, prompt, open and dele;-- 



LIFE A^'D PUBLIC SERVICES OF REXRY CLAY. 263 

mined \yar. lie eomtmlnicated to olhers the electric feeling- that ani- 
mated liis own breast. He wreaked all his energies on this great cause. 

In appointing ihe committee on Foreign Relatioifs, (o whom the 
important question was to be relerred, he was careful to select a majori- 
ty of such members as partook of hi.-' own decided views. Peter B 
Porter, of New York, wa^ the chairman ; and on the 29h of November, 
he made a report, in which the comi^iittee earnestl}'^ recommended, in 
the words of the President, " that the United States be immediately put 
into an armor and attitude demanded by the^ crisis, and corresponding 
wiih the national spirit and expectations. " They submitted appropriate 
resolutions for tl?e carrying out of this great object. 

On the first day of December, the House resolved itself into a com- 
mittee of the whole, Mr. Breackenridge in the chair, on a biH from the 
Senate, providing for the raismg of twenty-five thousand troops. Of 
this measure, Mr. Clay v>'as the U'armcst, and at the same time, most 
judicious advocate; addressing tlie House eloquently in its favor. 

He contended that the real cause of British aggression was not to 
distress France, as many maintained, but to destroy a rival. "She 
saw," continued he, "in your numberless ships, which whitened every 
sesi — in your hundred and twenty gallant tars — the seeds of a naval 
force, which in thirtj^ years would rival her on her elements She tlvre 
fore coiwmnccd tlie odious sjj^tnii of impressment, of which no lan- 
guage can paint my execration' She dared to attempt the subver- 
sion of the personal freedom of your marifin's!" 

In concluding^ Mr. Clay said, he trusted that he haul fully established 
these three positions. That the quantum of force proposed by the bill 
was iK)t too great: that its nature was such as the contemplated war 
called for ; and the object of the war was justitied by ever}' consideration 
cf justice, cf interest, of honor of love of country. Unless that object 
*vere at once attained by peaceful means, he hoped that war would be 
waged before the close of the session 

The bill passed the House on the fourth of January succeeding ; and 
on the twenty-second of the same month, the report of the committee, 
to whom that part of the President's Message relating to a naval estab- 
lishment was referred, being under discussion, Mr. Clay spoke in favor 
of an increase of the navy, advocating the building of ten frigates. 

In his remarks on this occasion he contended, that a description of 
naval force entirely within our means was that, which would be suff- 
cient to prevent any single vessel, of whatever motal, from endangering 
our wholo coasting trade — blocking up our harbors, and laying under 
contribution our cities — a force competent to punish the insolence of the 
commander of any single ship, and to preserve in our own jurisdiction 
the inviolability of our peace and our laws. 

"Is there," he ask«^'. -n reflecting man in the nation, who would not 
charge Congress with a Vulpable neglect of its duty, if, for the want of 
such a force, a single ship were to bomI)ard one of our cities ? V\ ould 
MOt every honorable member of the committee inflict on himself the 
bitterest reproaches, if, by failing to make an inconsiderable addition tp 



264 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY 

our little gallant navy, a single British vessel shofltd place New York 
under conlrihuticn !" 

On the 29lh of January, 1812, the bil to increase (he Navy passed 
the House by a handsome majority. ''o Mr.' Glay's eloquent advocacy 
of the measure, the conntry is largely indebted for the glorious naval 
successes, which afterward shed a new an(! undying hislre upon our 
history. But for the gallant and effective navy, which sprang up un- 
der such auspices, the main arm of our defence woukl have been crip 
pled. While we contemplate with our achievmenfs upon the «ea — the 
memorable deeds of our Lawrences, Decaturs, Hulls, Bainbridges. and' 

Perrys, let us got forget the statesman, but for whose 'provident saga- ' 

city and intrepid spirit, the opportunity of performing thos€ exploits^ 
would never have been afforded. : .. , • 



CHAPTER fV. 

Mr. Cfny prefers a .eat in the House fo one in the Senn je-Reasons for 
inalirn^bimSpeakei-His intercourse wUU .^Ir. Kamrolph-War de- 
!"a?edll*ladiJon re elected Fresident-.^lr. Clay re.i^ns lU« ^P««^er « 
ctiaif, being appolnte^l Commissioner to (Jhent-His service duruig llie 
War. 

The cause of Mr. Clay's transference from tlie Senate to the House 
of Representatives was his own prefeience, at the time, of a seat m the 
popular branch. His immediate appoimmeiit of speaker was, under 
the circumstances, a rare honor, andon'e never, before or since conter- 
led oh a new member. Among the qualifications which led to his 
selection for that high station was his known firmness, which would 
check any a:ttempt to domineer over the House v and many members 
had a' special view to a proper' restraint upon Mr. John Randolph of 
Virginia, who, through the fccirs of Mr. Varnum, and the partiality 
entertained for him by Mr. Macon, -the two preceding spedcers had 
exercised a control, v>hich it was believed, was injurious to the delibe- 
rations of the body. ,^ „ * -« 

On assuming the duties of the Speakership, Mr Clay had foreseen, 
from the peculmr character and cotistilution of mind of that remarkable 
and distiiguished man, John Randolph, that it would be extremely 
difficult tS maintain with him relations o*" civility and oniity. He 
therefore resolved to act on the principle of never giving and never 
receiving and insult without immediate notice, if he were ip a place 
where it could be noticed. Their intercourse or non-intercourse ^A. 
most singular. Sometimes weeks, months woidd pass without the r 
spealdng\o each other. Then for an equal space of im^no two 
gentlemen could tieat each other with more courtesy and ^Ue Uon.-^ 
Mr. Randolph, on entering the House m the mormn- ^^hde these 
better feelings' prevailed, would frequently , approach the chair, bow 
respectfully to the Speaker, and inquire into health, 

Mr. Randolph was impatient of all restraints and could "otbr^fc 
those, which were sometimes applied to himseU by tlie Speakerin U e 
discharge of the duties of the chair. On one occasion he appealed to 
h£ eoi^tituents, and was answered by Mr. Clay. The case w^On.- 
Mr Clay, in ohe of his morning rides, passed through Georgetown, 
where M. Randolph, the }ate M. J. Lewis of Virginia, and other m^m- 
bers of Congress boaided. Meeting with Mr- Lewis, that S-n ten^^n 
innuiredof him, if there were any news? Mr. Clay informed him, 
Ihatonthe Monday following President Madison would send a mes^^e 
to Congress, recommending a declaration ot war against txreat Britain. 
The day after this riieeting, Mr. Randolph came to the House, and 
31 



286 LIFE AND PUBLIC SL-.RVICES OF IlENllY CLAY 

having-- addtessecl the Speaker in a very rambling, clcsuUory speech for 
about an hour, he was reniintled frjui the chair, tiiat tlieie was no 
quesfion pehdmg before (he House. Mr. Randolph said he would 
present one. He was requested to slate if. He stated that he meant 
to move a resolution, that "it was r;or expedient to declare war against 
Great [3iitain." Tiie Speaker, according to a rule of the House, desired 
him to reduce his resolution to writing, and to send it to the chair ; 
which' he accordingly did. And thereupon the Speaker informed hivn 
that before he could proceed in his speech, the House n)ust decide that 
ii would now consider his resolution. Upon putting tliat ciuestion to 
the House, it v/as decided liy a large majority, that it would not consid- 
er the resolution ; and thus Mr. Ilandoiph was prevented from harangu- 
ing the House farther in its support. Of this he complained, und 
published an address to his constiLuenls. 

Some expiessions in this address seeming to require notice, Mr. Clay 
addressed a communication under his own name, bearing date June 
17ih, 1843, to the editor of the National Intelligencer, in which he 
reviews the Cjuestions at issue bclwcen him and Mr. Randolph, and 
vinditates the justice of his recent decisions in the chair. 

'• Two principles," he says, 'are settled by these decisions; the first 
is, (hat the House has a right to know, tlirough its organ, the specific 
motion wliich a member intends making, before he undertakes to argue 
it at large; and in the second place, ili^it it reseives to itself the exer- 
cise of the power of determining whetlser it will consider it at the 
particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it-" 

Every succeeding Congress has acquiesced in the principles (bus 
established by Mr. Clay. They seem essential to the abridgment of (he 
ladtude of debate within bonds, which shall not be so undefined that 
tlie public interests will suffer. 

A bill from the Committee on Foreign Relations was reported lothe 
House on the third of June, 1812, declaring war bctweeii G^-eat Bril- 
ain and her dopcndencks and the United States. On the eighteenth 
it had passed both Houses of Congress; and the next day the Presi 
clents proclamation was issued, declaring (he actual existence of war. 
On the sixth of July, Congress adjor.rned to the first Monday in No- 
vember. 

Mr. Clay, Mr. Cheves, and Mr. CalhOiin, were the leaders, v.ho 
sustained and carried throuoh the declaration of war. Mr. Clay, fully 
impressed with the conviction, (hat the honor and (he highest interests 
of the country deiiianded (lie declaration, was ardent, acrive and enlhu- 
wiastic in its support. To him was assigned (he responsible duty of 
appointing all the Committees. Mr. Madison's Cabinet was not unan^ 
ifiious on the subject of v/ar. Mr Madison himself v.'as in favor of it, 
hut seemed (ogo into itv/ith much repugnance and great apprehension. 
The ciiaracter of his mind was one of extreme caution, bordering on 
timidity, although he acted with vigor and firmness when his resolution 
Wfts once taken. Mr. Gallatih, the I'iccrctary of the Treasury, was 
iidVcrsc to the war. 

■ i*- '» o * ,; ■* 



LTFS AND PUBLIC SERVICED Oh^ IIE.\^:iY CL.VY. 207 

The secoHd session of tlic twcltii Coii2:ress took place al, ths appohi- 
4ed time. Events of on iuipoitant character had occuiied since it last 
met. The war had been prosecuted ; and fe/c had sustained some 
reverses. General Hull, to whom had been assigned the defence of 
tlie Michigan frontier, had, after an unsuccessful incursion ijito the 
neigliboriag territory of the eueuiy, surrendered ingloriously the town 
and^fort of Detroit 

An attack made on the post of the enemy near Niagara, by a detach- 
ment of regular and other forces under Atajor General Van Rensselaer, 
and after displaying much gallantry had been compelled to yield, Vviith 
cppsiderable loss, to reinforcements of Savages and British regulars. 

But though partially unsuccessful on the land, the Americans had 
v/on iniperisliable trophies on the sea. Our public ships and private 
cruisers had made the enemy sensible of die ditierence between a recip- 
rocity of captures, and the long conlinement of them to their side. The 
frigate Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, after a close and 
short -engagement, had completely disabled the British frigate Gueiiere. 
A vast amount of property had been saved to the country by the course 
pursued by a squadron of our frigates under the conup.and of Jonnno- 
dore Rodgers. 

* «; # m * s;|: # ® -* 

Qn the iOth of Feeruary, the President of the Senate, in the presence 
of both Houses of Congress, proceeded to open the certilicates of the 
electors of the several States for President and Vice President of the 
United States. The vote stood ; For President, James Madison, 128 — 
Dewitt Clinton, S9. For Vice President, Elbridge Gerry, 131 — 
Jared Ingersol, SG. James Madison and Elbridge Gerry were accor- 
dingly etected— the former for a second teim. The war policy of the 
administration was triumphantly sustained by the people. 

The first session of the thirteenth Congress commenced the twenty- 
fourth of May, 1813. Mr. Clay was again chosen Speaker by a largo 
majority, and his voice of exhortation and encouragement continued to 
be "raised in committee of the v/hole in vindication of the honor of the 
country and the conduct of the war. On the 19(h of January, 1814, 
in an appropriate address, he resigned his station as Speaker of the 
House — having been appointed a commissioner to proceed to Gottingen, 
for the purpose of negociating a peace with Great Britian. i he same 
day a resolution was passed by the House thanking him for the al)ility 
and impartiality with which he had presided. The resolution was 
adopted almost unanimously — only nine members voting in oppo- 
sition. 

Mr. Clay had always asserted that an honorable peace was attainable 
only by an efficient war. In Congress he had been the originator and 
most ardent supporter of nearly all those mcasiues Av'iich had for their 
o^iect the vigorous prosecution of hostilities against Great Britain, Qn 
every occasion his trumpet- voice was heard, cheerin:? on the House and 
the country to confidence and to victory. No auguries of villany— no 
croakiftgs of despondency — no suggestions of tir^midity — no violence 
of Federal opposition could for a moment shako J^.is patriotic purposes, 



268 LIFE AtiQ PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY €LAT. 

dimrnish his reliance on the justness of our cause, or iwduce him to 
hesitate in that poHcy, which he beHeved the honor and— what was 
ifweparable from the honor — the interests, of the country demanded. 

Th«^ measure of gratitude due him from his fellow-citizens, for his 
exertions in this cause alone, is not to be calculated or paid. But in 
that scroll where Fieedom inset ibes the names of her worthiest cham- 
pions, destined to an immortal renown in her annals, the name of 
HENRY CLAY will be found will be found with those of Washmgton, 
Jefferson and Madison. 

Having been the most efficient agent in directingthe legislative action, 
whicli declared and conducted the war with Great Britain — a war, 
which the voice of an impartial posterity no admits to have elevated 
attd strengthened us as a nation — Mr.' Clay was appropriately selected 
m one of the commissioners to execute a treaty of peace. Messrs. J. 
Q;. Adams, James A, Bayard, Albert Gallatin and Jonathan Russell 
were nesociated with him in this task. On the part of the British, Lord 
Qaiaihm, Henry Goulborne and William Adams were appointed. 



(CHAPTER ¥. 



Meeting' f>f the Ghent onuuissioner-s— llr. Clay vi.*i:s Brussels— Anec 

dote— Conti-oversy between {Vjpsprss. Adan-s und Ki!->:el "VIr. Clay's 

;ietter— Goesto Paris— is introthiced to t\,p Duke oC X'\ eiiinfrton hy Mud 
«me de iStael — Hearts of New OrleHni*— Visits Edo-ImiiI — VVnterloo and 
Napolean —>Ir. Clay's reception in Enrrland—Deelines jroinw to court 
— Sir .lames i"Ma(kintosh — Lord G wnbier, &r-._>Ji-. Cla v"-*" re-urn to 
New York- Rereption — Re-e|prfed to CoDLre?^'*— V' indicatiDn of the 
wrar — Internal Iinprovemt-nts — His country, liis who e country. 



The commissioners met first at Gottingen, but their meetings were 
afterward transferred to Ghent. The conferences occupied a space of 
tine of about five months. — The American Commissioners were in 
reaUty negociating with the whole Biitish ministry ; for, whenever thev 
addressed a diplomatic note of any importance to the British commis' 
sioners, it was by tiiem transmitted to London, from which place the 
substance of an answer was returned in the form of instructions. The 
consequence was, that the American commissioners, after havin(»- deliv 
ered a diplomatic note, had to wait about a week before they received 
a reply. 

In or^e of these pauses of the negociacilon, Mr. Clay made a little 
excursion to Brussels, and Mr. Goulbome was there at the same time. 
The British commissioners had been in the habit of sending their 
English newspapers to the American commissioners, through which the 
I liter often derived the first intelligence of events occurring in America. 

The morning after Mr. Clay's arrival in Brussels, upon his coming 
down to breakfost, his servant Frederick Cara, whom he had taken 
with him from the city of Washington, threw some papers upon the 
breakfast table, and burst into tears. " What's the matter Frederick? " 
" The British have taken Washington, and Mr. Goulbirne has sent 
you those papers, which contain the account. " " Is it possible ? " 
ex-claimed Mr. Clay • and Frederick blubbered still louder, arid said it 
was too true. 
•***^:!; m m m 

A controversy having arisen between Messrs. Adams and Russell, 
about the year 1823, in respect to some points in the uegociations at 
Ghent, an embittered correspoudence took place between these two 
gentlemen. In the course of it Mr. Clay thought thai (here were 
some unintentional eiTors on the pait of Mr. Adams, which in a note 
addressed to the public, Mr. Clay stated he would at some future day 
correct. About the year 1828 or 1829, Mr. Russell without the previous 
consent of Mr. Clay, published a confidential letter addressed by Mr. 
Clay to him, in which Mr. C. expresses his condemnation of Mr. Rus- 
ssll's course in the alteration of some of his letters, which had been 
charged and proved upon him by Mr. Adams. In that samclettcr, Mr. 



270 Liri: .'.XD PUBLIC SF.UVrCES OF HENRY CLAV. 

Clay gives his cxplnnalion of some of the iransactions at Ghen.', respect- 
ing- which, he thought Mr. Adams was mistaken. Tiie pubhcation of 
the conflclenlial letter superseded the necessity of making the corrections 
which Mr. C. irad intended. In this letter, Hr. Clay in no instance 
impdi^n? the i^iotivcM of Mr. Adam>?, nor does it contain a line from 
v/hich an unfiiendly state of feeling on the part of the writer toward 
Mr. Adams coukl be inferred. 

Mr Clay wn.s resolved, such was his proud spirit^ not to g-o to Eng- 
land until he had heard of the ratification of the treaty of Ghent. After 
the termination of the negociations he went to Paris, and accepted the 
invitation of Mr. Crawford, our minister, to take apartments in the hotel. 
Mr. Clay remained in Paris during upward of tv/o months. On the 
night of his arrival in that brilliant metropolis, he found at Mr. Craw- 
ford's an invitation to a ball given by the American banker, Mr. Hottin- 
gijer, on the occasion of the pacification between the United States and 
Great Britain. There he met for the tiisttime the celebrated Madame dc^ 
Stael, was introduced to her, and had with her a good deal of conversa- 
tion, 

" Ah ! " said she, " Mr. Clay, I have been in England, and have 
been battling your cause for you there. " " I know it, Madame ; we 
heard of your powerful interposition, and we aie grateful and thankful 
for it. " — " They were very much enniged agamst yon, " said she ; "so 
much so that they, at one time, thought seriously of sending the Duke 
of Wellington to command their armies against you ! " — " I am very 
sorry, Madame," replied Mr.. Clay, "that they did not send his Grace. " 
" Why 1 " asked she suprised.— " Because, Madame, if he had beaten 
lis, we should only have been in tl\e condition of Europe, without dis- 
grace. But if we had been so fortunate as to defeat him, we should 
have greatly added to the renown of our aj-ms. " 

The next time he met Madame de Stael was at a party at her own 
house, which was attended by the Marshals of France, the Duke of 
Wellington, and other distinguished persons. She introduced Mr. Clay 
to the Duke and at the same time related the above anecdote. He 
replied with promptness and politenes, that if he had been sent on that 
service, and had been so fortunate as to have been successful over a foe 
as gallant as the Americans, he would have regarded it as the proudest 
feather in h is cap. 

During his stay in Paris, Mr. Clay heard of the issue of the battle of 
Ne^v Orleans. '• Now " said he to liis informant, " I can go to Eng 
land without mortification." But he expressed himself greatly morti- 
fied at the inglorious flight aUributed, in the despatches of the 
American General, to a portion of the Kentucky militia, which Mr. 
Clay pronounced must be a mistake. 

Having heard of the ratification of the treaty of -Ghent, Mr. Clay 
left Parislfor England, in March, 1815, just before the arrival of Bona- 
parte in the French capital. About the same time, Louis the Eighteenth 
left Paris and took up his residence in Ghent, near the hotel which the 
American commissioners had recently occupied. Mr. C. did not see 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF IIEXUY CLXY. 271 

Tvapoletin. He would have romaiiied for that puipose,"JjiU tliat lie did 
not suppose ilie Emperor would reach Paris so soon. 

On his arrival in England before any of ilie American comniissioncrs, 
Tilr. Clay had an interview with l^ord Castlereaijh, Avho coniracted for 
liini a hip^h esteem, which wasfrequenlly manifested during his sojourn 
in England. Lord Castlereagh oifered to present him to tli'i Prince 
Reireiit. Mr C. said he wouhl go through the ceien:iony if it were 
deemed necessary or respectful. Lo|d C. said that having been recog- 
nised in his public character by the British government, it was not 
necessarv, and that he might on)it it or not as he pleased. Mr. Clay's 
repugnance to the parade of courts prevented his presentation, and ho 
ifevei- saw the Prince. He, however, met with most of the othci mem- 
bers of the Royal family. 

* ;W =r= * iS e # =# * 

r»Ir. Clay was in London ivhen the battle of Waterloo was fought, 
ami witnessed the illuminalions, bonfires, and rejoicings to which it 
gave rise. For a day or two after intelligence of the event reached 
London, there was grea* uncertainty as to what had become of Napoleon. 
During this interval, Mr. Clay dined with Lord Castlereagh. The 
Britisli ministers and the American commissioners were present. Among 
the topics of conversation, v/as that of whither had Napoleon gone.- 
»Some supposed he had sailed for America. " If he goes there," said 
liOtd Liverpool, ''wUl he not give you, Mr. Clay, much trouble?"^ 
"None, whatever," promptly replied Mr. Ciay ; "we shall be glad to 
receive such a distinguished though unfortunate exile, and wa shall 
■soon make a good Democrat of him.'^ 

Mr. Clay was received in the British circles, and in those of both the 
ministry and the opposition, with the most friendly consideration. The 
JateSir James Mackintosh was one of his first acquaintances in Lon- 
don ; and of the lamented Sir Samuel Romilly and his beautifuland 
iiccomplished lady, Mr. Clay has been heard to remark, that they pre- 
sented- one of the finest specimens of a happy mou and wife that he 
had ever seen. He past a most agreeable week with his Ghent friend. 
Lord Gambler, at Iver Grove near Windsor Castle. Of this pious and 
excellent nobleman, Mr. Clay has ever retained a lively and friendly 
recollection. He visited with him AVhidsor Castle, Frogmore Lodge, 
the residence of the descendant of William Penn, and saw the wife of 
George the Third and some of the daughters. 

In September, 1SL5, Mr. Clay returned from. Europe to New York, 
at which port he had embarked in March, 1814. A pidjlic dinner was 
jriven to him and Mr. Gahatin in that city soon after his arrival. Mr. 
Clay has received the compliment of more public dinners, perhaps, than 
any man living. 

Befoieh'is return home he had been unanimously re-elected a mem- 
ber of Congress from the district he formerly represented. Doubts 
arising as to the legality of this election, a nev.' one was ordered, and the 
result was' the same. His return was . enthustasdcally hailed by his 
numerous personal and political friends, and in Kentucky he v/as re- 
ceived with every dcmoasLiutioa of aficction and respect. The board 



272 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

of trustees of Lex in :^' ton adopted a resolution of joy at his return and 
of gratitude for his servicey at Ghent. 

At the comnieuccment of the next session of Ccngress, Mr Clay 
Avas ag;ain elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, almost 
nnanimonslv. Among- other important subjects whicli came up, that 
of the new treaty VvT's, of course among the foremost. John Randolph 
and the Federalids, after having resisted the war, now took frequent 
occasion to sneer at the mode of its termination. On the twenty- ninth 
of January, ISIG, Mr. Clay addressed the committee of the House 
most eloqently in reply to ihese cavihers. 

" I gave a vote," said he, "for the declaration of war. I exerted all 
thelitL?e influence and talents I could conn«and to make the war. The 
war was made. It is terminated. And I declare with perfect sincerity 
if it had been permitted to lift the veil of futurity, and to have foreseen 
the precise series of events v/hich has occurred, niy vote would have 
been unchanged. We had been insulted, and outraged, and spoliated 
upon by almost all Europe— by Great Britian, by Fiance, Spciin,Den- 
mark, Naples, and to cap the climax, by the little contemptible power 
of Algiers. 

" We liad submitted too long and too much. We had become the 
scorn of foreign pov/ers, and the derision of our own citizens." 

It had been objected by the opposition that no provision had been 
made ia the treaty in regard to the impressment of our seamen by- the 
British. On this'subjeci Mr. Clay said, and in his argument is as con- 
clusive as it is lofty : " One of the great cause of the war and of its 
continuance, was "the the practice of impressment exercised by Great 
Britian — and if this claim iLadbven admitted by necessary implication 
or express stipulation, the rights of our seamen ivoidd have been 
abandoned! It is witli utter astonishmert that I hear it has been con- 
tMided in this country, tliat, because our right of exemption from the 
practice had not liieen expressly secured in the treaty, it was, therefore, 
given up ! It is impossible that such an argument can be advanced 
on this floor. INo member, who regarded his reputation, would venture 
to advance such a docliinc!" 

In conclusion, iMr. Clay declared, on this occasion, that his policy, 
in regard to the attitude in which the country should now be placed, 
was to preserve the present force, naval and military — to provide for the 
augmentation of the navy — to fortify the weak and vulnerable points 
indicated by experience— to construct military roads and canals — and, 
in short, "/o commence the great work of internal improvement.''^ 

" I would see," he said, 'a chain of turnpike roads and canals from 
Passamaquoddy to New Orleans; and other similar roads inter sectiitg 
the mountains^ to facilitate intercourse betii-een all parts of the country 
and to bind and connect us toi^ether. I would also rerpectfully 
PROTECT OUR iMANUFACTOiUES. I would alFord them protection, not 
so much for the sake of the manufactures themselves as for the general 
interest." 

It was in this pahiotic spirit, . and with this far-sighted, liberal, arid 



truly American policy, that Mr. Clay resumed his legislative Inbon io 
the national councils. He has lived to carry out those truly great and 
8tatesman-tike measures of protection and internal improvement, which 
even then began to gather shape and hiipulse in a mind ever active in 
the cause of his country. May he live to receive a testimonial of that 
country's gratitude and admiration in the bestowel upon him of th» 
highest honor within her gift ! 



€HAPTER VI. 



Recharter of the UiWted States Rank— I^Ir. Clay's views in l8ll and 1ST6 
— J*cene in the House willi Randolph — i>!i', CI sy's :elaiion!5 with >lr. 
Wadlson— Inteniioi) of i'>ladison at one lime to a{>pnint him Comander- 
in-(;hiefof liie army — t^lection of.l-rtnie^ Monroe— .IS r. Clay <-airies liis 
measures in behalf of llie South American Slases— Litter Irom Bolivar 
and Mr. Clay's reply. 



The financial condition of the United States at. the close of the war 
was extremely depressed. The currency was deranged — public credit 
mpaired — and a heavy debt impending. 

On the eighth of January, lS16,Mr. Calhoun from the committee en 
that part of the President's Message, which relates to the currency, 
reported a bill to incorporate subscribers to a bank of the United 
States. 

ft will be remembered that Mr. Clay in 1811, while a member of the 
Senate, liad opposed the re chartering of the old bank His reasons 
for now advocating the bill before the house have been fully and freely 
communicated to the public. 

When the application was made to renew the old charter of the bank 
of the Unitad States, such an irvstitution did not appear to him to be so 
necessary to the fulfilment of any of the objects specifically enumerated 
in the Constitution as to justify Congress in assuming, by construction, 
power to establish it. It was supported mainly upon the ground that 
it was indispensible to the treasury operations. ' But the local institu- 
tions in the several states were at tliat time in prosperous existence, 
confided in by the community, having confidence in one another, and 
maintaining an interco\n-se and connexion the most intimate. Many of 
them were actually employed by the treasury to aid that department in 
a part of its fiiscal arrangements ; and they appeared to him to be fully 
capable of affording to it all the facility that it ought to desire in all of 
them. Thej superseded in his judgement the necessity of a national 
institution. 

But how stood the casein 1816, when he was called upon to exam- 
ine the power of the general government to incorporate a national bank? 
A total change of circumstances was presented. Events of the utmosl 
magnitude had intervened. A suspension of specie payments had taken 
place. The currency of the country was completly vitiated. The 
government issued papel bearing an interest of six percent, which it 
pledged the faith of tlie coimtry to redeem. For this paper, guarantied 
by the honor and faith of the government, there was obtained for eve- 
ry one hundred dollars, eighty dollars from those banks which suspen- 
ded their specie payments. The experience of the war therefore 
thowed the necessity of a bank. The country could not get along 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENP^Y CLAT 3o 

vithout it. Mr. Clay had then changed his opinion on the subject, and 
'.Hi had never attempted to disguise the fact. lu his position of Speaker 
■f tlie House, he might have locked up his opmiou in his own breast, 
;J Lit with that candor and fearlessness, which have ever distinguished 
lim, he had come forward, as honest men ought to come forward, and 
•expressed his change of opinion, at the lime when President Madison 
and other eminent men changed their course. 

The constitution confers upon Congress tbe power to coin money 
iind to regulate the value of foreign coins; and the States are prohibited 
to coin nioney, to emit bills of credit, or to make anything but gold or 
silver coin a tender. n\ payment of debts. The plain inference was, 
that the subject of the general currency was intended to be submitted 
exclusively to the general government. In point of fact, however, the 
jegulation of the general currency was in the hands of the State gov- 
.ernments, or, what was the same tiling, of the banks created by them. 
Their paper had every quality of money, except thai of being made a 
tender, and even this was imparted to it, by some states, in the law by 
which a creditor must receive it, or submit to a ruinous suspension of 
the payment of his debt. 

It was incumbent upon Congress to recover the control which it had 
lost over the general currency. The remedy cailed for was one of 
caution and inodeiation, but of fiimness. Whether a remedy, directly 
acting upon the banks and their paper thrown into circulation, Avasin 
the power of the general government or not, neither Congress nor the 
community were prepared for the application of such a remedy. 

An indirect remedy of a milder character seemed to be furnished by a 
national bank.. Going into operation with the powerful aid of the 
treasury of the United States, Mr, (^lay believed it would be highly 
instrumental in the renewal of specie payments. Coupled with the 
other measure adopted by Congress for that object, he believed the 
remedy elfectual. The local banks must follow the example, which 
the national bank would sat them, of redeeming their notes by the 
payment of specie, or their notes would be discredited and put down. 

If the constitution, then, vyarranted the csfablis'iment of a bank, 
other considerations, besides tiiose already mentioned, sUongiy urged it. 
The want of a general medium was everywhere felf. Exchange varied 
continually, not only between different parts of the Union, but between 
different parts of the same city. If the paper of a national bank were 
.not redeemed in specie, it would be much betterrthan the current paper, 
since, although its value, in comparison with specie, migljt fluctuate, it 
would alFord an uniform, stantlard 

During this discussion of 1816, on the bank charter, a collision arose 
between Messrs. Clay and Rirndolph, which produced great sensation 
for the moment, and which it was apprehended might lead to serious 
consequences. Although Mr. Clay had changed his own opinion in 
regard to a ba.nk, he did not feel authorized to seek, in private intercourse, 
to influence that of others, and observed a silence and reserve not usual 
to him, on the subject. Mr. Randolpiwommented on rhis fact, antj 
Vised language which might bear an offensive inicrpietatior?. When h« 



376 MFB AKO ftJBLTC SERTICB5 OF UEXRT CiAT. 

was done, Mr. Clay rose with perfect coolness, but evidently with z 
firm determination, and adverting- to the offensive languuage, observed 
that it required explanation, and that he should forbear saying what 
it became him to say untii he heard the explanation, if any, which the 
member from Virginia had to make, and sat down. Mr. Randolph rose 
and made an explanation. Mr. Clay again rose, and said that the 
explanation was not satisfactory. Whereupon Mr. R. again got up, 
and disclaimed expressly all intentional offence. 

During the transaction of this scene, the most intense anxiety and 
the most perfect stillness pervaded the House. You might have heard 
e pin fall in any part of it. 

The new l;;ank bill was passed, and the wisdom of its supporters may 
be best inferred from the fact that the institution more than realised the 
most sanguine hopes of its friends. Daring the period of its existence 
the United Slates enjoyed a currency of unexampled purity and uni- 
formity ; and the bills of the bank were as acceptable as silver in every 
quarter xDf the globe. In anotht^r part of this memoir will be found an 
outline of such a fiscal institution as Mr. Clay woidd be in favor of, 
whenever a majority of th" people of the United States might demand 
the establishment of a ?ia/ional hank. 
» * # * # %* * « « 

During the admiriistration of Mr. Madison, Mr, Clay wns, on two 
seperate occasions ofiered a seat in his Cabinet or the mission to Russia, 
by that distinguished chief magistrate. He declined them both. Mr. 
Madison appears to have had the highest estimate of his talents and 
Tworth. Indeed, so impressed was he with the eminent and versatile 
abilities of Mr. Clay, that he had selected him, at the coinmencement 
of the war, to be Commander in Chief of the Army. The nomination 
was not made solely because Mr. Clay could not be spared from Con- 
gress, where his powerful mind and paramount influence, enabled him 
to render services superior to any that could have been rendered in any 
other position. 

On the fourth of March, 181T, James Monroe took the oath prescri 
bed by the constitution, and entered upon the duties of the Presidency 
of the' Unsfed States. The first session of the fifteenth Congress com 
menced the ensuing December. Mr. Clay. was again chosen Speaker. 

During the preceding summer the President had appointed Messrs. 
Rodney, Graham, and Bland, Commissioners to proceed to South 
America, to ascertain the condition of the country. In March l81fi, 
the appropriation bill being before the House, Mr. Clay objected to the 
clause appropria ing ;$30,OOU for their compensation. He then offered 
an amendment, appropriating eighteen thousand dollars as the outfit 
and one yeor's salary of a minister, to be deputed from the Uijited 
States to the independent provinces of the river La Plata, in South 
America. The amendment Vv-as lost ; but Mr. Clay's speech in sup- 
port of it was one of his most njernorable efforts. Both Congress and 
the President were opposed to any recognition of the independence of 
the South American Coloniets. In rising to promulgate views hostile 



LIFE A^'D PUBLIC SERVICES Oi*' HENRY CLAY. 277 

■to theirs, Mr. Clay said, that miidi as he valued t'liose fiiends, ia and 
out of the House from whom he differed, he couhl not iiesifate \j'hen 
reduced to the distressinf? alternative of comorniing hi.^ judgment to 
theirs, or pursuing tlie deliberate and matured dictates of his own mind 

Mr. Clay maintaijied that an oppressed people were authorizea 
whenever they could, to rise and bretdc their fetters. This was the 
great principle of the En;;li3h revolution. It was the great principle of 
our own. Vattel, if authority were wanting, expressly sunports this 
jtglit. We must pass sentence of condemn;i(ion upon the founders of 
our liberty — say thatlh.ey were rebels— -traitors; and that they were, at 
that moment, "lc?;!sh-.tii]g v/iibont competent powers, before we could 
condemn t've cause of Spanish America. Our revolution was mainly 
directed against the n^.e-re theory of tyranny. We had suffered com- 
paratively but little ; we had, in I'omv-^-jcspec's, been kindiy treated ; but 
our intrepid and' inte'li'j^eat f.uhers saw, in tlie usurpci-ion of the power 
to levy an inconsideniiih; tax. ihe long tiaiii of oppressive acts that 
were to follow. T'joy ro.^c; ihey breasted the sfoiiU ; tliey achieved 
our freedom. Soani-ii A:; rlca lor centuries had bv^n t'ijomed to an 
odious tyranny. If v/e were jpslUied, she was more than justified. ' 
# m m * # # V'# # * 

On the eighth day of March, 1822, the President sent a message to 
the House of Representatives, recommending the recogniiion of South 
American independence. The I'ecommendation was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations, which on tho nineteenth of the same 
month, reported in favor of the recommendation, and of an appropria- 
tion to carry ii into effect. The vote of recognition was fmaliy passed 
on the twenty-eighth,' wiCa but a single dissenting voice. 
***** * *** 

The instrumentality of h's appeals in cheering the patriots of South 
America, was jnost gratifying and decided. His memorable plea of 
March, 1 S13, v/as, as one of Iiis most embittered adversaries has told us, 
read at the head of die Sontli American armies, to exalt their enthusi 
asm in battle, ard quicken the consumation of their triumphs. 

The following letter from Bolivar, Vv'ith Mr. Clay's reply, belongs to 
this period of his history : 

Bogota, 21st Kovember, 182T. 

■ Sir I canyot omit availing myself of. t!ie opportnniry afforded me 
Dy the departure of Col. Watts, Charge d Affairs of tlie LFnited States. 
of taking the libeity of addressing your excellency. This desire has. 
long been entertiiinded by me, for the purpose of expressing my admi- 
jation of your 'excellency's brilliant talents and love oflibert3^ Al| 
America, (/olumbia, and myself owe your excellency our purest gratis 
tnde for the incomparable services jou have rendered to ns,by, sustaining 
our course with a sublime enthusiasm. Acce[/, therefore, this sincere 
and cordial testimony, whicli I hasten to offer to your excellency, and 
to tbe government of the United J^latea, who have so greatly coniribu: 
jted to the emancipation of your southern brethren. 



273 LIFE AND PU3LIC SERVICES OF HEXRY CLAr. 

" I liave the honor to offer to youi excellency my di3ling«isii€.d 
.considciation. 

" Your excellency's obedient servant, 

"BOLIVAR." 
The foliov.-ing isa cliaracieristic exn-act from jlr. Clay's reply : 
Washington, 27ih October, 1S28. 

" Sir It is very gratifying to nie to be assured directly by your ex- 
cellency, that the course which llie government of the United States 
took on this nieriioraMc orj-ii-iim, unil my humble clForts, have excited 
the 2ra:i inI;; ::: :'robatit!n of your excellency. I 

am T)!']-.;;;:'.,' -i . • ■-(, tiie fee'.iM'.v- of the people of 

the Unitci; ! ■■;, tl'^^t the 

interest u: ■ ^i America, 

arose prinjipiM ■■■■', tii;;!, along wi.ii i!:? independence, 

would be cstab;. ions, insuring all the blessings of civil 

liberty To the accoi')vi\i<'.\'\\ri\l of that object we still anxiously look. 
We a"re aware that great diificulties oppose it, among which, not the 
least, is that which arises out of the existence of a large miliiary force, 
raised for the- purpose Df resisting the power of Spain. Sianding armies 
organized with tliem');' ru\-\:\iv.k intentions, are dangerous instruments. 
They devour (I i lucti the morals, and too often destroy 

the !i'3cr:i"^ of : ''j c-wt be ninre perilous or unwise than 

to r ■ 1 ii~d tiieir formation, 

(.-■-5 ij inc revenue of the 

stale. 

" But,notwit]istanding uV. ■■'cuhie?, we had fondly cherished 

and still indulge the hope, lisat SiJiilh America would add a new tri- 
umph to the cause of human liberty ; and, that Providence would biess 
her, as He had her northern sister, \yLth the geniu? of some great and 
virtuous man, to conduct her securely tiirough all her (rials. We had 
even flattered ourselves, that we behold that genius in your excellency. 
But I should be unworthy of the consideration with which your ex- 
cellency honors me, and deviate from the fratikness which 1 have ever 
endeavored to practice, if I f/id 7iot, on this occasion, state that atnbi 
iious designs ha vi- been attributed by your enemi'S to your excellency^ 
which have created in viy mind great solicitude. They have cited late 
e\^nts in Colombia as proofs of these designs. But slow in the with- 
.drawal of confidence, which I have once given, I have been most un- 
willing (0 credit the unfiivorable accounts which have from time to time 
a-eached me. I cannot allow myself to believe, that your excellency 
will abandon the bright and glorious path wliicli lies plainly before you, 
/or the bloody road passing over the liberties of human race, on which 
the vuigiir ciowd of-lyrants and military despots have so often trodden. 
I will not doubt, that your excellency will, in clue time, render a satis- 
factory explanation to Colombia an(.l to (he world, of the parts of your 
public conduct which have excited any dislr; st; and that, preferring 
the true glory of our immoilal Washington to the ignoble fame of the 
destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic resolution of ulti- 
mately placing the freodom of Colombia^^upon afa-m and sure foundatioa. 



LIFE A:,'3 PCBLIC SSRVICBS OF HKNRY C1.AT. 379 

That your efforts to that end may be crowned with complete success, I 
m 03 1 fervently pray. 

" I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere 
wishes for your happiness and prospeiity. 

" H. CLAY.-' 

The high and disinterested character of Mr. Clay's motives in hk 
course towards the South American Republics, v/as forcibly displayed 
in this frank and open appeal to Bo! ivar. Had his object been to acquire 
influence and popularity among the people of those countries, he would 
hardly have addressed such plain sentiments and unpalataiile truths to 
a chief, who was all powerful with them at that lime. But in a cause 
where the freedom of any portion of mvinkind was implicated, Mr. Clay 
was never known to hesitate, to reckon his own interests, or to weigh 
the consequences to himself from an avowal of his opinions. On all 
subjects indeed he is far above disguise; and tliough he may sometimes 
incur the charge of indiscretion by his uncalculating candouand fearless 
translucency, the trait is one which claims for hitn our alfection and 
confidence. Independent in his opinions as in his acts, no suggesiion 
of selfinierest could ever interpose an obstacle to the bold and magnan- 
imous utterance of the former, nor to the conscientious performance of- 
the latter. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Inicrnal L7iprnvemer,t — 3I/\'I\Ir>nrGQ'^ - ' ' J'ctions — Mr, 

Clay replies to them — Discussion •> conduct in 

th^. Seminole Campai'rn — Mr. Cluy s u^i.u^jnt,; that chief tcm in 
1819 — A prophetic ^-limpfie — Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson — Tho 
Father of the Arnerican Srjstem — Bill to ?•■"'•■'''" -^'ities >^fc. — Mr. 
Clai/^s speech in behalf of the protective pc ' ^f ^^'■^ country 

— His unremitted exertions — Randolilis , ■ — Anecdote. 



We havi" -■ ' -.vlh mi jidvocatc of 

the docuinc . . iu C'on\;re;,:; in iSOa 

had been in vin'i'.cri;; •■, aiiiiiorizia^- ;iie erectiou of a bridge 

across the Potoaiac rivv jjassages, we have quoted from his 

speech of January 18iu, w- uv, .ared hiujself in fai'or not only of a sys- 
tem of international improvement but of protection to our manufactures. 

It will be remembered that (lie bill appropriatinjif for purposes of inter- 
nal improvement the bonus, wiiich v/as to be paid by the bank of the 
Uaitetl States to the general go vern:ne!it, after having been pas^^ed by 
Congress, had been returned by President Madison without his signature, 
in consequpnce of constitutional objections to the bill. Mr. Ciay had 
been much smprised at this act, for Mr. I\Iadison, in one of his mes- 
sages, had said : " I particularly invite again the attention of Congress 
to the expediency of existing j>:)v;er?, ar.d v.here necessary, of resorting 
to the prescribed mode of cnlargiMg ihoin. in order (o effectuate a com- 
prehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of 
drawing more closely together every part of our country, by promoting 
intercourse and improvements, and by incteasing the share of every part 
m the common stock of national prosperity. " 

Mr. Monroe in anticipation of the action of Congress, had expressed 
an opinion in his message, opposed to the right of Congress to establish 
a system of international improvement. Mr. Jefferson's authority was 
also cited to show that under the constitution roads and canals could not 
be constructed by the general government without the consent of the 
State or States through v/hich they were to ptiss. Thus three succes- 
sive Presidents had opposed the proposition. 

Against this weight of j)recedcnt, Blr. Clay undertook to persuade 
Congress of their power under the Constitution to appropriate money 
for tiie construction of jnihtary roads, post-roads and canals. A resolu- 
tion embodying a clause to this effect came before the House in March, 
1818 ; and he lent to it his unremitting advocacy. 

During the second session of the Fifteenth Congress, in January, 
1819, the subject of Gen. Andrew Jackson's conduct in his celebrated 



•LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 381 

Florkla^ainpiugM, came up for discussion. That cliieftan, after siib- 
iecting (h« vanquished Indians to conditions tlie most cruel and im- 
practicable, had hung two prisoners of war, Arbuthnot and Ambrister, 
and concluded his series of outrages by lawlessly seizing the posts of 
St. Marks and Pensacola. 

Committees of the Senate and of the House made reports reprobatory 
of his conduct; and resolutions were presented, containing four propo- 
sitions: the first asserted the disapprobation of the House of tiic pro- 
ceedings in the trial and execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The 
second contemplated the passage of a law to prevent the execution 
hereafter of any captive taken by the army, without the approbation of 
the President. The third proposition was expressive of the disap- 
proval of the forcible seizure of the Spanish posts as contrary to orders, 
and in violation of the constitution. The fourth proposition was, that 
a law should pass to prohibit the march of the army of the United 
States, or any corps of it, into any foreign territory, without the previous 
authorization of Congress, except it were in fresh pursuit of a defeated 
enemy. 

We shall not attempt an abstract of Mr. Clay's eloquent and argu- 
.mentative speech, in support of these propositions; and far less disposed 
^u-e we to repeat the painful liisiory of the wrongs and usurpations per 
petrated by Heneral Jacksor. It may be proper to state, however, that 
Mr. Clay, grateful for the puljic services of the general, treated him 
with a forbearance and kindness, which rendered the sincerity of hi*s 
animadversions the more obvious. '• With respect to the purity of his 
intentions, " said Mr. Clay, " I am disposed to allow it in the most ex- 
iensive degree. Of his «t'„'5 it is my duty to speak with the freedom 
which belongs to my station. " 

The speaker then proceeded to expose in a most forcible point of 
■view, the dangerous and arbitrary character of those acts, and the con 
stitutional violations, of which General Jackson had been guilty. There 
lire many passages in this speech, which when we regard them in con- 
nection v/ith the subsequent presidential usurpations of the same 
military chieftan, seem truly like prophetic glimpses. Take, for exam- 
ple, the concluding paragraph. 

" Gendemen may bear down all opposition ; they may even vote the 
General the public thanks ; they may carry him triumphantly dnougli 
this house. But,if they do, in my humble judgment, it will bo a tri- 
umph of tlie principle of insubordination — a triumph of the military- 
over civil authority — a triumphover thepov/ers ofthishousc-a triumph 
over the constitution of the land. And I pray mostdevoudy to heaven 
that it may not prove, in its ultimate elTects, a triumph over the liberties 
,oi the people. " 

Even at diat distant day, Mr. Clay saw in the conduct of General 
Jackson the germ of those principles of action — of that spirit of insub- 
ordination — which dangerous as they were in a military commander, 
were not less pernicious and alarming in a civil cheif magistrate. With 
his Iceen instincdve faculty of penetration, he discovered the despotic 
and impulsive character of the man. Every page of his speech on tfeft 
Seraitole campaign furnishes evidence of this fact. 

36 



282 LIFE AND'rL-BLTC SERVrcnS OF UENKY CLAY. 

How ihcu, when the quesJion was presented lo liim of dcciiiiug 
Uetwcen the quaiLQ.cations Q*'Johu (^u-incy Adahisand Andrew Jtickgon 
for the Presidency of the United States' — how could Hcniy Cky, as a 
consistent and lionoral'je miiu, hesitate for a moment in his choice? 
And yet an amount orohiociuy and vilupeiation, such as never before 
was Reaped upon a public servfint, has been lavished on hina because 
of liis reiasing'to vole for General Jackson on that occasioii ! Had he 
done so he Wbuid liave been false to his past professions and convic- 
lious — false to conscience, to patriotism, and the plainest dictates of 
duty. 

The resoUitions of c<^iisure,^ bein^ streneously opposed by ]\IFr^ Mon- 
)oe and his cabinet, were lf.stinthe House by a small majoritj^ The 
dispassionate judgement of postefity will inevitably accord with thcJ 
views so eloquently expressed by Mr. G'lay in regard-to General JacItsoD^s 
conduct iij Florida. 

'\Ve corne now to ttiht part of Mr. Olay's public Jiietory where he 
is lo be identified with the protective policy, uliich has since built up 
such vast inteiests in the United States In the opinion of a large 
por-tion of thepeoploit is to his triumplmnt efforts in the cause of pro- 
tection to A'mericaniiidiistr}^ and skill, that Henry Clay will be indebted 
for ins most enduring claims" to the gratitude and fipprobatiori of hJa 
cduptrynien. We have seen that as far back as 1810 he' laid' tjie 
foi^ndftti-on-stone of that great and beneficent American system, of vyhicli 
lie was the originator and the architect. 

To specify and desciil^e rdl his labors in the est ablisu went nud ad- 
yancemeiit of this noble policy, from that time to the period of his-retire- 
ment from the Senate, would alone'fiU more space than we can give to 
liis whole life. The journals of Congress and the political newspapers 
of tlie country for the last thirty years will be found to be occupied to 
no inconsidciable extent wiih the record of his efforts and arguments 
ofld untiring appeals. We can present but a very imperfect oulline of 
)]i]s glorious though pcacefid achievenicnts ip llic cause of human. 
m^Vistryj ^^^^01- and prosperity. 

On the twelfth day of March, 1816, Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, 
from the Committee of Ways and Means introduced before the House 
ti bill " to regulate the duties on impoits and tonnage, &.c. " The bill' 
Ayas thcvouglily discussed in committee of the whole ; and through the 
©exertions of Mr. Clay, a higlLcr duty was- adopted for the import^vai 
!>rticlc of woolens. The amendment however was unfortunately lost 
in (he house ; butthe bill, such as it was, was passed. 

In the spring of IS20, tlie subject cf a (aritf again can^.e before Con- 
gress; and Mr. Clay made a most interesting and impressive speech in 
favor of protective dutie?. He described a visit he Jiad lately inadc to 
(he ^yaUham manufactury, near Bostoi). There, some hundreds of 
girls and boyswere (ccuple:d in seperate apartments. The grcolest 
t)r^er, neatness, and u parent condort, reigned throughout the wlifile 
(jstoljUshment. The daur^hters of respectable farmers— in one instance, 
I^'e> rememl>cied, the daughter of a, Senator in tl,ic State IiCgislat-ure-— 
were usefully ciTiploycd.' They \Wvdd come down lo the m^xufac.tojy-, 



Ltf^k A^JD PUULtC SERVICES OP nftA^TlV CLAY 283 

F6i*liam peVliaiSs sotiic months, ahcl.rfetnia \vilh tlveir eariimgs to dieiV 
fartiflies tb assisl them tliroughoiU the year. 

"I frankly own, " said Mr. Clay on tliis occasion, " that I feel great 
solitiHitle for tlie success of this bill. Tlie ehtiie ipdependence of my 
country on all foreign states, as it respects a supply of our essential 
■Ctaiits.has ever been witli me a favorite oijj^ct. The war of our revo- 
lution affected our political emancipation. The last War contributed 
greatly toward accoinplishing our commercial freedom. But our com- 

flefe indepeiittence will o^ihj be consuinmated after (lie policy of this 
iils'htiU.bs recognized and adopted. We have indeed great difficul- 
ties to contend with ; old habits — colonial usages— the enormous profits 
Of a foreign trade, proseciUed under favorable circumstances, which rid 
loWger continue. I will not despair. 'i"he cause, I verily believe, is' 
the ca^iseof die country. It mhy be postponed ; it may be frustrrtted 
fm lite moment, hut it finally must prevail. " And it^ ibas postponed ; 
il mc(s fiUS'.rated for the moment ; but it finally did prevail. ' 

The tarifT was remodelled by the house, but their bill v.^as rejected 
ty the Senate. 

In 1823, the health of Mr. Clay , was very poor— so much so, that his 
life was despaired o*" both by his friends and hiniself. lie had altendied 
the Olympian Sprmgs in Kentucky, in the summer had been piaccct 
utid6r a slrict regimen and subjected tb a long couise of medicine. In 
spite of all remedies he felt a gtaduixl decline, and looked -forward to -ft 
epeedy disolution. In November he was to start for Washington, and 
fullf *anticipatedlhat, after reaching that city, if he reached it at all, he 
sltouid be obliged to hasten to tho South as a last resort. He procured 
a small travelling carriage and a saddle horse — threw aside all the 
prescriptions of the physician, and coinmenced his journey. Daily he 
walked on foot, drove in lys carriage and rov'.e on hoi^seback. He ar 
rived at Washington quite well, was elected Speaker, and went through 
more labor than he ever performed in the same Session, excepting, 
perhaps, the extra-Session of ISJi. 

^ ^i # * * * * * * 

Such were the consequences of the benign legislation introduced and 
carried into operation by Henry Clay. And ttiough the reverse of the 
picture may now be presented to us through the violent Executive 
taeasures of general Jackson, inflating and then prostrating the.currency, 
and the course afterward pursued, we have the satisfaction of knowing 
that Mr. Clay has never wavered in his course; and that had his warn- 
ings been regarded and his counsels taken, a far diffarsut slate of things 
would in all propabilily, have existed. 

The unanimous voice gf the country has accorded to Mr. Clay the 
merit of having been the father of the system, whicb has been justly 
,ca.lled the American system- To his personal history belong the testi- 
monials of the various State liCgislaturcs and conventions, and of the 
innumerable public meetings, in all parts of the country, wliich award- 
ed him the praise, and tendered him the grateful acknowledgements of 
the community. To his individual exertion, the inanuAicturing indus- 
try of the 'United States is indebted to a degree which it is now diilicult 



2S4 LIFE AND riRLIC SEUYIC?:.? OF llEXRY CLAY. 

to realize. By the m-agic power of liis dotjucncc, the rountiy war 
raised from a state of proetralion and distress; cities were called into ex- 
istence, and die wilderness was trul}^ nmde to blossom as the rose, 

Mr. Clay's zealous and laborioits cfToriS in behalf of die tariff can 
only be appreciated by a reference to the jounial of the House of (hat 
period. It seems as if he had l>een called upon to battle for every il.em 
of the bill, inch by inch. The whole power of a large and a]>lc opposition 
was arrayed against iiim ; and every weapon that agument, iheioric and 
ridicnle coidd supply wof? employed. John Randolph was, as on formev 
occasions, an active and bitter antagonist. Once or twice he provoked 
Mr. Clay into replying to his personal taunts. " Sir," said he on one 
occasion, " the gentlemen from Viiginia was pleased to say that, in 
one point at least, he coincided with me — in an humble estimate of my 
grammatical and philological acquirements. I know my deficiencies. 
1 Avas born to no proud patrimonial estate ; from my father 1 inherited 
only infancy, ignorance, and indigence. I feel my defects; but, so" 
far as my situation in early life is concerned, I may, without prcsump 
lion, say they are moie my misfortune than my fault. But, however I 
deplore my want o ( ability to furnish tothe gentleman a better specimeii 
of powers of veiljal criticism, I will venture to say, my regret is not 
greater than the dissappointment of this committee as to tjie strength of 
his argument. " 

The following is in a different vein. After the passage of the tariff 
hill, on the 16di of April, 1824, when the House had adjourned and 
the Speaker was stepping down from his scat, a gentleman who had 
"voted with the majorit}^, said to him, " we have done pretty well to day." 
— " Yes, " returned Mr. Clay, '' we made a good stand, considering we 
lost both our i^rf^ "■ — alluding to Mr. Foot of Connecticut, and Mr. 
Foote of New York, who l>otli voted against the bill, though it wa^i 
thought, some time before, that they Avould give it their support. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



2^Ae Missouri Quesiion — Mr. Clay resigns the Hpnakors.-li\p~Thc 
Union in dang-er — He resmncs his scat in Congress — Unparalleled 
t.Tcitenient — His compromise of fh.R Qucsiien. — Pacification of 
parties — Character of his rffoj-fs — Reception, of Lafayette in ths. 
House — Welconted hij Mr. Clay — Lafayette's reply — Mr. Clay 
and Mr. Mmwm. 



During (he session of 1S26-'51, "llie discVacting question," as it was 
feiined, which had heen the subject of many angiy and tedious debates, 
of admitting Missouri into the Union, \\'a3 discussed in both branches 
of Congress, The controvei ted point was, v/hcthcr she should be 
«-dmitted as a slave slate. 

Slaver}^ had been expressly excluded from Ohio,Tndiana, and Illinois 
by acts of Congress, on their admission into the Union. But that re- 
striction was, by virtue of an ordinance of the former Congress, under 
the confederation, prohibiting the introduction of slavery into the north- 
west leriitory, out of which these States were formed. Missouri was 
part of the Louisiana territory, purchased of France in 1S03. And in 
various parts cf that extensive territory, slavery then and had long existed. 

Louisiana had been admitted into the Union without any restriction 
■qI the kind proposed for Missouii. The States of Kentucky, Tennes- 
see, Mississippi, and Alabama had also been admitted as separate States, 
fiffevious to this p«iod, and as they were taken frosn Stales in which 
slavery existed, were made subject to no such restriction. It was con- 
tended, that ©n the same principle, Missouri should also be received, 
VitUout rer-juiring, as a condition of admission, the exclusion of slavery. 
•Ackd it was also insisted, that it vv'puld be interfering witli (he independ- 
•fint character of a State, to enforce any such restriction, vvhich was 
manifestly a subject of regulation by the State authority. 

Oathe contrary, itw^as urged, that in the old States the subject was 
"G>:pressly settled by the constitution, and Congress could not justly 
kiterfere in those States; bat that it was otherwise with new Slates 
Veceived into the Union ; in which case Consrresshad (he right to impose 
sijch restrictions and conditions as it might clioose; that it was evidently 
like intention of the old Congress not to extend slavery, having prohib- 
ited its introduction or existence in new States to be formed out of the 
northwest territory; and that slavery was so great an evil, and so ab- 
horrs^ntto the principles of a free government, that it should be abolish- 
«d oj; prohibited w+ierever it could be constitutionally effected. 

The discussion 'vent on from month to month, and from session t«r 
session, increasing in fierceness, and diverging fartlier and faitlier fioni 
*lie prospect of an amicable setlement. Among the prominent advo- 



286 LIFK AXD PUHLIC SERVICES OF MENRY CLAY. 

cates for cxcluclin!^ slavery Aoiu Missouii were Rufus King from New 
York, Oiis of Mas;3ac!uisetls, Dana of Connecticut., Seargenl and 
Ilempliili of Penusylviatiia. Of those opposed to restriction, were 
Holmes of jMassacliii3eit%, Tpaidyke and McLane of Delaware, Pinck- 
ney of ?.Iaryiaru], Randolph and Carbon r of Vkgiaia, LowBcle^ of S. 
Carolina, Olay and Johnson of Kentucky. 

A bill lor tire adnissipn of Missouri had Ireen defeated during tlie 
session of lSiS--'19; and the inilamatory subject had, during t!io vaca- 
tion of Congress been a topic of incessant contention. The press 
entered v/arndy into the controversy, "i'he most violent pamp|ilels 
Were published on both sides ; public nuie'dugs thundered forth their 
resolutions ; and the Union seemetl to be fearfully shaken to its centi-e. 
It may be imagined, then, with \\\r.,l i:ii3to.-t the next session of Con- 
gress was looked to by the peo-do 

Mapy elof[uent speeches wore made in the House upon the cjucstion. 
Mr. Clay spoke, at one time, van four'hours agaitist the restriction ; 
but there remaim no puldisliod sketcli of his remadfs. The vote hi 
the House of Represeiiiatives was several limes given to excluding 
slavery ; but the Senate disasgreod, and would not yield to the House. 

In 1S20, die peopk of the terr-ifory of Missouri proceeded to estab- 
lish a cotistitution of government for the contemplated State. Amoiig 
Other provisions, it was ordained in the twenty-sixth section the third 
article, tiiat it should be the duty of the General Assembly, '■'■as soon as 
might be^ to pass suck laws as loere 7iccessary to prevent free negroes 
aiul tmdatloes from coming to and settling in the State, under any 
pretext lohatevery Under this constitution, a State government was 
organized, and went into operation. 

This clause, for the exclusion of free negroes and mulattoes, fanned 
into fresh life the liameof excitement, which had been partially allayed. 
The whole country was now ihrovv'u irdo .commotion upon the questioii 
Gf admitting Missouii. 

Indie autumn of 1420, Mr. Clay, who had experienced iieavy pe- 
cuniary losses by endorsing for a friend, resolved to retire from Congress 
and iu the practice of the law, devote himself to the reparation of his 
ftrivale alVairs. Accordingly at the meeting of Congress, the thirteenth 
of November, 1820, the clerk having announced that a quorum was 
Vre^^iit, said that he had received a letter from the Hon. Henry Clay, 
'itvhich with .he leave of the House, he read as follows ; 

LEXINGTO^^ K}^, Cctober28, 1S20. 

■Sir : I will thank you io comm.unicate to the House of Repiesenfa- 
^ivKig, that, owing to imperious circumstances, I shall not be able tp 
xUtetid upon it until after the Christmas holidays ; and to respectfully 
'ask it to allow me to resign the oflice of its Speaker, which I have the 
honor to hold, and consider this as the act of my resignation. I beg 
the House also to pennit me to reiterate the expression of my sincere 
acknowledgments and imalfected gratitude for t!ie distingiushed con- 
sideration which it has uniformly manifested for me. 1 liave the honor 
^obe,&c., ,H. CLAY. 

Til OS. Dougherty, Esq., Clerk H. of R. 



LIKE A^D PUBLIC BEflVJ.CES OK IIErCUY CLAY. 2S7 

In view of the agilatirig question before CongTess, Mi. Clay conscnleJ 
to retain his seat as a iiicmber of tlic House^ tij] Jiis tcri)") of service 
expired, akhough no longer iis presiding officer. Early in (he 'session 
the Missouri question came up. Those ay.'io now opposed its admission* 
contended, that free cilizeu.s and nuilattoes were citizens of (licir resi- 
dence ; that as such, they htid a right, under the constitution, to remove 
to Missouri, or any oi.her state of fne Unior, and theie enjoy all tho" 
privileges and imnnwiitids of other' citizens of (he United Slates enji^ 
grating to the sam-e" place,; and, therefore, tliat the cia.tise in the consti- 
tmio.n of Missouri, quoted above, was lepugnant to that of the Unitetb 
S:ates, and she ought not to be received into the Union. 

Qii the ot-}ier hand, il was iwaintained (hat the. African race, whether 
bond or free, were not parties to our poJilica! insCituhoils ; that, tJiercforc; 
f4-ee negioes and nndattoes were not citizens, M'ilhin the meanin.o- of 
the constitution of the United Slates ; and that even if the constittilic!? 
of Missouri w^ere repugnaiH t-o that of the United States, (he latter wxis 
paraitwunt, and would overrule the conflicting provision of the former 
vHthout the interference of Congress. 

Such was tlie dlAkult and perilous question which r.ow^ ihrcatened 
a disruption of the Union. In some shape or other it was jireseiited 
almost daily and hourly to Congress ; and became, at length, a peifect 
incubus upcni legislation. In this stale of things Mi-. Clay arrived in 
AVashingtoti, ^nd took his scat in tiie House the sixlccntli of January, 
L821. ^ On the second of February, he submitted a niotion to refer a' 
resolu(it:)n'of the Senafe on (He Missouii question to a committee of 
thirteen — a number suggesied by that of flie original states of the Union 
'Hie motion wa^; agreed to, and "the following gentlemen were appointed 
a committee aocordingl}^ : 

Messrs. C-lay ofKy., Eustlsof Mass., Smith of Md., Sergeant of Pa 
Lowndes of S. C , Ford of N. York., Campbell of Ohio, Archer of 
Va., HacMey of N. York, S. Moore of Pa., Cobb" of Ga.- To'ntinson 
(Jf Conn., Butler of W.H. ' "^ 

On the tenth of the same month, Mr. Clay made a repon, conclu- 
ding with an amendment to the Senate's resolution, by which amend- 
hlent Missotiri^vas admittedupon the foHov.ing fundamental condition i 

" It is provided that the said state shall never pass any law preveutino- 
any description of permns froni coming to and settling in the said state., 
who now are or hereafter may become citizens of any States of this' 
Union, and provided also, that (he legislature of the said state, by iv 
solemn public act, shall declare the absent of the said state, to the saici 
funtlamentai condition, and shall transniit to the the President of the 
Uniicd States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next an 
authentic copy of the said act, upon tlie receipt whereof (lie Presideir^ 
by proclamation, shall announce the fact whereupon, and witlioiit any 
further pioceedings on the part of Congress, the admission of the sairb 
state iplo the Union shall be considered as complete ; and provided 
fiH-tiier, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to take from.^ 
the state of Missouri, when admitted into the Union, the exercise of any 
right or power which can nou- be constitulionallv cxciciscd by any o''' 
^e original smtes." " j . ^ -- 



2S8 LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRV CLAY. 

*#*##*# » m 

On llic fo'.uteentli of Febiviaiy, the Houses of Cougress met iti the 
}mll of the Hoiis.eof Ileprensatives to pcrfomi the ceremony of couiuhig 
the votes fof PresMeat and Vice PiesiderU of the United States. A 
scene of great confusion occuiTed wheti the votes of the electors for 
Missouri were announced by the Piesident of tlie Senate and handetl 
to the tellers. The lucnibers of the Senate withdrew and a vioteni 
discussion sprang up. By the exertions of Mr. Clay, oixler was at length 
restored, and, on his motion, a Uiessage was sent to the Senate, (luuHte 
House ivasrcaidj to proceed to the completion ofthe business of countiiig 
the votes. 

The Senate again came iii. Tlie votes of Missouri were reat>, am] 
the result of all the votes having been read, it wss announced by the 
President of the Senate, that the total number of votes for James Monroe 
as President of the United States, was 231, and if the votes of Missouri 
were not counted, was 22S ; that, iri oither event, James Monroe had 
a mni'oritv of the whole number of votes given. James Monroe was 
accoriliim'y re-elected President for four yeaia, commencing oq tiie eiv 
suifjg fourlh of March. 

While the proclaniafiou was making, two members of the Houso 
claimed the floor to inquire whether the votes of Missouri Were or weie 
not counted. Another scene of confusion hereupon ensued, and iho 
House were finally obliged to adjourn in order to put an end to ii. 

Tb.e rejection of Mr> Clay's report seemed to shutout all prospect of 
an amicable compromise. He was not disheartened, however. He 
never despaired of the republic. On the 22d of Februrry, he submitteti 
lie following resolution : 

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed, on the part of this house 
jointly with such connnittce as may be appointed on the part of thiS 
'Senate, tc consider and report to the Senate and to the House respec 
lively, whether it be expedient or not to uiake provision for the admissou 
of Missouri into tlie Union on the same footing as the original states, 
mrd for the due execution of tiie laws of the United States with Missouri; 
jind if not whether any other, and what provision, adapted to her actut^l 
tjondition, ougiit to be made by law." 

Tiii« resolution was adopted in the House by a vote of IQo to 55.— 
'X^he Senate accecded to it by a large majority. 

On the fifteenth of August, 1824, General Ijafayette, the nation'^ 
guest, arrived in New York in the Cadmus from Havre, accompanied 
by ^l^is son George Washington Lafayette. The following tenth of 
December he was introduced to the national house of representatives by 
a select onunittee appointed lor the purpose. BIr. Clay, as Speaker, 
i'e.ceived him with an address, so pertinent and elegant in its character, 
that we cauuDt resist the tcn)ptation of quoting it entire : 

" Gevbrvl- Tiie House of Roprcocntativcs of the United States_, 
impelled ahkc by its own feelings and by those of tlic ^yhoIc American 
people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty than that 
of presenting to you oiu- cordial congratulations upon the occasion of 



LIKE AND PUULIC SlillViCK;^ OF HENRY CLAY. Zhv 

■your recent arrival in the United Srates, in compjance wiLh tlie wishes 
of Congress, anil to assure )'0U of the very high satisfaction which your 
presence atibrds U3 on this early tlicatre of your glory and renown 
Allhough but a few of the members who compose this body shared 
with yoi; in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial histiry, 
or from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sutlering-s, and 
the sacraiices which you voluntarily encounterered, and the signal ser- 
vices, ia America and in Europe, which you performed for an infant, 
a distant, and an alien people ; and all feel and own the very great extent 
ol the obligations uiKler which you have placed our country. But the 
relations in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting 
and important as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of 
the respect and admiration which tho House of Representatives enter- 
tain for you. Your consistency (n't'iiiracter, your uniform devotion to 
regulated liberty, in all the vici;.oilud vs of a long and arduous life, also 
command its admiration. During ail die recent convulsions of Europe, 
amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political storm, the people of the 
United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and' 
erect, cheering and animating with your well ktVown voice, the votaries' 
of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last drop 
rf that blood v.h'ch here you so freely and nobly spilt in the same holy 
cause. 

The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence would' 
allow the palriot, after death, to return to his own country, and to con-^ 
template the intermediate changes which had taken place — to view the 
forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the 
highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learn- 
ing, and the increase of population. General, your present visit to the 
United States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You' 
are in the midst of posterity. Everywhere, you must have been struck 
with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since 
you left us. Even this very city, besuing a venerated name, alike en- 
deared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then' 
covxied its site. In one respect you find us unaltered and that is in 
the sentiment of continued devotion to libeity, and of ardent aftection' 
and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country 
and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and in the 
cabinet, for the nuiltiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very 
privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentimenty 
now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, wil^ be 
transmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the" 
countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the 
latest posterity. " 

General Lafayette was much afTected by this address, uttered as it was 
in the speaker's clear, sivect, and silvery tones ; and he replied to it in 
a naanner that betrayed much emotion. He maintained to the last sC 
strong attachment forMr. Clay. 

We have seen that Mr. Clay was at variance willi President Monroe' 
upon the subject of Internal Improvements, as well as in regard to the 
mode of recognizing the independence of the South American patriots. 

37 



200 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY, 

Notwithstanding these diflerences of opinion, the personal relations of 
the speaker and the chief magistrate were friendly. Mr. Clay was 
offered a seat in the cabinet, and a carte blanche of all the former mis- 
Bions. Had j9^o!Ce; been his ambition and his object, he might have 
attained it without any sacriiice of independence — without' any loss of 
position as the acknowledged head of the great republican party. He 
saw, however, that he could be more useful to his country in Congress. 
Measures of vital importance were to be carried through. The tariff 
was to be adjusted — the Missouri business to be settled — the constitu- 
tsonality of internal improvements was to be admitted — South American 
independence was to be acknowledged — how could he conscientiously 
quit a post, where he wielded an influence mere potent than the Presi- 
dent's while such momentous questions remained open ? They being 
disposed of he would be at libeity to pursue any course, wliicli his inclj- 
nations might indicate, or which the public interests might sanction. 



CHAPTER H, 



The Presidential question — Nomination of Mr. Clay — His qualijic&' 
tions set forth^-Generai Harrison infaoor of Henry Clay — Slan- 
ders in the House — Kremer's letter— Monstrous nature of the 
charges against Mr. C. — His course in regard to them — Appoint- 
inent of a commiltee of examination — -Complete refutation of the 
calumny — Mr. Claij^s address to his constituents — Election of 
John Quincy Adams by the House — Exasperation of Gen. Jack- 
son'' s friends — Mr. Clay'^s independence of spirit — Motives of hif 
jveferejice. 

f 

As Mr. Monroe's second Presidential term drew to a close, the ques- 
tion of the next Presidency began to be busily agitated. Four promi- 
nent candidates were presented by their friends for the suffrages of the 
people : being John Q,uincey Adams of Massachusetts, Andrew Jackson 
of Tennessee, Henry Clay of Kentucky, and William H. Crawford of 
Georgia. 

In November 1822, Mr. Clay Iiad been nominated as a successor to 
James Monroe, at a meeting of the members of the Legislature of Ken- 
tucky. The nomination soon after met with a response from similar 
meetings in Louisiana, Missouri, and Ohio ; and, as the period of elec? 
tion approached, he was hailed by large bodies of his fellow citizens in 
all parts of the country as their favorite candidate. 

The campaign of 1824 was one of the most warmly contested ia 
.pur annals. Some of the more unscrupulous of the friends of the 
various candidates resorted to manoeuvres unworthy of their cause tQ 
advance their ends. Ji.st as the election was commencing, a report 
was industriously circulated in different quarters of the country, that 
Mr Clay had withdrawn from the presidential contest. In consequence 
of this report, Gen. William H. Harrison, and other of Mr. Clay's friends 
in Ohio, published a declaration, in which it was asserted, that he 
(Mr. Clay) " would not be withdrawn from the contest but by the fiat 
ofhis Maker." Our late lamented chief magistrate was at that time 
and ever after, his devoted political as well as personal friend ; and he 
has often been heard to declare his preference for him over all other 
candidates. 

Early in the campaign it was discovered that there would be no 
election of President by the people. By the constitution, the House of 
Representatives would therefore be called upon to choose from the 
three highest candidates. In December 1824, soon after the meeting 
of Congress it was known that the three highest candidates were Jack- 
son, Adams, and Ciawford, and that Mr. Clay and his friends would 
liave it in their power, when the question came before the House, of 
turning the balance in favor of any one of the three. 



292 LIKE AKD rURLlC SKRVICF-S OF n-E:,-Jiv CLAy. 

Mr. Clay's position now wns nn cxiicinely iiir.>oi!ont one. Scvciai 
weeks were to inlervciic hrfoic iiie election ; vdid,An (he meantime, iho 
parlizans of (he three candidatro looked with intense anxiety to the 
Speaker's course. Mr. Clay's [r.cfercnces were distinctly known to his 
personal friends, for lie Iiad expieseed thcni in iiis lelleis and his con- 
versation ; but it would have been ii^idclicate and superiluous for him 
to have electioneered in LeliJtlf of any one of tb,c rival "candidates — 
to have given o-ccasiun for iuiiigucs and coalitions by ciccididg" the 
question in advance. 

While all parlies were ia this state of sn?pen?e. a pro*s and unprinci' 
pliid attempt was made to brovvbcat ?.ir. t "':■> , ! '::m; Acni wlia' 

was rightly supposed to be his position (f ■):■ ;■ Mr. .-dams' 

A letter which was afterward avowed by iicorue ::,vcn,i i\ a member of 
the House from Pennsylvania, appeared in a Philadelphia newspaper, 
called the Columbia Observer, charging J\Ir. Clay and his friends \\illi 
the most flagitious intentions — in short Vviih the design of selling their 
vote to the highest bidder. 

Monstrous as were these i:)tin:!ations, ihey were calculated to carry 
some weight with the ignorant and unreflecting. By such persons it 
would not be taken into consideration, that Mr. Clay had already de- 
,clined oflices of the highest grade under Madison and Monroe — that, if 
either Jackson or Crawibid liad iKcn elected through bis agency, the 
first office in the gift of eifht r, v\'ould indubitably have been oflered 
to bini — that, in acceprlng oiiice imder Mr. Adams, it was universally 
xinderstood at Washington he was conferring rather than receiving a 
favor — that, he might not inaptly have been accused of acting an un- 

tenerous part, if, after bringing the Adajns administration into power 
e had refused it the countenance so efscntial to its success — that he 
would have neglected the solicitations i i' !!',■" sccietaryship — and, i^i 
short, that in order tojustifj/^ his vote it Vv:-5s ii.cniubenton him to submit 
to the united voice of tlie friends of the nev/ admiiiistralion, and bring 
"to it as much of his western strength as he could lend. 

The Columbian Observer, in whicii the precious espistle we liave 
alluded to appeared, was a print sustained by Mr. Eaten, the friend, 
"biogrtipher, a.nd colleague in the Senate of General Jackson. The 
position of the writer of the letter, as a member of Congress, gave it a 
consequence, which, utterly contemptible as it is, it would not other- 
tvise, m any degree, liave possessed. Mr. Clay deemed it incumbent 
.upon him to notice it ; and he published a card an the National Intel- 
ligencer, pronouncing the author of the letter, wlioever he might be, 
"a b\isc and infamous calumniator." 'J'his was answered by a card 
from Mr. George Kremer, in which he said, he held himself ready to 
■prove, to the satisfaction of unprejudiced minds, enough to satisfy them 
bf the accuracy of the statements in the letter so far as Mr. Clay was 
concerned 

The calumny having been thus fathered, Mr. Clay rose in his place 
in the House, and demanded an investigation into the affair. 

A committJce was accordingly appointed by ballot on the fifth of Feb- 
ruary, 183.5. It was composed of some of tire leading members oftho 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENRY CLA-Y. 293 

House, not one of wliom was Mr. Clay's political frierul. Alibougli 
Mr. Kremer had declared (o the House and to the public his willing- 
ness to bring forward his proofs, and his readiness to abide the issue of 
the inquiry, his fears on other counsels than his own, prevailed upon 
him to take refuge in a miserable subterfuge. The committee repor- 
,t)cd that Mr. Kremer declined appearing before them, alleging that he 
^'•could not do so xoWiout appearing either as an accuser or a ivitness, 
both of ichich he protested against .'" 

And yet, this same Mr. Kremer, a day or two before, when the 
subject to appoint ar: investigating committee »;ame up, had risen in 
his seat in the House, and said : " If. upon an investigation being 
instituted, it should appear that he had not suffici©,nt reason to justify 
the statements he had made, he trusted Le should rer.eive the marked, 
rebrobation which had been suggested by the speaker. Let it fall, 
where it might, Mr. K. said, he was iDilling to meet the inquiry, and 
abide the result.-' 

But it is not on Mr. Kremer alono that or^' indignation should be 
expended for this miserable attempt to bolster up a ptofligate calumny 
jUst long enough for it to operate on an approaching election. He was 
merely a looliu the hands of deeper rogues. A tliick-headed, illiterate, 
foolish, good natured man, he was ready, in his blind attachment to 
jGeneral Jackson, to do any servile deed that might propogate his 
idols. 

Mr Clay has himself given an interesting account of this affair in an 
address to his constituents. 

On the ninth of February, 1825, in the presence of both houses of 
.Congress, Mr. Tazewell fiom the committee of tellers, reported the 
votes of the different States, for President and Vice President of the 
United States, 'ilie aggregate were as follows : John Q,uincy Adams, 
had eighty-four votes; VYm. H. Crawford, forty one; Andiedw Jackson 
yinety-nine ; and Henry, Clay thirty-seven. 

The President of the Senate then rose, and declared that no person 
had received a majority of the votes given for President of the United 
'States; that Andrew Jackson, John Q,. Adams and Wm. H. Crawford 
were the three persons who had received the highest number of votes, 
and that the remaining duties in the cho'.ceof a President nov/ devolved 
on the House of Representatives. He further declared that John C. 
Calhoun, of South Carolina, having received one hundred and eighty- 
two votes, was duly elected VicePresidentof the United States, to serve 
for four years from the ensuing fourth day of March. The member? 
Qf the Senate (hen retired. 

The constitution provides, that "from the persons having the highest 
numbers not exceeding three, on the list voted for as President, th^ 
House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot, a 
President." 

The friends of General Jackson now, as a matter of course, eagerly 
advanced the doctrine, \\mt a plwrdity of votes for any candidate should 
,be considered as decisive of the will of the people and should influence 



291 LIFE -VXD PUBLIC SRUVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

tlie members of the IJoasc in their votes. As if a mere plurality forsooth 
ought to swallow up a niajorJ,ty ! A more preposterous doctrine, and 
one more directly in the face of tlie constitution, could not w^ll be im- 
agined. Ii cannot he culled deniocratic, for it does not admit the preva- 
lence of the will of ihe maj&rity in the election. It was in fact a dogma 
engendered for the occasion by tlie friends of the candidate, who 
happened to come into the House witli a plurality of votes. 

Mr. Clay was not to be ch-agooned into the admission of any sudi 
principle. He resolved to be gsiided by what v/as plainly the letter and 
spirit of the coutdtution, and to give his vote to that man, whom he 
believed to be the most coinpetcnt to preside over the destinies of the 
republic. By a personal visit to Mr. Crawford he had satisfied himself 
that that gentleman was too broken down in health, to discharge with 
fitting energy the duties of the Chief Magistracy. His option therefore 
lay between Messrs. Adams and Jackson. 

We have seen what were Mr. Clay's views of the character of Gen. 
Jackson as far back as 1819, when the Seminole questson w^as before 
the House. Was it possible that he should regard those traits, which 
in the soldier, liad led to conduct, at war with the constitution, ag 

qualifications in the President? General Jackson was furthermore, 
imderstood to be hostile to those great systems of internal improvement 
and protection to home manufactures, which Mr, Clay had spent the 
best part of his public life in establishing. At least the General's views 
■\yere vacillating and undecided on these points. Could Mr. Clay be 
called upon to sacrifice those important interests on the shiine of merely 
sectional partiality — for the sake of having a western rather than an 
eastern man to preside over the Union? 

No ! Henry Clay was not to be influenced by such narrow and 
unwortliy considerations. He lias himself said : " Had I yoted for 
General Jackson m opposition to tlie well known opinions, wdiich I 
entertained of him, one-tenth part of the ingenuity, and zeal which 
have been employed to excite prciji'lM"-; r>o;,i.|f me, W'Ould have held 
me up to universal contempt; «7^/ nkl havh been u-o?^se, I 

should have felt (hat I really desn 



CHAPTER X, 

Iccount of Mr. Cla.ifs intercourse with Gnier'al Jackson — Cartlt 
Beverly'' s letter charging hamain^ corruption and intrigue- General 
Jackson the accuser of Mr. Clay — Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania, 
giving the lie to Giueral JacksOn — Final refutation of the slander 
by a cloud of u'itnesses, fVestern members of Congress and others. 

Mr. Clay has himself given to tlie public a history of his intercourse 
with General Jackson. It may be fouwd in his speech of 1838 in the 
Senate on the Sub Treasury scheme. 

^' My acquaintance," he says, " witli that extraordinary man com- 
menced in this city, in the fall of 1815 or 1816. It was short, but 
highly respectful and mutually cordial. I behold in him the gallant 
and successful general, who, jjy the glorious victory of New Orleans, 
had honorably closed the second war of our independence,, and I paid 
him the homage due for that eminent service. A few years after, it 
became my painful duty to animadvert,in the-House of Representatives, 
with the independence which belongs to the Representative character, 
upon some of his proceedings in the conduct of the Seminole war, 
which I thought illegal and contrary to the constitution and the law of 
nations. A non-intercourse between us ensued, which continued until 
the fall of 1824, when, he being a member of the Senate, an accom- 
modation between us was sought to bs brought about by the principal 
part of the delegation from his. own State. For that purpose, we were 
invited to dine with them at Claxton's boarding-house, on Capitol 
Hill, AVhere my venerable friend from Tennessee (Mr. White) and his 
colleague on the Spanish commission, wet-e both present. I letiretl 
early from dinner, and was followed to the door by General Jackson and 
the present minister ol the United States at the court of Madrid (Mr. 
Eaton.) They pressed mo earnesdy to take a seat with them in their 
carriage. My faithful servant and friend, Charles, was standing at the 
door waiting for mc with my own. I yielded to their urgent politeness, 
directed Charles to follow with my carriage, and they sat me down at 
my own door. We afterward frequently met, with mutual respect 
and cordiality; dined several times together, and reciprocated the hos- 
pitality of our respective quarters. This friendly intercourse continued 
until the election, in the House of Representatives, of a President of 
the United States, came on in February, 1825. I gave the vote which, 
in the contingency that happened, I told my colleague, (Mr. Ciitt en- 
den,) who sits before me, prior to my departure from Kentucky, in 
November, 1824, and told others, that I should give. All intercourse 
ceased between General Jackson and myself. We have never since, 
except once accidentally, exchanged salutations, nor met, except on 
occasions when we were performing the last offices toward deceased 



290 Llf E AND PUBLIC Si^llVlcES OF HENRY CLAY. 

me'aibcrs of ConL'-^-c:^-:!, or oihor oiliccr^ of government Immetlmtely 
after iny vote, a rar.coroiis v/nr was co:innet;icGcl ag-ainst nie, and aH the 
baikiiig dog.i Id loose upon me. I shall not trace it during its ten 
years' ijiiler continuance. But I tliank my God that I stand hcrejrm 
and erect, nnbent, unbroken.unsubdnpu, ui!a\vcd,and ready to denounce 
the nii.scitievous measures of this adiiiinisiia-ioa, and ready to denounce 
this, its legitimate offspring, the most pernicious of all." 

Directly after the adjournment of the 19di Congress, a letter dated 
March 8, 1825, appeared in the newspapers purporting to relate a con"- 
versaiion of thev/riterwilh General Jack^^on, in which the lattersaid that 
Mr. Clay's friends in Congress propocr.l " ' T i-nds (Gen. J.'s) that 
if they \voidd promise for hirn, that Mr. iihl not be continued 

as Secretary of State, Mr. Clay and his fniiMis would at once elect Gen. 
Jackson' President ; arid that he (General Jackson) indignantly rejected 
the proposition. Mr. Carter Beverly, the author of this letter, wote ta 
General Jackson, after its appearance, for a confirmation of its state- 
ments. 

Gen. Jackson replied, in a letter doled Jime 5, 1827 — more than 
two years after t lie charge va'i first made; and in his reply, directly 
charged the friends of Mr. Clay with having proposed to hint, (Jackson,) 
through a distingtiished member of Congress, to vote for him, in case 
he would declare that Mr. Adams should not be continued as Secretary 
of State; and insinuated thai this proposition was made by authoiity of 
Mr. Clay ; and, to slrcnglhen that insinuai ion, asserted that immediately 
after the rejection of the proposition. Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. 
Adams. 

To this propo:,ition, according to his own account, Gen. Jackson- 
returned for answer, that before he would reach the presidential chair 
by such means of bargain and corruption, "he would see the earth 
open, and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and himself with 
them. " 

Gen. Jackson gave up the name of Mr. Buchanan of Pennsylvania 
as the " distinguished member of Congress," to whom he had alluded 
in his letter fo Mr. Beverly. Mr. Buchanan being thus involved in the 
controversy, although a personal and political friend of Gen. Jackson, 
made a statement which entirely exculpated Mr. Clay and his friends 
from all participation in the alleged proposition. He? stated that in the 
month of December, a rumor was in circulation at Washington, that 
Gen Jackson intended, if elected, to keep Mr. Adams in as Secretary 
of State. Believing that such a belief would cool his friends and 
inspire his opponents with confidence, and being a supporter of General - 
Jackson himself he thouglit that the Geneial ought to contradict the 
report. He accordingly called on him, and made known his views ; to 
which Gen. Jackson replied, that though he thought well of Mr. Adams, 
lie had never said or intimated, that he would or would not, appoint 
him Secretary of Slate. Mr. Buchanan then asked permission to repeat 
this answer to any person he thought proper, which was granted, and 
here the conversation ended. And out of such flimsy materials had 
Gen. Jackson constructed his rancorous charge against Mr. Clay ! 



LIFE AND PUJJLIU SERVICKS OF HENRY CLAY. 297 

Mr. Buchanan further stated, «hat he called on Gen. Jackson solely as , 
his frieiitl, and upon his own responsibility, and not as an agent for Mr| 
Clay, or any other person ; that he had never been a friend of Mr. Clay 
during the presidf^itial contest; and that he had not the most distant 
idea that Gen.. Juc/:>:oit. /j^/iert^t/, or susoected, that he came on behalf 
of Mr. Clay or his friends, until the jjublicationof the letter, making 
that accusation. 

Notwithstanding all grounrls for the charge were thus annihilated by 
the testimony ol'tht; '• disiinguished nioniber of Congress" — himself a 
warm partizan of Gen. Jafkrion — theasiiiine ciy of bargain and corrup- 
tion was still kept up by the opponents of the administration ; and the 
most audacious assertions were substituted for proofs. 

At length, allhough not the slightest shadow of anything resembling 
evidence had been produced in support of the calumny, a body of testi- 
mony peifectly oveiwhclniing was produced against it. A circular 
letter was addressed to the western nieinbers (for they alone were accu- 
sed of being implicated in the aheged transaction) who voted for 
Mr. Adams in the el eel ion by Congress in 1825, requesting to know 
whether there ^vas any foimdation for the charge in the letter o/ Gen. 
Jackson. 

They all (with the exception of Mr. Cook, who was dead) utterfy 
disclaimed the knowledge of any proposition made by Mr. Clay, or his 
friends, to General Jaclcson, or to any other person ; and also explicitly 
disclaimed atiy negociation with respect to their votes on that occas'ibh'. 
On the contrary, the membeis fiom Ohio stated that they had determinr 
ed upon voting for Mr. A(\a\us pre /nous to their being- informed of Mf. 
Clay's inientioji, and without having ascertained his views. 

The members from Kentucky, who voted with Mr. Clay, expressed 
their ignorance of conditions of any sort having been ofiered by His 
friends to any person, on compliance with which their vote was to 
depend. 

The membeis from liOuisiana and ^lissouri, (Coincided in these dec- 
larations, and they all professed their belief in the falsehood of the chan- 
ges made against Mr, Clay, on account of his conduct on that occasibn. 

In addition to this testimony, le'lters were produced from well known 
individuals, satisfactorily establishing the fact that Mr. Clay, previous 
to his leaving his residence in Kentucky for Washington, in the 
fall of 1824, repeatedly made declarations of his preference for Mr. 
Adorns over General Jackson, tlirotigh the months of October, Novem- 
ber, December and Janmuy following, until he executed that intention 
on the ninth of February, 1825, in the House of Representatives. 

We now commence publishing the mass of evidence, with which 
we intend effectually to crush die acciTsation respecting the " bargain^ 
intrigue and corruption " cliaiged by Gen. Jackson and his tools, and 
at the same time convince the public, that in voting for Mr. Adams, 
Mr. Clay and his friends conscientiously discharged their duty ; and 
that they could not have voted otherwise without palpable inconsisten • 

38 



^98 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

cy. We commence with the Statement of Gov, Vance of Ohio, then 
a member of Congress, as were also the other gentlemen whose state- 
ments are herewith given : — 

Urbana, July 12th, 1827. 
Sir : — On my return from a visit to "West Point, I found your favor 
of the 5th of May, and with great cheerfuhiess answer the question 
therein propounded. 

you ask me as one of tlic friends of Mr. Clay, that voted for M.. 
Adams, if I knew of any proposition being made to General Jackson 
or his friends, by Mr. Clay or his friends, iliatif he, Jackson, would 
not appoint Mr. Adams Secretary of State, that we, tlie friends of Mr. 
Clay would support him for the Presidency. I say without hesitation 
that I' never heard of those, or any other ferms being thought of, as an 
equivalent for the vote we were about to give; nor do I beheve that 
the friends of Mr. Clay, or Mr. Clay himself, ever thought of making 
or suggesting any terms to any one of the parties, as the grounds of our 
acceptance or rejection of either of the three candidates returned to the 
Houseof Representatives. As one of the oiiginal friends of Mr. Clay 
I was in the habit of free and unreserved conversation both with him 
and his other friends, relative to tliat election, and I am bold to say that 
I never heai-d a whisper of any thing hke a condition on which our vote 
was to be given, mentioned either by Mr Clay himself or any of his 
friends, at any time or under any circumstances. That the friends of 
Mr. Clay while tlie election was pending before the House, were treat- 
ed with great kindness and courtpsy, by the friends of the other candi- 
dates, is certainly true, and that v;e were strongly importuned to support 
their respective favorites, is equally true : but 1 can say with truth, and 
I say it with great pleasure, that I never heard a proposition from the 
friend or friends of either of the candidates, or from any other person, 
directed either to the ambition or avarice of those having a voice in the 
election, calculated or intended to swerve them from a conscientious 
discharge of their duty. Nor do I believe it was the opinion of any 
well informed man, in the House of Representatives, until it was seized 
hold of by the Combination as the best and only means to ruin Mr. 
Clay. 

I am, widi great respect, your obedient servant. 

JOSEPH VANCE. 
Hon. T. Watkins, 

liANCASTER, May 21st 1S2T. 
Dear Sir: — Absence from home, is the reason wliy I have not, 
been before this answered your loiter, upon the subject of the letter 
said to have been written by a ''highly respectable Virginian. " 

I do not know that a friend or the friends of Mr. Clay ever made any 
proposition to the friends of Gen. Jackson, respecting the election of 
Mr. Adams as President in any way, or as respecting Gen. Jackson " not 
putting Mr.Adams into the seat of Secretary of State," in case he 
(Jackson) should be elected President. 



LIFE AXD PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 299 

Neither am I acquainted with a friend of Mr Clay's that would 
consent to be aa agent in such a degrading transaction. 

Nor can I admit tliat the friends of Mr. Cha_y had so contemptible an 
opinion of each other or of Mr. Clay, as to suppose that the appoint- 
ment or no'i-appointment of any n]an to any office would influence 
thera ia (he discharge of an imporlaiit public duty. 

Mr. Clay and his friends, preferred Mr. Adams to General Jackson 

"inerely because they believed he, in a more eminent degree, possessed 

'the qualilications necessary to tiic able performance of the higfh 

duties assigned by the Constitution and Laws to the Presinent of the 

United Slates. 

I am, dear sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

P. BEECHER. 
Doctor Tobias Watkins, Wasliington. 

WoQSTER, May 9th 1827. 
Dear Sir: — Your favor of the 1st instant, has been received. I 
had previously noticed the letter said to have been written by a " highly 
respectable Virginian^ " to which it refers. ix\ answer to your inqui- 
ries, I have to state, that 1 have always supposed iiiyself in the entire 
contidetice of all Mr. Clays supporters and friends, who were members 
of Congress at the time of (he Presidential election ;, and that I h?ive no 
hesitation in saying that I never heard the most distant insinuation 
from any of (hem that they would vote for General Jackson, if there 
was any prospect of choosing either of the candidates That any of 
the friends of Mr. Clay i\\ Congress ever made any proposition of con- 
ditions, on which their votes would depend, to the friends of General 
/ockson or any other person, I do not believe. Kad General Jackson 
been chosen, they would have felt no concern as to who he might have 
appointed memberi^ of his cabinet; and as to I\ Jr. <; lay's accepting an 
appointment uader him, they vrould, to a man, have most certainly 
opposed it, 1 judge of this from the opiiiion which I know they Qnter- 
(ained of General Jackson's want of cupacit}', and the fact that it was 
not until some tiine after tlic choice of Mr. Adams that they agreed to 
advise Mr. Clay to accept the olilce lie now holds. His acceptance 
lias ahvays been regarded by them as a favor done to the country, aiid 
not as one conferred upon him. 

If the disposition of General Jackson could have been judged of by 
the importunity of some of his Congressional friends, I should have 
supposed that a proposition of the kind mentioned, would have been 
instantly closed v^'itii ; but no such propositions were ever made by the 
friends of Mr. Clay, and none such would have been accepted by them. 

In short I feel confident that the whole 75 a vile and infamousfalse- 
/iooc/, such as honorable men would not resort to, more especially after 
having upon full consrdtation and deliberate consideration declined an 
investigation of the v/hole matter before a committee of the House of 
ilepresentatives. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, }our obcdi'^nt servant, 

J. SLOANE. 

Hon. Tobias Watkixs. 



300 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

Steuben viLLE, Gtli Mc\y, 1827. 
Dear Sir : — Yours of the 1st ciinent, stating," tliat Gen. Jackson is 
reported to have said, at his table, " in the preseiKe of all his compa- 
ny, " that Mr. Clay's fiiends niade a proposition to his iiiends that if 
they would pvom'ise for hi/ii 7iot to put Mv. Adams into the seat of Sec- 
retary of of State, Clay and his frientls would in o}/e //our make him, 
Jackson, the President, " &c. &c. and askimjmeto inform you whether 
I know, or believe that such a proposition was ever made ? Or, 
whether conditions of any sort were proposed by the ftiends of ]\Ir. 
Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their vote v^as n^ade 
to depend ? 

In reply I can only say sincerely and unequivocally, that I do not 
know or believe that any proposition of the Lii.d iticniioned, as from 
General Jackson, was ever made to the friends (■'■ iU ncwxl Jackson, by 
the friends of ^h. Clay or any of them ; and tiiat ] am wholly ignoiaiit 
of any conditions of any sort, being proposed to any one , by tlie friends 
fit Bir. Clay on a compliance with which their votes was made to 
depend. 

Allow me to observe, in addition, that the vote of the Ohio Delega- 
tion was determined upon by consultation among its members, so far as 
I kno\y or believe, without any stipulation or agreement with the 
Delegation of any other State, or individual, as to what that vote should 
be. To ray knowledge, no influence whatever, other than the convic- 
tions of each member, after a candid and serious exainination into the 
fitness and qualifications o^ tlie three candidates before the House, for 
the office of Chief Magistrate, and an ardent desire properly to discharge 
the important duty devolved upon them by the Constitution, according 
to its spirit, operated to control the vote of any one of Mr. Clay's 
friends, or himself. 

In great haste, sincciclv vo;]rs, 

* ^ J. C. WRIGHT. 

'^. Watkins, Esq. 

Gallipolis, (Ohio,) May 27(h 18-13. 

Dear Sir: — On returning home, to-day from a short joxnuey, I had 
^he pleasure of receiving your letter of the 1st instant, addressed to me 
concerning the pul)iication of a leUer, that first appealed in the '' Fay- 
etteville O'^server, " said to have been wri(U>n by '' a highly respectable 
Virginian, " containing a statement, in substance to this etJcct — that 
General Jackson, in answer to a question put to him by tlie writer, in 
presence of his, (len. J. 's company, said that Mr. Clay's friends made 
a proposition 1o his friends, that if they would promise fur him, Jackson, 
hot' to make Mr. Adams his Secretary of State, that Mr. Clay and his 
friends would make him President at the then approaching election by 
Coino-ress. You request me to fifvor you with a statement concerning 
my 'knowledge of this matter. Having been one of the friends of Mr. 
Clay, who voted for Mr. Adams, I clieerfuUy avail myself of this 
opportunity to say that I have no knowledge whatever of the above 
mentioned proposition or any other proposiiiton having been made to 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES O:^^ HENRY CLAY. 301 

Geo. JacksoR, or any of liis friend^;, as a condilion upon wliicli his or 
their vx)ie was to be giveu (o Gen. Jackson foi the.Presidenc}^ 

It may not, perliaps. b;? ;'n:;ssto add, in relation to myself, that tliongli 
I hold the public services of Gen. Jiukson in die highest estimation, 
it was well known to my cons(itnents fov many monlhs previous to the 
Iate_ Presidential election, that afieiMr. Clay, Mr. Adams was my next 
choice among the disliiigtiislied individnals who weie then before the 
people of the United .Siati's as caudidatcs for that exalted station. 

SAMUEL F. YINTON 
T. W ATKINS Esq. 

PiQUA, Ohio, ISih May, 1827. 
Dear Sir:— Yours of the first instant came to hand by the Last mail 
and in compliance with your request I will answer the intenoo-atories 
you propound. I had pnorto the reception of yonr letter re'ad thp 
publication to whicli yon allude, said to have been written b'v a '' hio- 
ly respectable Virginian," and dated at Nashville, theSthofMamh 
l^st, which tirst appeared, I believe, in the Fayetteville Observer and 
subsequently in several other p.,pcrs, in which the wiiter, after havino- 
mentioned his visit to Gen. Jackson thus oroceeds. "He (GenenT 
Jack5on,) told me thisinormng, beiore all his company in 'lenlV too 
question I put to him, conrcrniug (he elcciion of .Tohn O Afim^t^ 
the Presidency, that Mr. (Jiay 's h icnds made a proposition t^I^'^"^^ 
thatif they would pronnse/or/«.-y/, not to put Mr. Adams into th^ 
s,atofSecretaiyofState Cla> and Ins hielids would f"o 1 ^ 
make hmi, Jackson the President. He most indignantly rejectecUhe 
proposition,andcecku-.^l (hat he wo.dd not compromit himself ad 
^r^\essmoslopeu|/ a.d rairh/mudcihe President he would not receive 
it. He dec ared that he saiu to them he would see the whole earth 
sink under hira,. before he would bargain or intrigue for it " 

You ask me to inform you whether conditions of any sort were 
made by the friends of Mr Uiay, to ...y person, on a compliance with 
Which their vote was n.ade to depend ? I answer th.at no suci prooo 
sition was ever made, withm my knovledge, nor have I any cJuse to 
behevethat conditions of any sort, were made, at anv timef by Ue 
friends of Mi Clay to any person, ou a compliance with which their 
vote was made to depend. I v.iU Anther .ay, I cannot believe tm 
Gen. Jackson made the declarafion attributed to him. in the fete 
purpoiting to have been wriMen hy a "highly respectable Virginian. 
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant 

T. Watkins, Esq. Washington City. ^^^^' ^^'^'^^^^ 

Canfield, Trumbull couniy, Ohio, May 12 182T. 

Dear Sir :— Your favor of the 1st was received this morning In 

answei- to your enquiries, I reply, that I do not know or believe that 

a^y proposition was ever made by any of Mr. Clay's friends to those 

.of Gen. Jackson's, on the morning of the Presidential clcctioo, or at 



302 



LIFE AND PimLC SERVICES OF HEXIiY CLAY 



any other liivic, Isav 
from the three velu! 
conditions ol' any '• 
person, on a c. ; 

l)Ut. I ClO !>Cl!CV< 

by a " hin'hly yr - 
characi.er, iiiipii'' 
iiiends, any iuip 



nnv i'Ooiinp: on tlie candidare to l)e selected 
! {() the lioM.-i-:, nor do I Icnow or heUeve that any 
rcre proposed liy the friends of Mr. Clay to any 
■ iiicli their vole was made to depend ; 
:i made by Gen. Jackson, as reported 
■'■ . " niid ail of tiie charges of a like 
; !;i; or to TJr. CLay, or to their 
i... .. , ,.:, : ciTupt or frnuihd.ent conduct, on 
that interesting- and momentous occasions, are ba.':e r'aiidos, known to 
be such by those who p\;t iliom in circulation, yet veiy honestly cj-edit- 
ed by many worthy citizens lUy intercourse with tlie friends of Mr. 
Clay was such tJiat. hat! any proposition been made by them, I should 
have been very likely to have known of it. No man was elevated to 
^n office l)y views more pure and patriotic than was Mr. Adams, The 
assertion imputed to (.iencral .Tackson is ridiculous on the face of it. 
Admitting that Mr. Clay and his fiiends were oscillating, previous to 
the charges made against Mr. Clay, of which Mr. Kremer afterwards 
assumed to be the author, those cliarges must have seperated them from 
General .Tackson and his friends; l>nt, as between Mr. Adams and 
General Jackson, ncitlip'- 7<.lv. Clay nor his friends doubted for a moment 
whom to support, and if it had been kiiown on the day tliat Congress 
met that Mv. Clny would not be retrnned, and the vote had then been 
taken, (considering Mr. Crawfords ihness,) the result would have beeji 
,the same as when ti;e election was held. Ifxilr. Clay's friends were 
halting between two opinions, on tlie moining of the election, how 
lud, corruption, bargain, and sale, were made 
refhat>ime? If Genend Jack'son has any 
to sustain his declaration, wliy does he with- 

Yerv respectfuilv vours, 

■ ' E. WHITTELSEY. 



happens it llie ( !: _ '' 
ten days or n i- 
evide)ice in Ins ]ju--< .-M^i 
hold it from the public ? 



T. YfATKriNs, Esq. 



Dear Sir : — Your 
•a statement of the conl 
cl.djlo Yir.i 



Mansfield, O., May, 24th, 1827. 

of the 2:iii iiislaot was just received, giving 
'f a ii'tier said to iuive been written by a 
, relative to a statement said to have been 
n the subiect of the late Presidential Elec- 



Cen-n 


d, I will say tliat I do not 


(ion i 


iluded to l»y the writer of 


whei! 


the elect iou took place, and 



•'highly res; 

made by CJjuei-:d Ja 

•tion. 

Before I proceed, in jusiire to tli 
'believe diathc ever made iii^' decia 
.said letter, for the Genend v.a-^ thei 

nmst inevitably liave known that sucli a statement would carr// faJsc- 
Jiood onthe ven/face of it. It was well krown that some of the 
.friends of Mr, Clay from Ohio, would not, m any event, give their 
support to Gen. Jackson, because Mr. Adams was their second choice, 
i\nd believed to be second choice of a majority of the people of this 
State; and further. Gen, Jackson must knou' that two weeks previous 
to the election, Mr. Clay and his friends were assailed in a vulgar and un- 
gentlemanly laanncr, for declaring their intention to vote for the present 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP HENKY Cr W. 303 

^.'Executive; yet this proposition is said to bavc been made (o die friends 
' of Gen. Jackson duxt on certain conditions " tiie tvencial should be 
President in one hour, " wliich if tuic, must, have been iiia(]e only one 
honr before the Canvass took piaco in the House. This statement of 
itself needs no refniaiion except for the respectable souice from which it 
is said to hove enianaied. I was in tiie House, I believe, every day of 
that session at v/Iiich t!ie President was electc d ; and liave no hesitation 
in saying, that so far from niakin:;- any proposition or overture, were the 
friends of Mr. Clay, in iavorof the General, that had die friends of the 
General made such a proposition, ^\•e would b.ave considered it as an 
indignity otfered to our integrity and understanding. I could not have 
voted for the General in any event, for many reasons — two of which I 
will mention ; First, I believed him (\\r inferior to all the other candi- 
dates in point of talents : Second,! had dou!)ts of his being a real friend 
to the Tariff to protect the msnnfactures of our ov/n country. I will 
also mention that i had cnteriained doubts of his being friendly to inter- 
nal improvement imdcr the direction of the Geiier/d Government. 
These opinions have been, within the present year, verified by declara- 
tions, and the course pursued by Uie GeneraFs leading friends, and his 
silence on the subject, after being solicited to come out. 

M. BARTLEY. 
T. VY ATKINS, Esq. 

St. Comsville, May, 9th, 1S27. 
S'm:— Yours of the 1st instant was received the 7th, and in answer 
to your inquiry 1 frankly state to yon iliat if any such propo^idon as you 
state, was made by the friends of Mr. Clay to those of Gen. Jnckson, I 
had no knowledge of it ; and I was one of t lie friends of Mr. Clay ; 
I therefore beheve the report to be without an honest foundation. 
Respectfully yours, &c. 

JOHN PATTERSON. 
T. Watkins, Esa. 

liANCASTER, Ky., 26di Juuc, 1827. 
Dear Sir : — Yours of the 2d May, did not reach me until a day or 
two ago. Yen inc-piire whether I know any thing in relation to the 
following statement, said to have been made by * 'diighly respectable 
"Virginian": " He (General Jackson,) told me this morning, before all 
his company, in reply to acpiesfion 1 put to him, concerning the elec- 
tion of John Q,. Adams to the Presidency, that Mr. Clay's friends made 
a proposition to his friends that if they would promise, for him^ not 
to put Mr. Adams into the seat of Secretary of State, Clay and his 
friends would, in one hour, make him Jackson, the President." 

1 know of no such proposition or intimation, nor have I a knowledge 
of any fact or circumstance which would induce me to believe that 
Mr. Clay's friends or any one of them, ever made such a proposition to 
the friends of Gen. Jackson. 

With great respect, your obedient sen ant, 

R. P. LETCHER, 
T. Watkins, Esq, 



304 LIFE AND PUBLIC SEUVICLS OF HENRY CLAY. 

GKKcxr.!u:;;Gii, Kv., May 26, 1827. 
Dear Sir: — Having been abseuf, iVom hoiue, foi* some time, yoiitB 
of the 2d of this inonili was not received until a day or two since. — 
You mention, a letter, said fo have been written by a "h.ig-hly respe<"la- 
ble Yirginian," dated at Nashville, 8th of March last, which lirst ap- 
peared in the Fayetteville 0i3server, in which Gen. Jackson is repre- 
sented as having- said before all his company, in reply to a question put 
to him by the Virginian, concerning the election of J. Q,. Jdams to 
the Prcsideticy, that jlr Clay's friends made a proposition to Ids friend.5 
that if they would promise, /'or hiin, i;ot to put jMr. Adams into tho 
seat of the Secretary of Slate, Clay and his fiiends woidd, in one hour, 
make him, Jackson, Piesident." 

In answer to your inquiries on this su!)ject, 1 will remark thai I have 
no reason to believe that an\" siicn proposition was made. Indeed no 
proposition of any description, relating to tiie election of President was 
made, so far as I know or believe, by Mr Clay's friends to those of 
Gen Jackson, or of any other person. 

Vv'iih great respect, your ol)edicnt servant, 

RICHARD A. BUCKNER. 
T. Watkevs, Esq. 

Yellow Banks, lOtli June, 1627. 

Dear Sir: — 1 did not answer your letter of the 2d of May last, and 
the apology I otfer, I expected Gen. Jackson would have contradieteci 
the report of the conversation he bad with \\\e.'- respectable Virginian,^' 
or that he would have designated the fi lend of Mr. Clay who made 
the proposition to make him President, if he would not make Mr. AcT- 
ams Secretary. 

If I had not have been disappointed in my expectations, an answer 
from me would have been unnecessary. 

General Jackson remains silent, and the only inference to be drawn 
is, that he did have the conversation alluded to with the Virginian, 

I now answer your inquiiy, and say I know of no proposition made 
by the friends of Mr. Clay to the friends of General Jackson to make 
him President if he v/ould noL select Mr.Adanisto tlie seat of Secretary; 
and I do not believe a proposition of any kind was made, and I expect 
if the friend of the General should ever speak on the subject, he will 
be a second Kremer. 

Yours, with respect, 

P. THOMPSON. 

T. AVatkins, Esq. 

Baton Rogue, July 17, 1827. 
Dear SiR: — In answer to your letter of the 1st of May, in whicir 
you inquire whether I know or believe that the friends of Mr. Clay 
during the pendency of the last Presidential election, proposed to the 
friends oi General Jackson to make him the President upon condition 
that he would not continue Mt. Adams Secretary of State. I have no 
fenowledge of a«y piopositions having been made by the friends of 



LU'is: ASU PUULtC ilKRVlGKS Oi' lJ£-VltV CLAY. 305 

r\Ir. OUy or a;iy of thr.u lo t.lio fncn'.l:! of General Juckdon or to any 
oiiiDr pira,)!!, ill rtilado!! to the election of Pra/iJent ; oriKa proposition 
of con:lition"5- of any sort., oa a compliaiicc with w'nch tlieir vote 
was to dep;;:n]. I bsliavo tiu cluii-;^a wholly cl^stituto of truth. 
I am, very respeclfully, Yoitr obedient servanf, 

H. ii. GURLEY. 
DocToa T. Watxixs. 

FiiAXK^'ORT, September 3d, 1827'. 
?.Iy Dij.vii Srii : — I have received your letter of the 23nl of July 
lust, and canuat hesitate to give yon the statement you have requested. 

Soine time in t'le fall of 1824, converging- upon the subject of the 
than" pendinaf presidential eleciion, and speaking in reference to your 
exclusion from the contest, and to your being called upon to decide and 
vote between the otlier candidates who might be returned to the House 
of Representatives, you declared that you could not, or that it was 
impossible for you to 'vote for Gen. Jackson in any event.' My im- 
pression is that the conversatiosi took place at Capt. Weisiger's tavern 
in this town [Fiankfort Kv-] not very long before you went on to 
Congress in the fall preceding the last presidential eledion, and that 
the declaration made by you as above stated was elicited by some 
intimation that fell from mo of my preference for Gen. Jackson over all 
the other cantlidales except yourself. It was one of the many casual 
conversations we had together upon the subject of that election, and 
various otiier subjects, and had entirely escaped from mv mind until 
my attention vv^as particularly recalled to it after the election. 

i will onlv add, sir, that I have' casuaHy learned from my frienil 
Colonel Jaines Davidsoii, our state Treasurer, (what you may probably 
have forgotten.) that you conversed with him, about the same time, 
npon tl'io same suliject, and made to him, in substance, the same decla- 
ration that you did to me. 

Notwithstanding the reluctance I feel at having my humble name 
tkawn before the public, I could not, in justice, refuse to give you the 
rfbove stafcment of facts, with permission to use them as you may think 
proper for the purpose of your own vindication. 

I have tiie honor to be, yours, &c. 

J. J. CKITTENDEx\. 

Hon. 11. Clay, Secretary of State. 

Washington, August. 14ih, 1827. 
I certify that in the early part of the session of Congress '24-5; I dined 
at the Columbian College witli Gen. Lafayette, and Mr. Clay and 
others — on returning from that dinner to town, Mr. Clay and myself 
(there being no odier person with us) came in the same hack. During 
the ride our conversation turned on the then pcndirrg [residential 
election I expressed myself, in the event of the contest being narrowed 
down to Mr. Adams and General Jackson, in favor of Mr. A-tlttms, and 
Mr. Clay expressed a coincidence of opinion, 

^ JAMES BARBOUR. 

39 



206 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OP IIExXRT CtAY^ 

RocKviLLE, Monii^omery County, Mtl. Nov. 3, 1S2T. 
In the faU of the year 1424, I saw Gen, Call and several o(her 
gentlemen, members of Congress, on their way to Washington, at a 
tavern in Rockvillo; they were conversing on the subject of tlie pres- 
idential election-, ^nd w^hen the vote which Mr, Clay Avould probably 
give was spoken of, Gen. Call declared that the friends of Gen. Jackson 
did not expect Mr. Clay to vote for him, and if he did so, it would be 
an act of duplicity on- his part. 

JOHN BRADDOCK. 

I^HiLADELPniA, October 2, iS2T. 

Sir: — In answer fa wars of yesterday's date requesting me to slate 
to you the particulars (k'some remarks v\diich you were ii formed I had 
heard General Jackson use on the subject of the Presidential election. 
I have to state that on my way dou'n the Oliio fsom AVheeling to 
Cincinnati, in the month of March, 1825, on board of the steamboat 
General Nelville aniong many other passengers, were Gen. Jackson 
and anumber of gentlemen from Pennsylvania, some of whom remarked 
to the General,that they regretted that he had not been elected President 
instead of Mr. Adams. General Jackson replied, that if he would 
have made the same promises and offers to Mr. Clay, that Mr. Adams 
had done, he (Gen. Jackson) vroukl then, in that case, been in flic 
Presidential chair, but he would m.ake no promises to any : tliat if he 
went to the Presidential chair, he Vvoukl go with clean hands and un- 
controlled by an}^ one. These remarks were made by Gen. Jackson 
in the hearing of Mr. James Parker, of Chester county — Mr. Vvilliam 
Crowsdill of this city, and myself, and a number of other gentlemen 
unknown to me. 

I am with respect, vours, &c. 

DANIEL LARGE. 

Samuel "VYetiieriiile, Esq. 

Philadelphia, October .5, 1S2T. 
The statement made by Mr. Dan. Large in the prelixed letter, is a 
faithful account of Gen Jackson's conversation on the occasion alluded 
to. WM. CRCWSDILL. 

The following is an extract from a letter written to Mr. Clay, by 
General Lafayette, dated La Grange, October 10, ISIT, in answer 
to interrogatories put to him on the subject of this slander : — 

Blessed as I have lately been with (he welcome, and conscious, as 
it is my happy lot to be, of the atfection and confldence of all parties 
and all men in every party within the United States, feelings wiiich I 
most cordially reciprocate, I ever have thought myself bound to avoid 
taking any part in local or personal divisions. Indeed, if I thought 
that in these matters my in^uence could be of any avail, ii should be 
solely exerted to deprecate, not by far, the* free, republican, and fuU 
discussion of principles and candidates, but those invidious slanders 
which, although thesy are happily repelled by the good sense, the candor 
and in domestic instances, by the delicacy of the American people 



LIFE A^D PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY, j Zi^4, 

Kond (0 give abroad iiicorrecL and disparaging impressions. Yet, tiiat 
'line of conducL froai which I must not deviate except in ininiinei.i; 
-cases novv' out of the question, does not imply a forge tfidness of facts 
nor a refusal to state them occasionally. My rememhrance concurs 
\rith your own on this point, that in the latter end of December, either 
before or after my vssit to Annapolis, you being out of the presidential 
candidature, and after having expressed my above mentioned motives 
of forbearance, I, by 'v^ay of a confidential exception, allowed myself 
to put a simple uuqualilied question, respecting your electioneeting 
guess, and your intended vote. Your answer was that m your opinion 
the actual state of health of Mr. Crawford had limited the contest to a 
choice between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson, that a claim founded ca 
military achievements did not meet your preference, and (hat you had 
concluded to vote for Mr. Adams. Such has been, if not the literal 
wording, at least the precise sense of a conversation which it would 
kave been inconsistent for me to carry farther and not to keep«, secret 
wii'iie a recollection of it, to assist your memory I should not now deny 
not only to you as my friend, but to any man in a similar situation. — 
Present my atrcctionate respects to Mrs. Clay — remember me lo all' 
your fiiniily. and to our friends in Washington. I will write by the 
sanse packet to the President. Believe mefoi-ever your sincere obligecf 
friend. LAb'AYETTE. 

Extract fiom a letter from Joseph Kent, Governor of Maryland, to a 
geudemaa of Frankfort,Ivy. dated 

RosEMONT, May 15th. 1S27. 
" I havo seen so little of late from your s.ate upon the subject of 
politics, that I do not know whether the violence of the opposi- 
tion to the present administration has extended itself among you or 
not. Our friend Mr. Clay appears to be the chief object of persecution 
with the opposition. They are with great industry c onducting a sys- 
tematical attack upon hira which connnenced with the Kiemer story 
which was an entire fabrication. At the time the plot opened 1 was a 
member iof the Rouse of Represeiitaiives and heard Kremer declare he 
jaever designed to ciiaige Mr. Clay with any thing dishonorable in his 
life. The old man, natmally honest, was imposed on at that time by 
a powerful influence, and constrained to act his part in an atJair, which 
from beginning to end, was^s much a fiction ^s tlu Merry Wives of 
' Windsor or the School of Scandal. The attacic on IVIr. Claj-durrino- 
the late sessioia cf Congress, by General Saunders, as far a-s I could 
judge from the debate as published,provcd an entire abortion,\.V. I do not 
know which sua-prise me most, the folly of the attack, or (he inconsisg 
tency of t!ie General. You have seen, no doubt, that Mr. F. Johnson 
stated in his reply to General Saunders, that at the time of the Presi- 
dential election in the House of Representatives, he. Gen. S. \yas 
decidedly in favor of Mr. Adams in preference to Gen. Jackson. In 
confirmation of what Mr. Johnson has stated, I well remember that not 
ten minutes before the election Gen. Saunders came to me, with an 
anxious countenance, discovering deep concern indeed, and used these 
emphatic words — "I hope to (4jd you may be able to terminate the 
•lection on the first ballot, for fear we from North Carolina mav be 



S08 UPE AKP rvnuc fEP.Ticnf* of iiizkry ciay. 

forced to vote for Ccn. Jr.fi:ron." NoitJi Cr.roHiin. yoii krovv. vofcd 
in the IIouFC of KrpicM ni.iiiN c?, for ?!]:•. Crawford, v.iid'c ric;s|;rc(s of 
f-ucccps was hopelc.-^, ; 'ii!.< ; : ;• ti'o clcclor_s of tliat .'m;.!- ,'.;•.''" ii;r-ir votes 
in favor ofCen. JeuIvN.Kj. AH'-vwiiig tlic- deep inierefci you iiavc always 
taken in Air. Ciay's Vvelirae, 1 liave ijeen induced to give you for yoiir 
pcrfcona! J^ati^fac'iicn, ;!.''se pariicui.'r.T. J-.l r. <.'iay 1 have known inti- 
mately for tixlecn y( a!< ; jiio pullio c; i'rr :- « < ivipleteiy indentified 
with every everit, of tlio cotnii ry fio;ii ifai p( r^c d to llic pvcseni time, 
whetliei in peace or war. I)iJiii;g- Hie k-:(«: war i have ret-n die House 
of Rcprcsrnlniivcs, afi-r !;;ivii!:j rionc cut of Ccirndifee of the wh.oie, 
return to it, again, fnr l!^' fole piirpcfe of f^fj-rding Mr. Clay an oppor- 
tunity (then Spealcer) of" piii'.iiy'.:^- dov.n th.c dceperaie riui infuriated 
j'.dvocales of liriiish (y!'''nv.\A", iiiSnl! and injriry. Init jds enemies say 
Mr. Adams haicained widi liim, Tlii:- ;;;Mr{i( n is wiilicut proof, and 
is destitute of tiuth, a> il ]'. of mpuiy [■vi^kvx??. liis f-uperior quahfi- 
eations placed ]ii)ii ir. ilu- 1 rpnr:r;.( i,i f ( .'iaie. and idstory furnislies 
no instance wi.en fo fupfiior a nan rvrr iiad iol)arp"ain for a high sin- 
tion, for wiiich his peculiar fitness was cvidfut io every one. In 
Maryland (he Adniinis'italion is daily gaining ground, and hy tljc time 
the election occurs, I hope we sliall be able to present on undivided 
front in their suppori." 

Ti'^STIMONY OF JATvIES B. EEYInOI/>, i:sa.— The fol- 
lov.'ing is an extractfroma Circular letter of Jj\mf.s 13. Rfynoldp, hsq., 
formerly a member of Cong'ess from Tennessee, to his conslituents at 
the close of the Session of l824-25,wh!ch we tnkefrcmrsilco' Register, 
page 205. 

Atthc period m.entioned, Mr. R. was a vs-arm advocate of the election 
of General Jackson to the Presidency, on accouni, as he said, of the 
"character, talents and services" of the General, andafiim and decided 
though honorable opposcr of the claiins of Mr. Clay. He was on the 
!?pot at the time the charge of "bargain, intrigue and corruption" was 
made against Mecsrs. Clay and Adanis, and have an opporluniiy of 
knowing every thing in roferenccc to the charge, and all the circumstan- 
ces under which it originated. Testimony of this jdnd.and fiom such 
a source, must have vrcight v.ith the candid and intelligent part of 
mankind, of all paatics: 

Extract from the circular letLcr of Mr. Rcyriolds of TcvMcssee to Ids 

constituents, in the year 1S26. 

After nientioning the clcclion of Mr. Adams. Mr. Reynolds eays:— 
"This event I know, is contrary to ycvir best wislKS and i believe 
cnnlraiy to the will of a majoriiy of the people of tins Union. And 
if I a.m not greatly deceived in tjie disposition and delcrmination of 
them the hero of New ( rlcans will be the next President, who f^hall 
preside over the destinies tf this great and growing Republic. Ten- 
ncgsce, on (hie occasion did her duty. The delegation was tinanimdus 



Life iKD pcsijc stiRVicss OF rrc.vRT c:,.iT. 309 

^TV her Jackson, it i}cing' almost (lie univpr?al voice of iljcircon^ritucnis. 
' ' course wjts coasistcnt with your dionity and iiosjor, and my own 
lings. I found ao concert, or jnanygcaieal among (he friends of 
General Jackson. I sought for ao coji:; hi n;U ion, it any ihr-re were, to 
promote his election, by phicing him under obligations beyond iiis^dnty 
afterwards to perform. 1 reiterated (o every gentleman, with whom I 
conversed on the snhiact, his ciiaracter, talents and services, and sub- 
mitted his claims to their consciences and judgment. If ciny improver 
rombmation^ or comcpiioiis hove hecii emploijcd in the elevalion of 
Mr. Adams^ it is unkiisxn to me. I should most inevitably Isave 
exposed it to public view. But, in (he absence of a. I proof, who has 
made me ijie arbiter of men's motives, aiid actions, and pronounce 
Hiem infamous, j^ecaus-e they differ vvith me on siibjects of deep interest 
(o the country, acting under ihe same solemn obligations of honor and 
duty which binds us all to Heaven? I hope (he charges arc unfounded. 
Men of 2T?nt talents, Vv'ho have herctofoie stood jiigli in the regard and 
affections of iheii- fellovz-citizens, for (heir patriotic and distinguished 
services, and who have been honored v,'ith the most important offices 
witiiin the g'.ft of t b.e people, o/vci ?/c?fJ enjoy them, ought not to he 
2rat down, on slight ground of jealous suspicions. But, it is possible 
to fix guilt by evidence, the biisiness ought net to rest on nevx's-paper 
issues, and tlie murmurs of tlic disappointed ; for, much r.s I esteem 
and honor some of them, 1 would not hesitate a moment to hurl (liem 
from their high efiices, in tire manner pointed out b}^ \\\q, constitution, I 
had no favors personally to ask of any of thofe eminent men, who 
migh.t succeed to the pr?sidential chair, I want, nor expect, no office. — 
My duty aai obligations ara exclusively yours v/hile in your 
services. 

Mr. Adams is a man of eminent and distinguished talents, and I 
trust will have an honorable, prospe'-ous and happy administration, 
during the term of his election, for t'C benefit and glory of our common 
country. But it cannot be concealed that h^; is novr placed in a sin^rtilar 
and unpleasant dilemma, unknown to our puHtical history. He has 
been elected president of the U. Stales, wiih a minority smaller than the 
votes of the electoral coilrges to Gen. Jackson. This is a circumstance 
of great moment, and demands (lie serious attention of the 
people of this Tnion. The constitution ought to be amended, 
ana (he election given to (he people ; for I deem it of vilal 
importance to the well being and prosperity of ou.r ccurUiy, that 
the chief magisfiate should liave, at tlie commencement of his 
administration, the confidence and esteem of at least a mnj.oriiy 
of li's fellow-citizens. 

TESTIMONY OF JU :^ >-x. i vj l^\u Z :^. — las following is an extract 
from a letter published in the Nasliville Banner of Nov. 18di 1812, by 
JanciE Greex, now on the Bench of the Supreme Court of Tennessee 
Judge Green was a member of the Tennessee Legislatm-e, and of the 
Jackson party, in 1S2T, when Brown's celebrated resolutions on the 
subject of "bargain, intrigue and corrupsion, " was acted on, and 



310 LIFE AND VUBIJC SERVICES O^ HENRY CLAY. 

made a spoocli in f;ivor of tiie resoJutions, and against Mr. Clay. IMie 
defence of i/'" rc:--'i'fri:r! in Hic Senate, devolved on the Judge, and 
Insargiirnent w.is iniiii^'M a;id sj:)t abroad in thousands of coppies of 
" E-Viia ll.-nn'jlic;iii:, '' a. p:;|>er wiiici! uTis (hen trie organ of the Jack- 
son party in 'rv.iao.~---:'p. 

The leftcr of Judi^e Gicen, from which tiic following- cxtracis are 
taken, was in rs^ply to sonic icllections on tlic suppcitcrs of tlic^^e reso- 
lutions, by tjic Nasliville •• liig: 

It is poor reasoning, (o t^ay, that because t!ie evidence noio before tlie 
public is snflicient to exonemte Air. Clay kcxn the charge, it follow? 
that pievious to the [)nblicaiion of Mr. Clay's defence, there was no 
evidence against hini. 'J'hat is assuming the absurd position, that 
the accusatory evidence, nnist nocpssaiily be connected «-;V/(., and ac- 
con)panietl b>j^ the exculpatory pisof. a.- if an accusation may not be 
weirmade out by proof, and if the accused stand mute, be sufticient to 
convict him, — when at the same time he njay be a'^^leto adduce ample 
testimony to explain away circinr,stances ag;u;']st him. — The arginnent 
of the " Whig-, " in the paragraph I have quoted, is equally untenable.! 

My purpose lias not l>een to show thatiiilS2T, tlje Tennessee • 
Legislature had suljicieiit evidence of the facts assumed in Browni's 
resolutions, and accompanying argument; but to show, that though 
Mr. Clay was innocent of the charge — yet until he made that innocence 
to appear by his su!)sequcnt defence, circumstances Vv'ere ag-ainsf him. 
These circumstances I alluded tola my speech, the suktance of which 
was printed in the extra Hepublican. 

Indeed, it is idle to assume, that there were no such circumstances, 
when Mr, Clay hiniseif deemed, the cliaige sufficiently grave, and 
rendered sufficiently plausible, to re-quire from him an elaborate defence. 

Let it be conceded that (hat defence was full, ai-id satisfactory— that 
the letters of Cen. La-Fayetic, Mr. Crittenden, and others, stating that 
jVTr. Clay had, before Congress convened, declared that should it 
devolve upon him to choose between Mr. Adams, and Gen. Jackson, he 
should vote for the former, sufficently show tliat his purpose was 
formed without reference loathe office of Secretary of State; and therefore, 
^'lat the charge against him, of giving his vote in consideration of thai 
office is (M\ovxDU\i-:s. 

J have felt it incunib(;nt upon me, liolding the siluatioi: I do, to 
rescue my honor from ih.ii impuialiun (he Whig casts upon it, and 
therefore request (he publicoiion of this defence. 

KATlJAxN GKt:EN. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN A. ROGERS.— Col. John A. Rogers 
was a member of the House of Representative, of the Tennessee Leg- 
islature, from Hawkins county, in 1827, wlien (his charge was made, 
and he (ookan jictive part in (he deliberations of the House, then, as h.o 
did on all occasions. In (he Nachville Union, (he organ of Tcnncpscs 



LIFE AND PfBLC SEfiViCfig OF HEiVRY CLAt 311 

Locotocoism, of Nov. 5, 1842, Uie cdiior of that print, under ihe liead 
of" Powerful Witness," introduced Col. Rogers a.s a witness to sus 
tain the charc^e of '' bargain, intrigue and corruption " against Messrs. 
Clay and Adams, and compliments t'^e Colonel very higlily The 
Colonel replied to him from Grenada, Miss, undef date of Nov. IS, 
1842. The editor of the Union, refusing to publish this letter, it 
appeared in the Nashville Banner of Dec. 5, 1S42, from which ihe 
following extract is taken : 

" When it was discovered by those who were so zealous to liurry 
througli the House the preamljle and resolutions, thatmy delermination 
was to have action upon the resolution introduced by myself, an i-.dvan 
tagc was taken of my indisposition, and the resolution called up by a 
member (now dead) who was a warm advocale of the preamble and 
r^sjlutions sent from the Senate, and a motion made byanotl/er 
fidvocate to indefinitely postpone the resoloution of inquiry introduced 
by me, the friends and advocates of the preamble and resolution.^ voting 
v,'ith the mover, indclinitely postponing the resolution. Here the 
farce ended, which will fully appear on the Journal of the House of 
Representatives. I then became satisfied it was gotten up as a political 
" humbus^ " — for effect at tiie time wiih^a view of misleading the public 
mind. — I did not then believe the charge or report. I have since 
inquired into the facts in relation to the charge, and am fully satisfied 
there was no truth or any plausible foundation for such a report. 

Tiie expose given sli or tTy after that occurrence by the Hon. James 
Buchanan, a, Senator in Congress from I^ennsylvania^ whose integrity 
and veracity you cannot doubt, and tho frank and honorable acknowl- 
edgement of Carter Beverly of Virginia, published in 1841, who v^^as 
a confidential actor in- the scene, fully satisfied me that it was a slander 
ous fabrication, and one Earn satisfied, no intelligent impartial American 
citizen will believe. I feel it a duty I owe to the citizens who have 
so often honored me with their confidence, (as I have been presented 
as a witness by the leading Democratic paper of the State) to speak the 
whole truth on that all important subject, and not to permit them to be 
misled as to my views and action in the business. I flatter myself 
with the hopo, as you honored mc in placing my name in front of those 
" powerful wimesses " of the House of Representatives, you will do- 
me the justice of giving this commuirication, as part of niy tes'imonyj^ 
an insertion in your Avidely extended journal. — And accept my grai;itr.trej 
for the high expression of confidence you have expressed on the intra-' 
duction of my name as a witness. 

Very respectfully. 

Your most ob't humble srv't. 

JOHN A. ROGERS. 

In addition to the foregoing, we remark, that the Hon. Adaji 
Huntsman, now a leading Locofoco in this State, and then a Jackson 
Senator in the Legislative, who voted for the resolutions of Brown, has 



3ii^ Llffi AXD PUBLIC StllVICJ-S UJ?' IILI.N'UT CLAY. 

fcstifiecl iiiat !io " ii-.A:D ^oisviDKNCF. that'tuf.: charges v/krj: tuue/' 

,- , .' . ,. ',.,,...-....,,...(:,,.;,,;: '^■;;. Gakuett, nia^ls 

■;•:: ': cirvKiiKs to be 

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..• i ;;..,' uT G ';i. Jackson tu llie 

. . :.;''l to i.).^ iho \vicilP:3 of his COIl- 

Locofoco doubt these fads, we refer 
i 327 — they can be had in the Clerk's 

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m-NXA, >li(! I'.'sox County, ViiT^itiia. 
\)\ It will Ir^ • :' some as<onithnienf, lo 

yo;i ■ iV'V!! Piir- ■ I v»'ill not preface it 

.wiiii • :•, : ■.■■■:■■■ ■ .: ■- ■- :■■ ;. i. i jiisiify niy mind in 

\\\::' iV.r 'i: . ■■/ ' .::r^': ■ '■ ■' i.i..\ ;, C.^.:v ihvA 1 f'cei the ulmcst 

AU. •-;;:■;,. f';ir ■■.;::- since I became very innocently 

!ns!n:;r. ■;:';; :i: ' -'lie country, n very grave aitack 

nnoa \ m;;;- cl?;!: c^nllenian, and certainly a very 

Iteavy o-v- ;■- ;. > ; , , , . 'rcdin^ly desirous (o relieve you, 

as far iss I ci^;, t':'y;i I'm- sI;';!i' r. ;i!: ! -.Dy own feelings from the sev-ere 
cornnnnction th;i! is v/ilhin mo, oT 'saving been, though neiiher directly 
nor indirectly your personal accuser, yet that I was drawn indiscreetly 
jntothc representation of an attack upon you. 

It is altogcllicr unnecessary to enler i;:(o (he minute circumstances, 
fit so distant perio;!, of i;!>'v i: iinppened, and the particulars of it all'. 
The Public were at i! ,i:iently informed why and wherefore, 

I became the rclai.n- ci .;li, t-o which Ispecially allude. 

I did not solicit the account that gave the gross, abominable scandal 
of you, but merely asked if it waa so, or could possibly be true. I had 
long before heard of it, and was at the sea-t of Giovernment when it was 
represented to have occurred. The reason of my having mentioned it 
upon which the answer was given to me, was, that I thought it an 
infinite scandal upon the country if true; and, if not true, it would 
give you a fair opportimity of exculpating yourself. I had therefore 
two objects in view, v/hich are easily seen ; and from either or both I 
conceive that I ought to be exoneialed, at least from any design to do 
you justice. Imagine yourself what motive I could possibly have had 
to irijure you— a gerttleman with whom 1 !iad no difierence, with 
whoin I iiud been variously acquainted, and though never intimately 
so, yet theie was always an urbanity and interchange of civilities betweea 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY, 313 

113 that never failed to make quite a favorable impression upon me; and 
if it was not reciprocated, il was my misfortune. 1"'o strew difliculty 
in your way Vvith design was utterly improbably, at least. You, a 
distinguished man in the eyes of the nation — what advantage could I 
have. expected from a derision of you? Surely it was improbable. — 
I most assuredly and most certainly never entertained the smallest 
prejudice or unfavorable idea of you until the affair W the Fayettevillo 
letter, that appeared under my signature; upon which was founded, I am 
quite sorry to say, the charge which galloped through the Union against 
you. i" 

Your memorable pamphlet, and some letters that came out in you 
defence, were expressive of the whole transaction;. and although I 
thought at the time that you had not properly conceived me, I studi- 
ously forbore to say more than had been expressed in my correspondence 
at VVheeling which Mr. JXoah gave. 

My entire object now is, a desire I have to be exoner?.ted from the 
belief of any special desire to injure you ; for, I again declare that I 
never felt the smallest degree of unkindness toward? you, other llian 
what was at the time impressed upon me by what had been communi- 
cated. I have never since the afilair fallen in c®mpany with you but 
once, and that was for a moment only, and it took place in the Hall 
of the House of Representatives, when a ballot was going for a Public 
Printer, I was standing alongside of Governor Branch, then Senator of 
the United States, when you passed on at my back, and, without 
perceiving who I was, before you got up to us you asked how the ballot 
had gone, Mr. Brancii had not attcnted to it, and I had just taken it 
down with a pencil. I handed to you the paper, and after looking at 
it you returned it. bov/ed and passed on. Mr Branch then asked me 
if that was the first time you and I had met since the affiiir of the 
Fayetteville letter. I said yes. The matter then vanished, and I have 
never met u'ith you since. 

This letter is intended to show you that the long la])se of time, and 
the many growing circumstances of the country and Government, have 
long ago convinced me that the very greatest injustice was done you ia 
the charge made. I had, too, an opportunity lately of reading over 
very calmly and dispassionately a file of newspapers containing tbo 
whole affair and carefully dilated upon it. Mr. Buchanan, who was 
remesented to be your accuser, exhibited no proof whatever against you; 
awl' he even denied having ever made the charge upon you. I hav« 
discharged my mind in addressing myself so fully to you, and can only 
add that if a publication of this letter, can render }7^ou an essential service, 
(though I do not deserve it,) you have full liberty from me to let the 
public see it. 

^Diic circumstance I beg to assvn-e you of, that whatever my verbal 
|[P^viitten expressions of you were, (and I suppose I luust have given 
iTitlch scope to both, though I recollect now nothing of what I did say,) 
I again say that I am most thoroughly convinced that you were most 
untruthfully, and therefore, unjustly treated, for I have never seen any 
evidence to substantiate at all the cliarge. 

Before I take final leave of you, (as it may be, Snd, very likely will 
40 



314 LII'K AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENUY CLAY, 

bs the last time that any intercourse will take place between us,) I mtisl- 
be allowed to malcea few more obseivalions, though 1 am quite sensible 
that my letter has already exceeded the proper limit; yet I hazard, 
with a; gentleman of libciatit}^, nothing, I am sure, in asking a little 
furthei' indulgence. From tiic temper of the nation, and the peculiar 
state of things, it is presumable that you are to be the Whig candidate 
for the next election of President of tlie United States. You have I 
am sure, too high respect for public opinion, as you have too much 
veneration for the higii dignity of that situation, to be negligciit of it. — 
The greatest objectio]! that has bceiT yet started against you for that 
high post I am constrained to say hinges upon the old affair — which 
has been the subject of this letter ; and I am sure, as far as 1 bore any 
influence, or the representation I made against you I sincerely hope it 
will be peifectly removed by vrliat I have aheady expressed to you 
I know a great many respectable, independent, high-minded politicians 
of the country, now extending to a gr'^at distance in the Union, that 
would have supported you through the thickest vapor that has hitherto 
cast a blind upon the nation but for the circumstances referred to. It 
can surely be now no longer a matter of doubt upon their minds ; for he 
who was generally believed to be the circulator of the egregious slander' 
against you, hereby revokes his belief of it, and unequivocally declares 
that it is unproved, and standsutterly unsupported to this time, a periotl 
of 15 or 16 years, — But, like all spirited malevolence, it will be still said 
by some, that, even in this explanation I have given you of the pait I 
bore m it, tiiere is an understanding between us, and that it is all 
designed for political efTect. You and I can most readily meet the 
charge, I am sure. I have had no intercourse or interview (as is 
expressed in my letter with you for at least ten or eleven years — and 
there has been no sort of interchange h-ctween us. 

But you and I have become old enough to expect all such matters 
to arrive, and are thevefore prepared I dare say, for the coming of them. 
Then, let it be so — and I am sure w^e shall neither of us regard it. 

I sincerely wish yon heakh and happiness, and remain dear sir, 
most respectfull}', your obedient servant. 

GARTER BEVERLY. 

To the Hon. Henry Clay. 

CONCLUDING REMARKS.— The declaration of Mr. Beverly^ 
ii? certainly a very remarkable, as well as decisive statement, touchinlir 
this memorable &, slanderous accusation. It is veiy truly an ancient wrong 
redressed, as the Whig newspapers have said. Its publication seems 
clearly due, not only to Mr. Clay, whom it greatly injured, but to the 
country at large, still possessed in some quarters with a belief that th^ 
charge in question had been well grounded, and had been substantia^BW- 

This letter, then, must forever disabuse all honest men — all men 
whose good opinions are worth enjoying, of any such impressions, and 
vindicate the eminent Kentuckian beyond all fuidier possibility of doiibt. 
Th^ very makers ajid defenders of the charge have now confessed it 



LIFE .AND PUBLC SERVICES OP HENRY CLAY 315 

explodeil and utterly untrac. And any man, licli or poor, bond or 
free, " high land or low land, prince or peer, " who will reiterate this 
calumny after reading this mass of testimony, we hesitate not to pro- 
nounce a VILLAIN, in the most extensive meaning of the epithet. 

What more can now be asked of the friends of Mr. Clay? By all 
means possible to men, his entire innocence is proven — the charge 
against him is shown to he groundless. And without multiplying 
remarks, we, as one of the friends and admirers of Mr. Clay, are 
willing to rest our appeal to the mq-jnanimity of the PEOPLE in his 
behalf. 



CHAPTER XL 



Gcveral Jackson's meditated war icitli France. — Mr. Clay in the 
'Ihcenty-seventh Congress. — Mr. Clay''s Speeches. — BIr. Clay an 
American. — Mr. Clay'' s private fortune. — The person of Mr. Clay 
— his manners — eloquence. — Mr. Clay the candidate of tlie people 
for the Presidency ia 1844. — Gratitude — Ingratitude. — The Har- 
risburg Convention. — A Contrast-— Pyrantid of Mhig States — 
Evidence of Whig success in ISAA — A IThig pj-edictiou. 

[From ihe Life of Clay by Junius. 

The first instalment of ilie indcranily of 55,000^000 ol fmnce, nearly 
^;5.000,009, as negociated in the treaty of 1831, for French spoilations 
on our commerce from 1800 to 1815, was not paid by reason of the 
refusal of the French Chambers to make an appropriation ; but the 
King- and his ministry desired to pay. Arf our Executive only had to 
do with the Executive of France in the matter, there was no difference 
between them, and some courtesy was due to the King of tlie French 
in tiis inability. Bui General Jackson in his message of December, 
1834, recommended a law, authorizing rcpriscds, in case the t rench 
ChaiP-bers should not provide for the debt during the then approaching 
session. That this menacing attitude of the President of tlic United 
States should deeply wouncl the King of the Fiench, and exasperate 
the Frencl) Chambers, and the nation, is not sirange. Louis Philippe 
recalled his minister from Washington, tendered passports to our minister 
at Paris, and we were at once on the eve of war, when Mr. Ckw brought 
in his celebrated ''■French Report,^- on the Gth of Jan, 1835, the result 
of which, in connexion with a corresponding resolution of tlie Senate, 
v.'aslhe restoration of good feeling and the payment of the debt, while 
the honor fof our country was maintained This ^/jwy/ time was the 

nation saved from the horrors and calamities of war by Henry Clay. 

So bent was General Jackson on a fight with France, that he stayed at 
the Capitol till 12 o'clock the last night of the Session, urging an appro 
priatiou that would put the business in his own hands. 

Wliat thai (yongressdid. has been shown in our first tract. The Test; 
what they couldnot f/o,by reason <;f treachciy, everybody knows already. 
The Cliief that was set up by the people, had been stricken down by 
the hand of the Almighty, and in his place came one, second only, in 
the violations of trust, lo him who sold his Lord and Master for thirty 
pieces of silver. 

But Mr. Clay, schooled in the misfortunes of his country, and never 
despairing of the republic, stood erect in tl)e common disappointment, 
and witnessed the complete redemption of the country deftrred again 
by an inscrutable Providence. Shoulder to shoulder with political 
associates, himself leader, he fought tlwoiigh the Extra-Session for the 



LIFE AND PIFLIC SERVICER OF UENHY CLAV. 317 

pvinciplos and Pleasures lie had contended for (.hvotigli life, and though 
lie had wished and purposed lo retire ft'oni the councils of the nation 
at an earlier date, he yielded to tlie claims of duty, in the unexpected 
exigency of public aflairs, to attend the next Session, Failing of the 
measures which the counfry wailed for, and had a right to expect, Mr. 
Clay embraced this last opportunity to propose some amendments in 
the Constitution of the United Slates, and to bring forward his views, 
in the form of sundry resolutions offered to the Senate, as to the policy 
and measures required in the present state of the country. Each of 
these resolutions, eleven in number, was discussed at large by him the 
2st of March, 1S42. They regarded chiefly the revenue and financial 
policy of (he Government, the disposal of the public domian, retrench- 
ment and reform in (he different branches of the public service, and 
proposed to require of the Heads of the departments detailed reports on 
these several modes of reform preparatory to legislative action. 

The amendments of the Constitution proposed, were : 1. To restiict 
and limit the Veto power. 2. Tosecme to Congress (he control of the 
Treasury, by vesting in that body the appointment of the Secretary. 
And 3. To prohibit the President from appointing members of Congress 
to office, during the term for which they were elected. 

Having at the Extra Session given his aid for the repeal of (he Sub- 
treasury, and labored in vain to re-establish a sound national currency 
system, and 'having finally at the Session of 1841-2, propounded a 
system of national policy in the resolutions above referred to, together 
with the aforesaid amendments of the Constitution, he bade farewell 
to the Senate on the 31st of March, and retired to private life. 

In the speeches of Mr. Clay will be recognized the intellectual and 
moral stamp of ^his great American Statesman. There will be found, 
in his own peculiar diction, (wanting, indeed, the charm of his wia«/;er,) 
his American system, v/ith the facts and reasons, by which he so ably 
set it forth, and so triumphantly defended it; his general views of 
national polic}', as well as his views of particular questions; and most 
of the things that have made him so eminent and surpassingly influential 
in human societ3^ Hundreds of his speeches, and some of his most 
brilliant eflbrts, have been lost, for want of a hand to record them at 
the time of utterance. 

Although born in Virginia, and adopted by Kentucky, however proud 
of him they may be, he does not belong to them, be it known ; but he 
is the property of the whole country, >o which he has devoted the labors 
of hislile. From the character of his mind, and the influence of his 
position, it is morally impossible thathe should be infected wilh seclional 
prejudice. His heart, his soul is Jmeiican — all American — and he 
belongs to the Union. Can another individual be found among us so 
ENTIRELY the property of the American people ? 

Sometime previous to 1820, Mr. Clay suffered deeply by sure(3'ship, 
and was obliged to be absent from Congress two or three years, to get 
his affairs righted in the practice of liis profession. No man has sacri- 
ficed more to his country in a pecuniary point of view, than Mr. Clay. 
As no lawyer ever had better chances, he might have acquired one of 



;SlS LIFE A\ii 1»L;BI,IC SEHTICES OF IIEXIIY CI.AY. 

the .largest fortunes in tlie Union, if, instead of devoting his life to the 
public, he had spent it, in liis profession. Mr. Ciay is frugal in his 
iuibits, though not parsimonious. " Here is a Jnuidrcd dollars ^^^ said 
Mr. Clay to a young man, handing it over to him, when he come to 
consult liitn for the recovery of an estate that belonged to him by right- 
ful inheritance. " Take this, " said Mr. Clay, " and when you v^'ant, 
aiore, call on mc. " This is a fair specimen of the man. Notwith-j 
standing this liberality of disposition, Mr. Clay has saved a comfortable \ 
^nd uncmbariased estate. ' 

Mr. Clay is tall, and slenderly, but tightly built, light-haired, and 
blue-eyed. He is accused by phrenologists of eagle-eyed perception. 
They aver, that he observes all, and sees through all, and is apt to hit 
game when he fires. Some one has also suggested, th<it his mother a 
long time ago gave him a " mellow — mellow horn " to wind. Certain 
it is. if it was not naturally inusical, and of surprising compass, he has 
made it so by practice. It h^s thundered deep tones, piped shrill notes, 
and performed all manner of niusical functions between these extremes ^ 
Though it may be a little worse for wear, it is good yet, and preferred 
to all others. 

Mr. Clay has grace, dignity, and command — the first to charm, the i 
second to beget respect, and the third to excite awe. Mix them all 1 
together, and they make a vety perfect man. 

As ,to his eloquence it must have been matchless in his youth, judg- 
iiig from its effects. The couits, juries, and Legislature of Kentucky, 
popular assemblies there and elsewhere, and both Houses of Congress, 
have successively, for nearly half a century, been swayed by him. 

We have never yet seen the Whig man that could make up his mouth 
±0 say otherwise. The simultaneous rush of the Whig piess, of \*» hig 
.conventions, of Whig assembles, formal and informal, of nineteen 
.twentieths, if not ninety-nine hundreths of the Whig parly throughout 
the Union, to put forward the name of Henry Clay "for 1844, after the 
faithlessness of the Acting President was placed beyond ejuestion, is a 
Jiiost extraordinary fact ; and the constantly augmenting power of this 
general feeling, is another remarkable fact. The suggestion, that it 
ivas unseasonable, cannot well be sustained. It was an extraordinary, 
smparalleled position of the public mind. All confidence in the unfoi- 
lunate choice that had been made of the second on the ticket of 1840, 
%yko, by a melancholy event of Providence, succeeded as principal, was 
lost The great and victorious party of 1S40, was without a'chief, and 
temporarily doomed to a most vexatious overthrow of their hopes.* If 
they could not rally without delay, and concentrate s their afi'ectious 
elsewhere, they would be scattered to the winds. So far from .being 
linseasonable, it was 7?ecfS5iV7/. It was the irresistable action of the 
instincts of self preservation. And where else sJioidd they — could they 
go? AVait they Quust, but not to know v;hat they might hope for in 
the end, was like the agony of final dissolution — like the winding-sheet 
of despair-. 

Most fortunately, fortunate beyond all example in such a case, (here 



UPE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLaY. 3 {^ 

was a niaa not unknown to fame — a man whom they wouMvuid sliouM 
have had before — a tried and faithful man — a nian equal to an)^ and 
all emergencies, as proved by almost every variety of public service for 
forty 3^ear5 — who never faltered or made a mistake in the great exigen- 
cies of the nation — who filled the eye of the great world, and for whom 
the world cherished a profound regard — a man equally respected at 
home and abroad — and whoso high endowments and rare gifts seemed 
to have been made and modelled for tl'e occasion. Upon him, without!' 
pause, and with unexampled unanimity, they fixed their eyes and their 
hopes. A more seitled, or more determined purpose has rarely, if ever 
characterized a state (*f ihc public mind. As well im'ght you turn back 
the rivers, or roll back tlie tide of the ocean, as to oppose these accumu- 
lating forces. 

If there has been occasion for \\\q saying, that " republics are un- 
grateful, " -we do not yet consent that the libel describes tiie American 
people. It ^vas gratitude that led the people of this country into one of 
the greatest mistakes they ever committed. Gen. Jackson did us great, 
eminent, heroic service, as a soldier. Not to confess it, would indeed 
be ungrateful. And military achievements are always attractive, impo- 
sing and captivating with a susceptible and generous people. But the 
very qualities which made Andrew Jackson a great general, unfitted hrni 
to guide the helm of 6tate. That strong and unbending will, which is 
the best qualification to lead an army, is the worst possible to preside 
over a true democracy, the will of all is to be consulted ; that despotic- 
authority which is necessaiy in tlie field, is most unsuitable in the Chief 
Magistrate of a free people ; and that impetuosity which bears down a 
foe^ in the onset of batde, will carry away the pillars of a republic. 
Here is the secret of the misfortunes of our country in having chosen- 
fov President such a man as Andiew Jackson. But it was gratitude 
that made him President 

While Gen. Jackson was the military idol of the nation, Mr. Clay 
Avas borne down by the calumnies already noticed' — calumnies which for 
a long period, poisened the public min'J, but which have since been 
driven and chicfiy eradicated from the field they occupied. He noiv 
stands before the whole country a patriot as spotless as he is disinteres- 
ted, having the advantage, not only of his recognised merits, but of a 
man, who, emerging from a. dark cloud of aspersion, justified by th<5 
certificates of his foes, and ennobled by tlie dignity of his bearing while 
suflTering injustice, is received into the bosoms of a generous people with 
a thousand fold more enthusiasm, than would otherwise have been felt 
for him, with all his exalted gifts, " He is too good to be President, " 
w^as all that could be urged against his nomination at Harrisburg in- 
in 1839. We shall see whether such a libel on the Amrican people 
will be proved, now ihey know what he h. Not till it is proved^ will 
we conaant to the charge of ingratitude on this republic towards such a 
man. 

We may assume it as a principle, that a departure from demo- 
cratic or republican practice, in the action of the representatives of the 
people, will result badly. All know that the Harrisburg Convention, 
of 1839, dissappointed the wishes of the great majority of their constit- 



320 LIFE A^D PUBLIC ^EilViCES 01<^ HEXUY CLAr, 

ueacy^ aiiil that tlie uuj rmura of the Wliig party were alarming, when 
the result was anaounced. Nothing but the pccaUar and distressing 
state of the country, so imperatively demanding a change in the Govern- 
ment, could have united them on such a romiaatioii for the campaign 
oflS40. Nay, if Mr. Clay had not himself gone forward as captain, 
taken the colors into liis own hand, and dashed into the thickest of the foe, ' 
nt the head of his own legions, saying, " il is for the countnj, and there- 
fore for me, for us all, ''^ the summons to the onset would have 
failed. " If, " t'le Convention f^hall lead them to the choice of 
another, " (than himself,) " as the candidate, far from feeling any 
discontent, the nomination will have "my bf>st Irishes, and receive 
MY CORDIAL SUPPORT, " Sucli magnanimity is not common in the 
selfish squabbles of this world. 

Such being the facts, the inference is fair, tiiat the nomination gen- 
erally desired by the people, would have been successful in a much 
o-realer degreee. Availability, if anything other than the wishes of the 
people be brought into the question, is a dangerous doctrine to act upon 
in such a Convention, as it takes the question out of the people's hands, 
and is hostile to the true principles of democracy. Did not n. feiv, txvcry 
decide the nomination at Ilarrisburg, a.o-a^'^snhe wishes of the people? 
The result has been immeasurably disastrous. Who ever thought of 
John Tyl''r for the Vice Presidency, in the appointment of the members 
of that Convention ? Tt was the Ar.s^ error which led to that fatality in 
the second. Once break loose from sound principles, and there is no 
knowinf where we shall land. An impromptu nomination, made at 
the discretion, and on the responsibility o( representatives, is a perilous 
one. We say not this for reproach or rebuke, but because we still have 
before us the selection of a 5eco«^ to him who is already pointed out 
by the acc'nmations of the people, and because the saddest experience 
of the nation, has taught us, that tJiat selection may be momentous. 

In 1829, at the end of Mr, Adams' Administiation, it could be said, 
that Congress laid been independent, and the dominant power in the 
republic, as the immediate representatives of the people ever ought to 
be. Then our commerce, agriculture, and manufactures were in a 
most flourishing condition, never so much so ; our currency systj^m was 
sound, the hest in the world: labor was sure of employment, and of a 
fair reward ; there were ^<d\Y brokers, usurers, and money-lenders ; work, 
and not speculation, was the business of the people ; our habits were 
simple and democratic ; and our nntionnl honor and commercial credit, 
without a stain. We were a prosperous, wealthy, thrivihg, happy 
people Such Was the state of the country when its Government "was 
conducted on the principl-^s of Mr Clay, and he a j:ait of the Govern- 
ment. 

But in 1829, democracy was superseded by One ?>Ian Power ; 
Congress became a mere Fjxecutivc tool: a train of devastation, social 
and commercial, moral and physical, such as no other conutry ever 
experienced in so short a time, from similar causes, followed; our 
manufactures were nearly prostrated ; trade was paralyzed ; agriculture 
was depressed -, the currency .vasruincti; general morals were corrupted ; 



yAL'E AXD PUBLIC SKKVICE:^ OF HtuN'Rr CL^Y 



331 



our honor sullied and our crrdit n-one ; wild and miaous speculations 



drove industry and ecoii-i ' i 

jobbers lode ilie nation v 
meat ofthe country, in aii .10 .m,.,.c 
auction to the hialiest bidders in a s' 



ic lic'.d of enterprise > brokers and 
;;tul outofllesh. and the Govern- 
ics and aj^encies, was put up at 

:ieni of utter poUlical venality and 



" Look on this picture — then on that. " 
PYRA.MID OF WHIG STATES.— We present our readers with 
a Pyramid of Whig States, tliat have irone for "Harry of thk West," 
in t!ie Legi.slafive, Gubenalorial, or Congressional elections. By turning 
to page 229 of tliis woik, \h^ reader will see, that these J/fieen. 
States, are entitled to | 5i t Electoral Votes, under the late appor 
tionment law, in the r-Icclion of President and Vice President Of tho 
United States — while It^S only are required to elect! 

This glance at out capital in hand, our "stock in trade," will serve 
as an important matter of reference \n tire aporoaching contest; — it will 
give new and additional vigor tothe heaite and arms of those who iiavc 
never faltered, and ensure cconstancy and courage to those, who have 
felt like fainting by the way, in the dark hour of adversity. _ Let us see 
how stands our accounts. Fhe following balance sheet, in the form 
ef a Pyramid, presents an exliibit which must banish from the minds 
of all true Whigs, the last remaining doubt of our fmal succes 



m^. 



CLAY STATES ^ 



o n I o 

]v[ A I N E 

GE'-'RGIA 

VERMONT 

DELAWARE 

I N D I A N N A 

KENTUCKY 

MARYLAND 

LOUISIANNA 

TENNESSEE 

CONNECTICUT 

RH(*DE ISLAND 

PENNSYLVANIA 

MASSACHUSETTS 

NORTH CAROLINA 

41 



f^ -LIFE A^D P8B2,C SERVICES OP OEXKY CLAY 

Here then are fifteen States, entitled to one hundred and fift^- 
ONE Electoral Votes, every one of which is nlorally certain for 
Henry Clay ! In this estimate we have not claimed a single State 
which any iinpredjudiced Loeofoco will not readily grant us. Wer 
assume nothing which is not' ours, and yet we start out in May next, 
with a positive and available capital of THIRTEEN more votes than 
are required lo elect ! 

And now, where are the States our adversaries can claim with equal 
certainity? Tan Buren will get New Hampshiie certain; Calhoun is 
swQ of South Carolina, and Col. Johnson can carry little Arkansas, if^ 
he try ! Cass is as good for rvlichigan as if her vote had already been- , 
cast. Where can either of these Presidential a?pirants name another 
State, certain, with, perhaps the exception of Missouri and Alabama? 
One of which is for Van Buren, and the other claimed for Calhoun ! 

We pray our Whig friends to look at this state of things — cast all 
doubts to the wind — act like men — fight like soldiers — and the battle 
is ours! 

A POLITICAL PREDICTION.— Though we are not a prophet 
nor yet the son of a prophet, we nevertheless venture an important 
prophecy, twelve months in advance of its fulfilment. In addition to 
the above named 15 States, giving 151 Electoial Votes, we predict that 
Virginia, New Jersey, and New York, casting 60 votes more — in all, 
211, will certainly be given to Henry Clay ! 1 hus,out of the 26 States ^ 
giving 275 Electoral Votes, Mr. Clay will get 18 States, giving 211 
votes! Mark our predictions, and if it fail, denounce us as a false 
prpohet ! 



APPENDIX, 

[FroBji the Joiiesborough Whig of December 27, 1843.] 

THE X-ASl'^JONESBOROUGH CARD! 

Allow me, gentle reader, to say a very lew words to you. through 
the columns of my paper, in vindication of my character, from a slan- 
.■derous attack which has been made upon me, personally, by an infa- 
mous old blackouard,thougk amembct of the Church to which I belong 
(/. M. Smith) and repeated by the Tennessee Sentinel, Abingdon 
YiRGiNiAN, Boston Olive Branch and Sanders ville (Ca.) Tel- 
escope — four infamous papers, conducted by convicted liars, expelled 
Metbodist Preachers, thieves and debauchees. This man Smitii, of 
himself, is not worth notice ; and but for the fact that he baa beeu 
encouraged in his dirty course by a portion of the leaders of LocofocoiBOi 
here — such as even go to the Legislature, and his slanders taken up la 
three other States and re published, I would treat him and his pubhea- 
tionsvvith the contempt they deserve, and have heretofore received at 
my hands. But I am no longer at liberty to remain gilent in rclatioa 
to a slander which has been published in four different newspaper*, 
within the last three years, and that too in four different States Justice 
to my children, to the Church wuh which I am identified, and to the 
great pelitical party with which I am associated, require a refutation of 
the foul slander in question. 

The reckless originator of the slander alluded to, has been a constant 
writer for the Sentinel, for yetu's, and in that time has villified every 
Methodist and Presbyterian Preacher whose name has been connected 
with VVhig politics, wdiether justly or unjustly, and every female in 
East Tennessee who has dared to appear at a Whig Convention, 
whether they have resided in Jonesborough, Greenville, Elizabethton 
Rogersville, Rullcge, New-Market or Knoxville. In turn, 1 published 
his son John Smith, to the world, for having fled from this town to the 
" far off west, " for stealing money out of Eason's Store, in the true 
style of Locofocoism. 

The Editor of the Sentinel, I have published to the w^orld, with the 
evidence, as guiUy of almost every crime known to the criminal laws of 
the country ; and by way of retort, he has takeii up the slander of Smith, 
and published it, altho' he confessed in an open Methodist Conference, 
in April last, that Smith's character was such that even he could not 
eftdorse it ! 



.'334 APPENDIX. 

Boih the Editors of iho Abingdon papor, arc ivhat has been mis- 
called Ref'ormsd Meihodists^ and frora iCAtarkn malice have been led 
to oppose me. One of them, a private nienibei of that. Church anly, 
is a renegade irorn the .lletl^odist E{)U':<>2jal (^Inncli, and from the 
iiocofoco party He has been in Xim prboi hounds of Abingdon, and 
lived in aduJlery witii a notorioiis Vv'oman, fo tlie annoyance of a decent 
\^ife. The other Editor of that paper, a Preacher, once fled into private 
l{fe\ for stealing some money from a Mr. iMayo of Abingdon ! 

The Reverend Editor of the Olive Bra^^ch, after making a violent 
assault upon me, I published to the world, as having been expelled 
from the Methodist Episcopal Church, for the sin — rather the Locofoco 
virtue of seduction ! The more contemptible Editor of the Georgia 
paper, after an unpiovoked attack upon me, I held up to public gaze, 
for his unmentionable and disgraceful associations, on one occiision, in 
Alabama. And now, forsooth, in order, if possible, to bring me 
dov/n to their degraded level, thes'e miscreants have coppied into their 
columns the unfounded slander of Smith. 

^ The object had in view in fabricating the story, the particulars of 
■Wv-hich will be given, parcniheticalJy, was to provoke me to some act 
fey wdiich my enemies would be enabled to get at me in the Church, 
*• a consummation most devoutly to bo wished for, " and one they 
have tried to effect, annually, for the last foui yeara, but without tho 
least degree of success. 

To those who know me personally, I need scarcely say, it is 
unnecessary for me to repel such foul aspersions as those in question, 
but to those at a distance, who know me not, I beg leave to submit the 
fullowing very short, but certainly conclushe documents :— 

To THE Rev. V/. B. Winton : „. . , 

Siu— As you are travelling m charge 
of theJonesborough circuit, I ta" '' ^ " ' ' -r ■^;;r-ing Jeremiah 
M. Smith ofliie Jonesl, n w,.;, ^ :; LAI^uancl 

MALlOIOlJy SLANDKi:, ;„ ;:. ... ...M, minebentmel, 

and otherwise, that 1 was whip^ .nity of iNashyiile,^ during 

the time of the Convention oj L- i , ^ " -ling Jewelry. Lpon thi9 
charge I demand his trial in the Churcii. 

Resnectfidly, &c. 

W.G. DROWNLOW. 

Nov 6th, 1843. 

Mr J M Smith:— You will plcnsc be at the Church in Jonesbo- 
rough, on Tiiesday the oth of Ixcrr.-bvr, at iO oVlcck, prepared to 
answer to the above ciiarges. . ;,: , ^vr lyiNTON 

Not. 6th, 1843. Pnachcr in charge, 6^-0. 



AFI'ENDIX. 325 

V/heri the day of trial came, i!ie Circuit Picacher appf!ared with a 
Committee of five x-)}cai, to &et us (rior-s — (luce of wluTn were Demo- 
}-cats, and two were V»'hii;-s, Ii- vr]:-r,> .-'.aiii'i piil.>licly sta'ixl \i". v^ms 
willing to be tried. \\"c hru: .! i>o!;ces on oiht-r, ;o aiiend at 

divers points to take tesii.n ;,-. . ,^ m ,hj. tc^iimouy i desired, 

but he utterly -/adcd to g-cl any, ai; ' :;._;:!■>. Me then denietl 

having made any su.fdi eliarge r.o;. in , i;;/, l.'iii ihcn i prodnced two 
numbers of the Sentinel in which !^e hud m;uie the char'^e direct, over 
his proper signature, ami two an;. • in which !.io had 

repeated it, beside several ofiicr ur- ; ofliers b.ad charged 

it upon his authoiity ! He li; — 

The Committee enquire:! '.jf '.. ' : .Mid 

him, whether or n,' ::noiiy to su^tam hi.^ charge — 

to which he leplieJ l....„ .... l „:;..- ..,:, >,;;if i/uU he could 'p^ui^e otkev 
things ! 

As the affirmation was not made out by my accuser, I of course was 
not required to prove a negative, arid here I'ae trial v/ould have termin- 
ated in the conviction and expnlnon of Snnlh; but as my conduct 
while at Nashville liad been mifinvues-nited in vo;!<n:s re.-spects, I asked 
and obtained leave, to reaJ the foUovving documents, that I migiit be 
mi right before the Church : 

Nashville, Tep;., November 20th, 1843. 
Deay Sir: — I received your letter, just on the eve of leaving home 
pn a trip of 8 or 10 days, Aom v/luch i h,a\e jii^t returned. That it 
might certaiidy receive attend". i li -.'•-; i: . ■ ■"■•■■ r,:>M!^ \'orvell, with a 
note, in wliicli I informed liii: ome for some 

days, and requesting him to <■ 

You request my statement on ;;; '■ ii ■ lajs legard I have 

for you, and the hiendsb!;) r-:i- ;. ,;:,.;■ aii me to do 

you any favor in my p- io make 

proof that you arc nui :■ ^^pt^d for 

stealing. No mail li\ i: lios. 1 uu should 

ziot deem them wortliy , . with a forma! array 

of evidence. Tidnlc of tin;:;. 

Very sincerely, Your Friend, 

F. K. ZOLLICOFFEE. 

Wm. G. Brown^low, PISQ. 

AT:iEN?^,T!;-., November 9th, 1S43. 
Wat. G. Brownlow : — IJear Sir, your letter of the 0th iVist is before 
me. The object of your enemies about Jonesborough, is to provoke 
you to acts of rashness, bui I hope you have prudence enougii to defeat 
them. Tlie story to which you allude, is too ridiculous to excite any 
other feelings than those of pity and contempt for its vile author ; and 
if he be a member of the Methodist Episcoptd Church as you say, it 



326 APPEXDIX, 

proves that, Gliurch (o have, at lea.?t, one unworlhy member. He 
certainly did not fabricate it witli fin expeciaiion of it? jjeing believed, 
and if he did yon nec;l no proof till the afnroiati- n is niade out, which 
will not only never bo done, but never even o:tei,}:j-,::d. As, hov^'ever, 
you desire to i;-o further {han simply to defer.d, and prove a negative, I 
cheerfully subjoin a 

STATEMENT. 
I state and certify, that I was at i^as'iville during said Convention 
of 1840, wbere, duiing said ConveniitMi, I had the pleasure of associa- 
ting with W. G. Brovvnlow. His conduct so far as it came, under ray 
observation, and so far as 1 lieard from others, v/as unexceptionable, no 
charge of any kind being made against him. I have been at Nashville 
frequently since, and never heard there, from fiiend or foe, an accusa- 
tion against Mw Brownlow's moral character. I never before heard 
of the ridiculous story of his stealing jewelry, I know it is not possi- 
ble, that such a thing could have occurred there, and not been 
heard of by me, particularly as I k;io\v he had there political enemies, 
anxious to assail his character, and eagerly v/atcliing for an opportunity. 

SPENCER JARNAGIN. 

MuRFREESBORo,' Ten., Nov. 20^1,1843. 

Mr. Brownlow : — Being requested to state what we know of your 
conduct in this part of tiie State, in the summer of 1840, when a 
Delegate to the Nashville Convention, we remember that you and 
John'^M. Lea Esq, being called upon as East Tennesseeans, addressed 
the Convention at MmlVeesboro' a few days previous to the great 
Convention at Nashville. 

We were frequently with you at Nasliville during the Convention, 
where you went with the crowd from Murfreesboro.' You returned 
to this place after the adjournment of the Nashville Convention, to 
whness the great combat between Messrs. Giundy and Peyton. 

As to the foolish charge of stealing jewelry, now brought against 
you, we never heard of it till we received your letter of the 6th inst. — 
We are certain that if any thing of the kind had ever occurred here, or 
.even been charged, we would have heard of it, and if we had not, your 
political enemies would, and they would have given it to the world. 
■ Had this wicked slander not gone beyond the limits of this State, it 
would need no attention from you, for even vom- enemies will never 
^believe il DAYiD W. DICKINSON, 

VVM. LEDBETTER. 

The two following lei I ;ms are from the Stationed Preacher in Hunts 
ville, and the Presiding Elder of the Nashville District — gentlemen who 
have been acquainted with me for years : 

PIuNTSviLLE, Ala., Nov. 21st, 1843. 

Bro. 15rowolow : — A few days since, I received yours of the lOrh 
inst., touching a publication made by Mr. Smith ; in which, you say, 
he charges, that during the Convention of 1810 in Nashville, you were 
publicly whipped in the vicinity of that City for stealivg jewelry. 



In reply fo y©ur first question • " How lor.giiaveyou been acqainted 
U'ith me, and finm vour aoquaiiilancc wvald yon siip[)os'; me capable 
of such an act ?" i have to ?ay, that i niuL'.e your actjuaintance about 
twelve years a^'o, and fioin my knowledge of you, do not thnik you 
capable of such an act. 

* To your 2nd : " How lono- jiave you been residing in Nashville, and 
in what years .did you live litere ?" I answer, I have resided in Nash- 
ville above four years; and lived there in the years J 836, '39, '41, & '42. 
In answer to your ;?;d (jiicsUon : " Did you not frc(|uent]y see me in 
Nashville durino- the se.v^ion of the Legislature in 1841; — was I not 
generally at Churc'n ; and was I not invited by H. 11. W. Hill to his 
house to dine, in company with yourself and A. L. P. Green, the Pre. 
siding Elder of the Na.^hville District?" I saw you frequently in 
Nashville during the session of the Legislature of 1841— and met you 
several times at Church ; you also dined at H. R. W. Hills' with A. 
L. P. Green then Presiding Ehlerof the Nashville District and myself, 
and you was by him invited to preach in the McKendrie Church. 

To your fourth question: 'Could any such thinghave occurred atNa&h- 
ville in reference to me without your having heard it?" I reply, that 
I am fully persuaded, if such thing had occurred at Nashville in refer- 
ence to you, during the last ten years, I should have heard it;' and I 
knew not, until I received your letter, that any one had ever charged 
you with having been whipped ui any way for stealing any thing 
whatever, at Nashville or elsewhere. 

Respectfully, 

JNO. W. HANNER. 

NASHVILLE, November 22nd. 1843. 
W. G. Brownlrw : 

Rev. and Bear Sir — On )iiy return to this city 
after an absence of several days, I found your fiivor awaiting me, and 
HOW hasten to answer. 

You inform me that some person in yoin- section of country, a mem- 
ber of the Methodist Church has published or circulated, a false and 
slanderous report on youiself [y\z.) that you was whipped in the neiglv 
borhood of Nashville sometime since, for stealing Jewelry - and that a 
Religious Newspaper, called the Olive Branch has given credit to the 
report and that from the fact that the circulator of the report is a 
Member of the Church, and that credit seems to be given to the report 
of the newspaper abovementioned, iias made it necessary that you - 
should pay the subject a passing notice, and wish me to say something 
of what I know of you and your character and your conduct while in 
Nashville at the tifne in which you are accused of being whipped &c. 
In answer I would say, that as well as I recollpct, my acquaintance 
began with you in 1827, and at first our acquaintance was intimate 
and on my part at least, agreeable, but of late years I have seen you 
but seldom, and the principal information that I have recieved, from 
you has been through the columns of political newspapers. 

With respect to your conduct v/hile in Nashville, I take pleasure in 



328 



JiPi'E.\DIX. 



savins' t,i,-;i, i lici 

bill, \f;.,.l -.i:^ i:, 

neyi^i-:, , 

a repoil m llii.-i p 

a report evi-!ed \ 

heen f- . 

have g^ 

report i:.. ;■, ■ 

Mv£e!f LU. 



of your 57yi«^ ox. doing anytbing" 

'■]i,'!i-,iiirr ofa gentleman, and I may 

liy, Of being whipped, 1 

. :,iither was there ever such 

I have heard of — and had such 

ould lint have a tingle individnal 

^Lcquainted with you, Avho would 

'suppose some person lias raised the 

y — :i:r.y God bless you 
;.!i'j ;iiiccUuna!elv. 

A. 1.. P. GREEN. 



15ih. 1S43. 



3Ir. \<:i. G 


. Bnow:s 


Lu\v : 


ing some foi 


'/ shin del 


«; 


showii ]n;\ ; 


,,.l 1>,. ;,. 


-M: ,■,: 


huiubl:? ;■-■ ;i 


.,;';i;r iii 


\\.\V. 


I was at the 


Convent 


ion i;i 


and remained for manv day 


thmg of the 


chai'cr:' ■/■ 




such circnm 


ilanc;: 




it and indee 


1 the r 




3'our vilest e 


nemv 




association^ 


whn": 




never heard 






at ihatjOr en 







\ I'Atx to Gen. Zollicolfer, touch- 

;^?j'ated agair;st ycu, has been 

' pleasure in bearing my 

; r from the base a~pe;s:on. 

:;i iTiis city, in August, 1840— 

urned. I did not hear any- 

i:.!, and am persuaded that no 

' occurred witliout my hearing, 

jise and base ^ tliat no one — even 

eve it for one moment. I know your 

.- most honorable character, and I 

ii char.\cter, during your visit to this city, 

Vc'.T Respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES C. JONES. 

Nashville, Nov. 12. 1S43. 
Dear Sir :— The infamor - S.cih I learn from your letter 

to Gen. Zollicoffer, has been . r you by one of your neighbor?, 

touching your visit to Nashviiie m August 1840, strikes me with the 
utmost Vstonisliment. Fro: ii a personal knowledge of your whole 
conduct on that occasion, I laiow the charge to be ultcrly destitute of 
truth. A few jiours after your airival, on the Saturday afternoon pre- 
ceding the Convention, I found you aiMr. Samuel D. Morgan's wath 
part o1" the Alabama delegation. At my urgent request, you consented 
to join a number of the Editorial fraternity, in attendance on the Con- 
vention, at mv house, where you remained till Wednesday or Thursday 
of the succeetlinfif week, and until you left for East Tennessee. Your 
conduct during the time was gentlemanly and entirely unexceptionable 
and a'^'reeable, as all my Editorial friends who were with us, would 
doubifess bare me out if now called upon. Nor did I hear the remotest 
suspicion of or allusion to any word or deed of yours during your stay 
in town calculated to reilect discredit upon your character as a gentle- 
man much less to impeach your name as an honest man. And sure I 
am, from my intimacy \n\h " the leading Whigs of Nashville," that 



APPENDIX. 



320 



if anv thing like the li-ansartion charged by your enemies had taken 
place, the facts woukl have been made known tome. I am equally 
sure thatsach a transacuoii had never been heard of /iere, till published 
in East Tennessee, and I venture to add, it will nevsi^ be believed even 
by those who are bitterly opposed to you in politics,resideiit in Nashville. 

You were here again in Octeber 1841, for several weeks,in free and even 
confidential intercourse, not only with ''the leadining Whigs of Nash- 
ville," but with the Whigs of the Legislature, and no one, I presume, is 
so intolerant in his political sentiments as lo believe, that such an asso- 
ciation would have been countenanced or tolerated, if even the suspicion 
of the transaction alluded to above had taken place in 1840, had been 
entertained. You are at liberty to make such use of this letter as you 
may deem riglit and proper. I leave home in a few hours for New 
Orleans, and have had no opportunity since reading your letter to Gen. 
Zollicoffer, to confer with those, who, I presume are included by your 
accuser, among " the leading Whigs of Nashville." They will, I 
have no doubt, join me in acquitting you of the infamous charge re- 
fered to. Very Respectfully, 

C. C. NORVELL. 
W. G. Browmloav, Esa. Jonesboro,' Ten. 

Nashville Nov. 17th 1843. 
Rev Wm. G. Brownlow : 

Dear Sir — Your letter of the 6th inst., to 
Gen. Zollicoffer has just been submitted tome, in which I learn, to 
my great surprise, it has been publicly charged against you in substance 
that you were " taken up by the leading Wliigs of Nashville, during 
the Convention of A.ugust 1840, for stealing jewelry, and tied to a 
ceder-tree in the vicinity of the city, and whipped and made to give up 
the properly: " and I am desired to say what I know of the truth or 
falsehood of the charge. 

It would be a difficult task with me to imagine a more unfounded 
SLANDER. I met you the evening before the Convention, horse in 
hand, and before )'^ou had gone to quarters — I was with you every day 
during your stay here, you were at my house at times, and dined with 
my family as M»s. Foster told me, the day you started on your way 
home — you were here again at the meeting of the Legislature in 1841, 
and during that sojourn, spent iwo nights with me on my invitation. 
The,7i, before nor sincc^ did I ever hear o^ihe, false and slanderous 
charge, not until it met my eye this evening in your letter to General 
Zollicoffer referred to above. Of iis uilcr falsity I do not entertain a 
moments doubt : for it is impossible that the circumstance, so heinous 
and disgraceful could have occmed, and at the same time escape my 
knowledge, and the knowledge and observation of the liiourands who 
filled this city on that occasion. I feel confident that the wicked fabri- 
cation, if it was now made public here, would surprise the people of 
Nashville of all parties, as much as it has surprised and astonished me. 
You can make any use you please of this faithful statement. 
Your friend, and servant, 

EPHRAL^IH. FOSTER. 
42 



330 APPENDIX. 

REPORT. 

The Committee appointed to try tlie case of J. M. Smith, unanim- 
ously agree, upon the evidence produced by W. G. Br«wnlo\v, (See 
Documents) that the charge made hv J. M. Smith, contained in tlie 
Tenneosee Sentinel, IS WHOLLY WITHOUT FOU.NDATION 
IN TRUTH, and that the proof produced and read by Biowniow, 
triumphantly acquits him of the charg^e made by Smith, in the Sentinel, 
and thai i/ie said Sinit'i is g-j^lltu as charged by said Brownlow. — 
All (,f which is respectfully submitted. 

LANDON C. HOSS, [Whig.-] 

ISAAC G. WATSON, IDern.' 

JOHN T SMITH, IDem. 

.Tonesborough,Tenn.,^ SAMUEL MILLER, [Dem.' 

December 5th, 1843. C JOHN LACKEY, [Whig-: 

I read the above report to the parties, and informed Mr. Smith that 
lie was no longer a membei of of the Methodist Episcopal'Church, his 
crime being such as is forbidden in our Discipline, and by the Word of 
God. From this decision J. M. Smith took an appeal to the (Quarterly 
Meeting Conference, to be held in Joncsboro,'o:i vV'ednesday the 20lh 
December, 1843. W. 13. WiNTON, Chairman. 

J. D. Gibson, Secretary. 

Well, gentle reader! (for gentle I presume you to be, in the perusal 
of so grave a matter as this — and if you are otherwise this calm address 
is not made to you) — the time for holding the Quarterly Conference 
arrived— a full Conference, composed of men of both political parties — 
and after a patient and full investigation of the whole affair, that body 
adopted the following preamble and resolutions, by a unanimous vote: — 

WiiEiiKAS, J. M. Smith, a member of the Methodist Church in 
Jonesboro,' lias been expelled by a committee of live, on a charge of 
wicked slander and malicious lying, preferred against him by W. G. 
liiownlow, and whereas said Smith has appealed to the Quarterly 
Meetino- Conference for the Jonesborough circuit now in session (Dec. 
20, lS43.)in the town of Jonesboro', thercfcie, 

Resolved, by this Conference, that from (he abundant evidence 
before us, the charge made liy Smith, against Brownlow, upon which 
Brownlow charged him, is without foundation in truth, or any pretext 
for its fabrication and circulation. See charge. 

Resolved, that the decision of the Committee finding Smith guilty, 
be, and the same is hereby confirmed, and that this preamble and these 
Resolutions, be spread upon the records of this conference, and that a 
copy of the same be furnished said Brownlow, injustice to him, and 
that a copy be furnished to tire C. A. &- Journal, Richmond Christian 
Advocate, and S. W. C. Advocate, for publication, signed by the 
Chairman and Secretary of this Conference. 

C. FULTON, Chairman. 
S. GREER, Secretary 

In addition to all this tcslit'.try, Smith liimself, when he was about 



APPENDIX. 



331 



to bedis graced, by his expulsion from (he Church, rose up in open 
Conference— confessed he had done wrong;— and declared tliat he 
never beheved (he foul charge himself! And had it not been for the 
factSj'hat the conference had no confidence inthe sincerity of his pxetetided 
sorrow, and that he had long deserved expulsion, they might have 
been disposed to sympathise with hiin. They, however, had either to 
confirm the decision of "the court below," oi grant him a new trial, and 
they chose to do the forme. 

The proof of this groundless calunmy is now before the public- 
proof which show^s most conclusively, that there never was, e? en the 
shadow of suspicion upon which to fabricate a tale of the kind— ocida?' 
and cuianeous proof, from tbc highest sources in the State, of its entire 
falsehood. 

Persons at a distance Avill wonder wtiy I did not no(ice this slander 
sooner, and in some other wa/j, as it has been repeated by its filthy 
author for more than three years in succession. Tiic author. Smith, 
though a constant writer for the Sentinel, and a prominent member of 
the Locofoco party in this tov/n, is wholly destitute of character, save 
what chai-sicter his membership in tlie Church gave him— he is ragged 
and lazy, and Avithout credit, having neither the sensibilities of man or 
beast. "Hence, the feelings vrhich have induced me to withhold from 
the public any'noticc of him, still 'perate— feelings I assure the pub- 
lic in which he has no share. 

And now, I have no controversy Avith Smith ; and had not other papers 
taken up his slander, and qfj'ecicdio believe it, there is no point beyond 
which consideratiors of contempt, for this old loafer and vagabond, 
would cease to inlluence my silence in reference lo anything he might 
charge. His opinions, and the opinions of as many more I'ke him, us 
could stand between the Gulf of Mexico and the Cod Fisheries of 
Maine, upon any subject personi-dly aflecting me, Avouldbe a inattet of 
supremecontemptjifit were of importance enough to insprie even 
that emotion. 

In conclusion, my vindication in this matter, wMth all honorable men, 
IS now complete. This assault I have termed the last Jonesborough 
card ; and in fabricating this slander, faction and party spirit have cer- 
tainly done their vrorst. Combined party influences, acting on a few 
reckless prints, have caused them to give it circulation, v/hen, at heart, 
their conductois did not believe one word of the whole story. Time, 
which tests all things, has seen Truth rise in his giant strength, in this 
affair, throw of the trammels of party spirit, and personal hatred, and 
do justice lo one who has ^'f aught witli beasts at Ephes:'.s, " and for 
a series of years, has had an eye' constantly and exclusively to (he good 
of his country. And in the midst of all the snares set around me, I 
content myself wi(h the poetical and philosophical consohaiun in regard 
to the malice of my foes, that 

" Time at last set all things even, 

And if we do but watcii the hour, 

^^here never yet was human power 

Which could evade if unforgiven, 

Tlie patient search and vigil long 
Of him who treasures up a v/rong. " 



332 APPENDIX. 

[From the Joiicsborougli Wlug of Feljruaiy S, 1843.] 

'' MURDER WILL OUT "— xlTTEMPTED ASSASSINATION^ 

In the Spring of 1S40, a vile an;l cowardly affompt was iimde to as- 
sinate the imdeisigaed, wlio thea resided in the viiiag(; of Elizab' ':itoi), 
by his personal and political eneiiiie.:-!, of whom, he believers that arch 
hypocrite, L. C. Hai/iies, to have been ihe chief. This man, logelher 
with a few oth^r kindred spirits of his, luis industriously sought to make 
the impression ihat tlie attempted assassination was the v^'ork of the 
undersigned, and his personal and political associates, in order to destroy 
said Haynes and his associates, in public estimation. The design of 
this publication is to convince every impartial and unprejudiced mind, 
that such an inference is wholly inadmissible. And if, in giving a brief 
liistory of this affair, together with the testimony which has come to 
light, the undersigned succeeds in sliowing where guilt is apparent, he 
will expect, and iii return demand the revjuirements of justice. 

For this recourse to the "immortality of print," at this day, by the 
undersigned, Mr. Haynes may blame himself and his prompters. This 
course is deemed necessary by the writer, not only as a protection to 
himself against the slanders of the malicious, but likewise to those of 
his friends v/ho have been unjustly assaulted, by this band of assassins. 
In the face of the facts, therefore, which the writer proposes to submit 
to the public, it will require no ordinary measure of credulity, to believe 
either Haynes or his brother-in-law, Doct. Powell, innocent of a prin- 
cipal agency in this matter. 

The undersigned, in submitting the facts in this case, intends brevity 
and not ^. war of woid? — not a wai- which begins with luords, and ends 
with words — but a war of facts — a war in which trutJt is llie weapon 
employed. Of course the writer wages no other war with a band of 
unprincipled men, who hold themselves irresponsible in person for the 
licentious liberty of their slanderous tongue^-, — men, who shelter them- 
selves from responsibility under the plea of having " obtained more 
Grace," or that of having made a profession of roligion— and crying out 
against the immorality of the practice of carrying concealed weapons? 
Mr, Haynes is now a licenced preacher, it is true, but he has "stolen 
the iivery" of the profession, to give him access to the unsuspecting 
confidence of olheis. His depollment is any thing else, than the in 
dication of a devout and serious mind. The writer knows him well 
and sees too plainly, that while with his lips he affects to be the servant 
of the people for Christ's sake, his heart is imbued with a lying and 
hostile spirit. Already with the pcc.ple, have "coming events cast their 
shadows before," and Mr. Haynes feels the necessity of something else, 
than clerical vestments, to vindicate him before the public. He cannot 
go "unwhipt of justice" any longer, and thereby continue unsuspected, 
to practice his impositions upon the communiiy. The moral sense of 
the communiiy is shocked at his conduct, and the curient of popular 
sentiment has "set in strong against him. A man who has sought to 
villify others, as he has done, under a hypocritical pretention to piety, 
whose soul is steeped in moral polulion, cannot now expect the public 



w) judge asfavoraljlyof liim, as they would of a more unostentatious 
■ nd less pretending iikva. 

It is not becnise he is ofthe IiO"oforo parfv, that tlie undersigned 
urns expose him, had h' : ■ ^ical persuasion, the same 

justice would liave Wee, Iter, under siunlar cir- 

cumstances. Neither are inc rou-ious pnacipies of the Methodists less 
true, because Mr. Ilaynes, a newly licenced preacher is an iniposter; 
«ot a religious sect in the country co-^' ' ^'•> ;■! were it (o be tested by this 
rule. _ There have been among ail -lers, who like this man 

crept into their respective churches, , .. ..cw to accomplish what 

they could net otherwise efiect. Even in the days ol' the Aposiles, there 
crept into the Church, "wolves in sheep's clotl\ing, who spared not the 
flock " But the cause of Christianity, with the developnrents already 
made, has nothing to fear from the vile and pointed toucli of this 
jgnoininous impostor. 

EDITOR OF THE V/HIG. 
STATE A:ENT 

On Monday night of the Circuit Court in Elizabethtoa, March 2nd, 
1840, between the hours of b and 'J o'clock, of a dark and cloudy 
night, while i was setting by njy iireside wiiting, a gun ol some descrip 
tion was tired at me, througii the window on me back part of the house 
out of the garden — a distance of some tv/elve or fifteen steps, loaded 
.with two small rifle or pistol balls — breaking one pane of glass, and one 
small bar of the sash, some twelve inches irom the sill of the window. 
Both balls passed near my breast, over the candle stand, on which I was 
writing— one entering into the chunney piece, and the other penetra- 
ting the ceiling close by — both of whicn were afterv/ards extracted by 
the company present. I instantly sprung to my feet— and the back 
door of the room being open, dashed into tlie gaicien — drawing a pistol 
from my bosom — and pursued ihe vilhan ni the direction I heartl him 
run through sonte dry weeds, and over a few old planks, to a low gap 
in the garden fence— and as he was crossing, lired at him, a distance 
of not exceeding twenty steps. 

From various considerations, 1 was induced to expect an attack 
during the week, but expected an attempt would be made to mob me^ 
not to shoot me in this way. — Accordingly, and at my request, James 
W. Nelson, was in the house with mc, and had come to spend the 
night. Mr. Nelson from a slight indisposition, occasioned by head. 
ache, liad thrown himself on the bed, but with his pistol in his pocket. 
he had lain down on the bed, about three or live minutes before the 
fire. He sprang to his feet instantly, and aiVer I fired, or as I lired 
passed me, and snapped at the siVme villian three times, between iho 
lime of his crossing the garden fence, and the fence of the outside lot. 
Upon returning to the light, however it was ascertained that Mr. Nelson^ 
in running and cocking his pistol, lost the cap oil", and had each Inne 
snapped without a cap. 

My wife, a black boy, and a young lady, living with me, were in 
the kitchen, not exceeding ten or twelve steps from the house door, 
bakcing some pies, with a good lire and the kitchen door open. The 



334 APPENDIX. 

nurse was ill the house willi me, and said, thai, at, the moment of the 
report, she was in the act of hiying- the child into the cradle. 

There seems to liave L'cen two viliians concerned, though hut one is 
beheved to have ciosried ialo the garden. H. O. Macken, my next 
door neighbor, upon Iieanag tlie repoit of tlie gun or pistol, which ever 
it may have been, ran out mto his back yard, and heard one man cross- 
ing his lot, towards tlie River, and making in the direction from my lot 
The next morning, in company with .Tames W. Nelson, and various 
other citizens, I examined the tracks of two different persons, the one 
about common size, the other quite large — the ground being a light, 
sandy soil. 

^^ . G. EROWNLOW. 

" I hereby certify, ihntthe foregoing statement by Mr. Browuiow, of 
the shooting into his window — of my being at his house, on the bed — 
of the part 1 acted — and of the other statements therein named, is 
correct, as I personally know. I could and would, if required go into 
further particulars, but the above statement gives all the facts, and the 
snbstance of what I would have to state. I have ever been satislied as 
to the source whence the shooting came, and concur with Mr. 
I^rowulowin his suspicions ofitsorigui. 

JAMES W. NELSON. 

" I do hereby certify that I was at Wm. G. Brownlow's house, on the 
Monday night of the March Term of the Circuit Court in Ehzabeth 
ton., in i84U ; and that after I had returned home and had been seated 
some 8 or 10 minutes, I heard the report of a pistol or gun in (he direc- 
tion of Mr. Brownlow's house, whereupon my hearing him call for 
myself and Nelson, I sprung up and ran into my back yard, when I 
saw the Hash of Mi. Brownlow's pistol, after v/hicli I heard the footsteps 
of one or more persons crossing tlie upper end of my lot. 

The situation of my lot is such that a person would have to cross it, 
in running from the back door of Mr. Brownlow's then residence into 
the main street. 

11. O. MACKEN. 

Nov. 20, 1840. 

DEFENCE OF HAYNES. 

The defence set up by Haynes, against the charge of being concerned, 
•will be fourid in the following extract of a letter, published in the 
■^' MuKFREEs BOROUGH Ti MI'S, "' of August 29th, 184(), over his proper 
signature,. The reader w ill ::ee liiat he makes false charges, charges, 
never alleged by his opponents, and then answer them : 

" He has charged us with an attempt lo assasshmle bim ! It is 
believed here, that if any suclr atlvmpi. was ever made, that it was 
perpetrated by no one else, than by the iicv. William G. Brownlow. 
Thus he stands in the estimation of luuidreds of the lirst men of East 
Tennessee, as the infamous perpetrator of an attempt at his own mock 
assassination. Hear the circumstances. 

1. He says, (hat he received intelligence of his contemplated assassi- 
nation two weeks before it was to transpire, on (he Monday night of tliC 






APPEXDIX. OOJ 

circuit, court. The people here think, (hat if any man had intended to 
have assassinated Mr. Browulow privately, that he would not have 
informed liJm of his intention to do so, on a certain night — but would 
have kept it a profound secret in his own breast. But it was not kept 
a secret, and therefore it is reasonable to be supposed that, Mr. Brown- 
low originated the scheme in his own heart — perpetrated the deed with 
his own hand, that he miglit once again command the commiseration 
and sympatliies of the people. 

2. As he says that he was informed the assassin would do, he accor- 
dingly came on the said Monday night of said Court, and atS o'clock 
as he sat writing by the iiYejircd in upon him, the people here think, 
that no man would have selected a public occasion at 8 o'clock at 
night upon which to have perpetrated a crime so horrible — and that 
Mr. Brownlow having beeniniormed that this same Monday night, was 
the night of his intended assassination, could not have been writing in 
V e\v of immediate death, any thing else than his last will and Tesia- 
ment — and that nothing less than a desire to have departed to an 
unknown world could have induced him to have left unclosed his 
window on that evening. 

3. Ke says, that the assassin after having fired on him, Avalked off 
and sat upon the yard pailings,and renuiined there, until he Brownlow, 
went out and fired a pistol at him once and some other gentleman 
snapped three times. The people here think, that after firing, the 
assassin Avould have immediately lied. They cannot believe, that he 
w^ould thus have sat in perfect indifference while pistc^ls were firing 
and snapping around him. And it lastly has been said by other gentle- 
men, that Mr. Brownlow could not have been sitting where he says he 
was and have escaped the ball. " 

To the foregoing statement by Haynes, we add the sworn testimony 
of Ben Dulaney, before Turkey town Bill Carter^ published by 
Haynes, in the Sentinel of Nov. 14, 1840, which constitutes his defence 
and which is all we understand him to rely upon for evidence to acquit 
him of guilt in this affair. I^et the reader examine carefully both sides^- 
and he will see where suspicion rests : 

'* Having been called upon to give a statement of facts, relative to 
the charge made by the Rev. William G. Brownlow, against Landoii' 
0. Haynes, of an attempt to assassinate him at Elizabethton, on the- 
Monday of the circuit court for 1840, I now state that I was at Mr. 
Brewer's hotel in Elizabethton on the said Monday night, and distinctly 
heard the reports of two pistols or guns, in the direction of Mr. Brown- 
low's house, which were nearl> simultaneous; at which time, I wa» 
engaged in conversation with the said Haynes, at Mr. Brewer's hotel 
aforesaid and do further state, that from my personal knowledge said 
L. C Haynes could not have been present at Mr. Brownlow's, at the 
time the reported attempt at his (Brownlow's) assasination was to have 
been made. 

B. L, DULANEY, 

August 30th, 1840. 

I^ersonally came, Benj. L. Dulaney, with whom I am well acquain- 



336 APPENDIX. 

ted, before me William CLiiler, an actiu:^ Juf-tice of the Peace, for 
Carter counLy, and made uatii that the a.bjvc MaatA'iiieat of facts is true, 
as above stated. Tiiis iJist Ausfust, 1S40. 

WM. CARTER, J. Peace." 

OUR REPLY. 

Having given the dofenco of Haynes, we next subjoin the testimony 
of our witnesses without comment, leaving the public to draw their 
own inference : 

Elizap^etiitox, Carter C0|Lmt} , Nov. 16, 1S4.0. 

Under a sensd of feeling that ju.=iilcc is due to all men, I am alone 
induced to give t he follov>'iii^' st.if Lament of facts. On Blonday night 
of our last March Circuit Court 1 was at Mr. Brewer's tavern, where 
there was divers persons, some of them seemed engaged warmly in 
political discussions, and in a few minutes. Dr. Joseph Powell rose 
from his chair, said to Col. Landon C. Haynes "we had belter go," 
or something to that effect, and as ho passed by him \\c touched I'liiii on 
thz shoulder and they v/'al:ed to (he fiont door of the house where 
Ben]. Dulany was, they all three sto;id and talked a few minutes in 
the door, then they stepped to l/i ' ' : of tlie tavern , they there 
seemed to hold a chat, a few m' r, and Doct. Powell and 

Landon Haynes set off to Vv-ards tii'j rsKni ivjuse along the street, and 
Dulany returned into Mr. Brewer's house. I then came home and 
in a few minutes I stepped in the porch, next the main street, just as 
I stepped out I heard the report of guns or pi^iols, as I supposed and 
thought the sound was ia the direction of Mr. Brov/nlow's. I then 
returned into tlie house and went to bed, and m a short time I was told 
whilst ia my bed, tliat soiiie person had shot at Brownlow through his 
window. Witness my hand, the dale above written, 

JAMES P. T. CARTER. 

■E!,:::ai;[-tittox, Nov. 20lh, 1840.. 

Rev. Wm. G. Bcowxt.ow :— Oear Sir, You request me by my 
friend Fletcher, to st;iic \vltai I know in relation to a matter of contro- 
versy between yourself and Col. L. C. Haynes. 

You ask me to say whether or not Col. Powell and Haynes were in 
Benj. Brewer's House, at the time a Pistol or Gun was liredatyou the 
Monday nigiit our Circuit Court, at March term 1840. I was boarding 
at Esq. Brewer's, at trie time this occurrence took place, and was in the 
Bar-room with several gentlemen together with Cols. Haynes and Pow- 
ell, loho 1 mdicsitatinghj SCI) f left the House in company previous to 
the report of the Gun or Pistol. 

This communication is made to you sir, not for the purpose of 
offending any individual, but in justice to yourself. 
I am, with respect, vours, vfcc. 

'DAVID W. CARTER. 

Piedmont Furnace, Nov. 28th, 1840. 
Dear Sir : 

Yours of the ISlh inst, is before me. In answer to your 
inquiry in relation to your impressions of the person or persons who 



APPE^/DIX. ' 337 

attempted to assassinate you, 011111115 ^^^^ ciicuit court at Elizabetlilon, 
Ten., ill the spring of 1840, I remark, that at the time of the firing of 
the pistols or guns, I was in the back room of the biiikhng which I then 
occupied with my family, «/p?f minutes after the reports of the ^u?is 
or pistols, il being about S o'clock at night. I heard some person or 
persons cry out at the top of their voice, " niidnigh assasins. " I has- 
tened to the store-room where 1 had left my son, H. . P. Murphy, S. 
Patterson, T. J. Powell and William Rockhold, Jr. They had stepped 
out on the platform, in front of the Store. I inquired what that hol- 
lowing meant. Some one spoke and said that some person had shot 
at Brownlow, and that Garland and Robert Powell were quarrelling. 
Meantime Landon Haynesand others, came to where we were standing. 
Haynes as did others of the party, who were opposed to Brownlow, 
appeared to be 7iiuch agitated, while those who were friendly towards 
the latter, seemed to be composed and collected. This agitation which 
was so apparent, caused me at first to suspect that they had some knowl- 
edge of the awful deed ; but on second thought, I think it might have 
been produced from the fact that Robert W. Powell was in a dispute 
with Mr. Garland. 

I should not have made the statement which I have, only from the 
fact that I see an eflbrt making to induce tlie public to \)elieve that the 
whole matter originated with yourself. This belief may be entertained 
abroad, but certainly not in this section of the country, for all the cir- 
cumstances connected with the case, go to establish the fact that some 
person attempted to assassinate you. From my long acquaintance 
with you, your own statement would*be sufficient to satisfy my mind. 
But tli-^. public have the concurrent testimony of James W. Nelson, who 
was with you at the time, and tvho is above suspicion in point of 
veracity. Yours, Respectfully. 

A. MURPHY. 

Being called on by Mr. W. G. Brownlow, to state what I know 
telative to his suspicions as to Landon C. Haynes having shot at him, 
after night during the week of the circuit court in Elizabethton, last 
Spring. I have thought proper to state that I, together withT. J. Powell 
Samuel Patterson, and William Rocklrold Jr. were in my father's store 
on the public square, where I had been engaged all day in selling 
goods, when, somewhere about 8 o'clock we were suddenly called to 
the door by the sound of a voice exclaiming " muderers, midnight 
assassins, " &c, or words to that import. There was an unusual rush, 
^pjparently from all quarters towards Brownlow's residence, and on inqui- 
ry, some one passing by, said that Brownlow had been shot at through 
his window. Immediately Landon C. Haynes came up from the 
Direction of Dr. Powell's residence, and seemed as did others of the 
party piesent, opposed to Brownlow, greatly agitated. He forthwith 
enquired, with seeming great surprise, and a faltering voice, what was 
(he matter, and what shooting that was. On being told that Brownlow 
bad been shot at through his window, he spoke of it as a very strange 
circumstance, wondered who could have done it, and after making 
some other remarks, all of which I do not now recollect, he went out of 
my presence. About the same time two other gentlemen walked up 

43 



338 



jiPl'EKDlX. 



before the siore door, one of whom I took to be Mr. Brewer tavern 
keeper at EIizabelhton,and who remarked quite composedly, addres- 
sing myself, my father, and others, that such proceeding were out of 
the question, and asked whether the citizens of the place ought not to 
unite and put a stop to such conduct. 

HAWKINS P. MURPHEY. 

Nov. 2Sth 1840. 

Carter County, Nov 21st, 1840. 
Tiiis is to certify that a few days previous to March court in 1840, I 
asked Landon C. Haynes to loan me a pistol, to which he replied, "/ 
have but one and I intend to keep that for Brownloiv'''^ After which, 
he spoke of Brownlo-v's parents, and other relatives in severe terms,and 
seemed greatly embittered against him.' 

Some three or four days after the above interview with Haynes, I 
went from this county to Athens in McMinn county, where I read in 
the "Whig," an account of Mr. Brownlow having been fired upon 
through his window, after night, which instantly brought to my recol- 
lection the above expression of Col. Haynes. (i^iven under my hand 
the day and dato above mentioned. GEO. W. DUNCAN. 

Marion, Va., Feb'y 5, 1841. 

Having been requested to state tlie facts in relation to an attempt 
made upon the life of Win. G. Brownlow, this is to certify, that from 
the circumstances, together with former threats, as also from certain re- 
ports, that it is my firm, and deliberate opinion that Landon C. Haynes, 
is the very identical man, who made the attempt, or at least who en- 
couiaged others to execute this dastardly and fiend-like attack, when 
the sable curtain of darkness had screened him, from public view, upon 
the life of a fellow being. I furthermore certify, that the charge of 
Browulow's having perpetrated the act,of wliich Haynes is, as I belieue 
justly accused, or of having obtained some friend to do it for him, is 
false, — knowingly false, and could only have originated in a heart ma- 
lignant and coirupt. I denounced Flaynes and the Powells next morn- 
ing, in the street and to their faces, as the guilty miscreants, as the citi- 
zens of Elizabethton well remember. Given under my hand and seal, 
this 5th day of February, 1841. VALENTINE GARLAND. 

CONCLUDING REMARKS. 

The evidence of Haynes' guilt in this matter, and the respectability 
of the witnesses, we have introduced, all and singular, have from that 
day to this, induced us to view him as an assassiou, and to treat him 
as such. '1 he ox\\y proof of his innocence, as given by himself, is the 
statement ofDulaney, who, in those days, never drew a sober breath, — 
and this statement is set aside by the certificates of the two Messrs Car- 
ters, sons of A. M. Carter, and gentlemen whose characters can't be 
assailed with any success. The other six witnesses, with the exception 
of Messrs Garland and Duncan, are members of the same church to 
which Haynes belongs, and of unquestionable veracity. Mr. Garland 
is a practical Printer,"and is well known in this section of the country, 
as a man of truth. Mr. Duncan is a school teacher, of Carter county, 



APPE-xnix. , 339 

aud a young man of the first standing in point of morals and veracity. 
One oilier remark and we are done. The next morning after the 
shooting, Mr. Gaston Powell, the uncle of Dr. Powell and Haynes, was 
confined to his bed, where he remained for three mouths or more, ow- 
ing to his having pitched out oi the upstairs window of the Doctor's 
house, as his friends alledged, in a drunken frolick. Since that lime, 
"he confessed to Edniond Williams, Samuel Angel (we believe) and 
other gentlemen, that we sliot him ! He was very drunk when he 
made the admission, and these gentlemen were about assisting him in 
mounting iris horse. We do not know that he was the man we fired 
at, or that our ball took effect, but we believe such to be the fact, and 
until he proves to tlie contrary, by having his person examined by com- 
petent and disinterested witnesses, we siiall continue in this belief, as 
will many others. It is dne to this old gentleman that he submit to an 
examination; and if he proves to be innocent we wdl do him the justice 
to publish his innocence. We have never applied to any of the gen- 
llemon present, when he stated that we had shot him, for a certificate 
to that elfect, but will do so if the fact is disputed. 

For the reasons given in this publication, we believe Playncs to be 
guilty of a knowledge of this attempt to assassinate us, if he did not 
directly aid and abet in the nefarious work— to which latter opinion 
we inchne. And for these and other reasons, we have no confidence 
in him, and cannot and will not. whedier in oi out of the Church, re- 
pose confidence in him, or extend to him l!ie hand of fellowship. 

From the Jonesborough Whig, of May 20th ISlO; 
OUR LATE RENOOUNTRE. 

Below we give the statements of four gentlemen who witnessed the 
fight between ourselves and Haynes, on '1 hursday last. We submit no 
oiher account of the afFray, than that which these gendemen have 
given, believing their statements to be correct, and them better qualified 
to give ihc particulars, under the c.'rcumstances, t!mn we are. Beside 
we write in some pain, supported in our bed by a chair and somepillosws. 

Our motive for^approaching Haynes in the way we d.d, was to induce 
him either to take back an insinu'.^.tion he had published against our 
mother, or to render personal satisfaction for it. Knowing our mother to 
have been a coriect woman la every respect — to have died a christiau 
— and to have been in her grave twenty-four years — no man c'a;t or 
shall assail her character, or disturb her ashes with impunity. 

Notwithstanding, we knew Haynes not to be possessed of one honor- 
able principle — ancl to have been guilty of attempting to assassinate us 
— we nevertheless offered him an honoiable fight. — offered him time to 
draw his pistol and defend himself like a man. But with that cowar 
dice which has ever characterized his short and infamous career ns 
well as those who are associated with him, he denied three times 
having arms, and never pretended to exhibit his pistol till he saw we 
had shifted ours into the wrong liand, and had only a cane to use upon 
him. 

When we had tended tlic contes, those ^cw houses who have nil 
along harbored the villain, and used him as a tool, in a political poi.-' 



340 APPENDIX. 

of view, rallied around him ; and one perjured 3'outh — one mixed- 
blooded mechanic, — one dehaucJied store-keeper ^ and one or two young 
Democratic ^/(ieyes, accompanied him out of town as a sort of /j/b- 
guard^ rejoicing at the prospect of our death. True, we received a 
severe wound, but we liust in a few v/eeks at most to show them that 
their boastings are premature : 

MR. EMMERSON'S STATEMENT.—" On the 14di day of 
May 1840, I was sitting on (he steps of the porcli in front of the store 
ofR. L. Bkur, &, Brothers, in Jonesborough. Mr. Brownlow was 
sitting in a chair on the pavement. Mr. Morrison and Mr. Charles 
Meek was sitting on the porch. We were all engaged in conversation. 
I saw Mr. Brownlow rise from his chair and step briskly across the street 
entering the pavement near the front of Kenney's store, looking up 
the street towards Crawford's store, and drawing his pistol just about 
the time he stepped on the pavement. I saw Landon C. Haynes 
walking along the pavement in the directior from Crawford's to Ken- 
ney's and so as to meet Mr. Biownlow. About the timeMr. Brownlow 
drew hio pistol, Haynes stopped, holding his right hand behind him 
which was the position in which he held it Irom the time I first saw him. 
Brownlow asked Haynes if he had his pistol ready. Haynes replied 
no. Brownlow said 1 have mine ready, Sir you see it, holding it up 
at the same time, but not presenting it at any lime during the conflict. 
They were then from ten to fifteen steps apart. Brownlow advanced 
towards him and asked him if he had not his pistol behind him. He 
agair. replied no, or language to that effect. Hajnes stepped back 
some iwo or three steps. Brownlow approached still nearer and asked 
him a third time, if he had not his pistol in his hand behind hjn-i. 
Haynes answered that he had not, Brownlow was at this time near 
enough to have struck or shot Haynes without any difficulty, but when 
Haynes for the third time denied that he had a pistol, Brownlow then 
changed his pistol to his left hand, and shifted iiis slick into his right^ 
taking hold of it below the joint where the sword fits it. Brownlow 
then asked him if he would retract what he had said about his (BrovNU- 
low's) mother. I did not distincdy hear Haynes' reply but thought he 
had declined doing so. Brownlow laised his stick and struck Haynes. 
Haynes then fired his pistol which he luid held concealed under his 
coat. I do not know v/hich occured fiist — the blow with the stick or 
the report of the pistol. I think they were simultaneous. Haynes did 
not use his left hand in cocking the pistol, nor did he cock it in my 
presence. Had he done so I believe I could have seen it. I saw the 
pistol aftei the fracas, laying on tlie ground. I believe it was a pocket 
rifie, with the lock underneath, and do not think it could be cocked 
with one hand. After the pistol fired, the paities closed. Brownlow 
struck him while they were in grips, with liis stick over the head. 
Haynes took hold of Brownlow's pistol. Brownlow got it away from 
him, held Haynes' head under his left arm,and struck him seveial limes 
on the head with the pistol. Haynes when he closed in with Brown- 
low,, threw him against the railing, but Biownlow turned him from the 
railing and got his left arm aroimd his neck as above slated. The parties 
were separated by Col. Jackson. I did not believe that Haynes' ball 



•APPENDIX. 3iW 

fiad taken effect, nor do I imagine that any one else thought so, as 
Uiownlow seemed to fight very vio-orously. Had it been known he 
was shot, 1 presume the bystanders would have interfered sooner. So 
soon asthe parties were separated, Haynes went off, leaving Brownlow 
standing on the pavement against the railing. About the lime Col. 
Jackson proposed to part them, I discovered blood on Brownlow's 
pantaloons, and saw the bullet hole, which was about the centre of the 
thigh, three or four inches below the groin. 1 saw that Brownlow iiad 
v<.ry little use of his leg, and J esse J, Williams and myself assisted him 
accross the gti'eetto the store of Messrs. Yancey, Gammon, <fc Co, where 
we put him on a bed in the counting room. 
Thisl5thday ofMay 1840. 

THOMAS B. EMMERSON. " 

MR. MORRISON'S STATEMENT.— ' I have heard the above 
statement made by Mr. Emmerson read, and concur with him in all 
the facts and opinions therein expressed, except that I did not see that 
Brownlow was wounded until after the separation. When J3rownlow 
asked if Haynes would retract what he had said about his mother, 
Haynes referred him to his hand-bill. I saw Haynes throw his pistol 
away inunediately after he fired. My impression is that Haynes fired 
before Brownlow struck him. During the co^ifiict, arid after the pistol 
fired, 1 heard Brownlow say don't part us. / saw Haynes come oiil 
of CrawforcVs doQr before Brow)dow rose. Haynes then had one or 
both hands behind him, under his coat tall, and continued to hold his 
right hand in that positionuntil he fired. From this circumstance, 
and fiom ihe fact that the lock of the pistol was underneath, I believe 
that Haynes had his pistol cocked when he came out o/ the store, and 
continued to hold it so until he fired, although he denied having a pistol 
three times, as stated by Mr. EmmersOn. 

TlatS 15th day of -may 1840. 

WM. MORRISON. " 

MR. WILLIAMS' STATEMENT.—" I have heard both the 
above statements read and witneissed all the facts related by Mr. Em- 
merson, except that I did not see where Haynes' ball struck jirownlow, 
until after they were separated, i Was silting in front of the store of 
Yancey, Gammon <k, Co, but did not see Haynes when he came out of 
Crawford's, though I saw him before he stopped. I concur with Mr. 
Morrison in his statement as to Haynes reply to Brownlow^ question in 
regard to his raother,and also in hearing Brownlow say,after he was shot 
don't part us. I also believe with Messrs. Emmerson and Morrison that 
Haynes had his pistol cocked when he and Brownlow first approachei* 
each other, as he held his right hand under his coat behind him, anc 
cpntinued to hold it there until he fired. I also heard him der-iy, a| 
those gentlemen state, three times, that he had a pistol, but think thn 
the report of the pistol and the blow with Brownlow's cane were sirii- 
ultaneous. 

This 15th day of May 1840. 

JESSE J. WILLIAMS. "' 

" I was setting with Mr Williams in front of Yancey ,Gammon (fcCo's 



343 APPENDIX. 

Store when Messrs Brownlovy and Haynes approached eacli other, on 
the opposite side of the street, and I fully concur with him in the above 
statement. 

Thi3 May 15th 1840. 

JOHN W, GIBBONS. " 

CONCLUDING REMARKS.— This Appendix has been added to 
this Work — not because it is of any importance to the Public to know 
what the private grievances of the writer are — but because it refutes 
the only three slanders whic will be urged, asase^ o/T, against the facts 
arguments, and disclosures herein brought to bear against modern De- 
mocracy. This Appendix is given, moreover, because it illustrates much 
of the real character of the leaders of "the party" here, and of that, 
prince of villians, hypocrits, and political prostitutes, by which they are 
iieaded, the veritable Editor of the Jonesborough Sentinel. 

This man Haynes, of the Sentinel, who had been a Whig, became 
a Locofoco, in 1839, when Polk was elected over Cannon. He had 
been a Methodist in sentiment, and in 1841, joined the Presbyterian 
Church. In the fall of 1842, he came forward at a Camp Meeting — - 
made a hyocritical profession of religion— joined the Methodist Church 
turned out to war against the Presbyterians, and applied to the Quar- 
terly Meeting Conference of the M b^ Church in Joijesborough,in Novem- 
ber 1842, for a liscence to preach — which, unfortulatcly for the Church 
he ebtained. He was liscnced by a small Conference, in which only 
eleven votes were cast. Six weeks from the time he obtained a licenscj 
G. W. C. Harris, a respectable Local Preacher of this county, had 
him silenced, on a charge of slander and falsehood. Some two 
months thereafter, he was convictled of these charges in the Conference 
£)f tliis county, by tlie votes oi fourteen members; and by the votes of 
thirteen members, his lisence were taken from him. Of the eleven 
who gave him lisence to preach, six voted for his conviction, and three 
,others, Messrs Roberts, Dillworth and Watson, have said they would 
Jiave voted to convict him if they had been present ! 

How brief has been the career of this truly infamous man ! And 
^\\x)X a veiy singular position he occupies before the country ! Here is 
a case for you, reader, in the person ef Laudon Culprit Hapies ; a 
man having no settled principles., of any kind — a vain glorious creature 
always seeking expedients or hobbies, to gain popularity, or noloriet}^, 
and always, for the same reason, loosing more and more the confidence 
of all parties! He is a living, moving, j»w/ri^ec?monument of hisown 
folly and crimes ! In him is all want of principle brought to a focus. 
Reader, in all soberness, we ask you the question, what thiiJc ye of 



APPENDIX. 



343 



Hayiies 9 The question cannot be better answered, than it is in the 
following highly f^e5cnj9/we lines of the Poet: — 

" A wretch wfiose honor's hourhj sold and bought^ 

Who 7iever had an independent thought, 

Whose very scalHsty modicum of brains 

Will barely, scarcely serve to count his gains — 

Who would, if he had lived in times of old, 

liike Judas^ sold his very God for gold, 

A lank, lean xorttch, who crouching moves along, 

Despised, and knowing it, by the passing throng ; 

Who scoffs at aught like decency control, 

And makes his dollar— though he damns his soul." 



INDEX 



Dedication, Page 6 

To the Reader, ...... 7 

Introduction, ...,,. 9 
CHAPTER 1. 

Predictions of eminent Men — State Banks — Who chartered them — 
Ascendency of parties in the several State Legislatures — Hard money- 
prices of lS43^Population and Public Debts of the States — Imports 
and Exports of Specie — Facts to be remembered, . . 15 

CHAPTER 11. 

The great issue— Bank or no Bank — The Bank of 1780— The 
Bank of 1791 — The Bank of 1816 — Who for a Bank and who against 
it-^Tts constitutionality — Gen. Jackson and Paper Money-His late letter 
— His plant of 1834— A contradiction, &c., . „ . -29 

CHAPTER III. 

Price of Labor— Metalic Currency - Tlie Van Buren doctrine, 

Avowed by Benton, Buchanan and Walker, leaders of the Party 50 

CHAPTER LY. 

Foreign Stockholders— Gov. Polk and Sterling Bonds— Gen. Jackson 
for a National Bank in four different Messages, ... 55 

CHAPEER V. 

The National Debt —Who created it — Condition of the country on 
Mr. Van Buren's accession to the Presidency — Extract from General 
Hamilton's letter — American credit abroad — Opinions of English 
Newspapers, &c, 5g 

CHAPTER VL 

The Tariif Question— Its increasing popularity— Its importance— 
Who have been its supporters — A Democratic measure, . 64 

CHAPTER VII. 

^ Union of Church and Sta^— Designs of the Catholics against this 
country— Popery and Locofocoism blended— Martin Van Buren's letter 
to the Pope— The sayings of Bishop England and other Priests- 
Signs of the times, 75 

CHAPTER VIII. 
A word to Laborers— The Tariff auestion—A -National Bank— 



346 INDEX. 

Henry Clay and the Presidency — Treasury Notes repudiated, 120 

CHAPTER IX. 

Hypocrisy of Modern Locofocoism— Repudiation and thefts — Party 
names — Definition of Democracy, &c, .... 123 

CHAPTER X. 

Distribution of the Land Fund — Gen. Jackson and Distribution— Mr. 
Yan Buren and Distribution — A Democratic measure Avhen introduced 
by these men — A Federal measure when advocated by Mr. Clay and 
the Whig Party, 12T 

CHAPTER XL 

The Subtreasury Scheme, ,.:... 132 

CHAPTER Xn. 

A candid statement of the factious conduct of the "Lit mortal Tli'rteen" 
Senators of the Tennessee Legislature, in refusing to elect United States 
Senators — To which is added a history of the election of Scnat'ors to 
Congress, in Tennessee, from the organization of the State down to the 
present date— Also Polk's endorsement of this vile and revolutionary 
conduct— With concluding remarks, &c., .... 138 

CHAPTER Xm. 

The Bankrupt Law — A Democratic measure — Evidence of the- 
fact, MG' 

CHAPTER XIV 

The Bank of the State of Tennessee — Refusal of the " Immortal 
Thirteen" to allow an investigation, or change its Directors — Insolvency 
of the Bank and its Branches — Directors Candidates for the Legislature 
General favoriteism and corruption, .... 15T 

CHAPTER XV. 

Troubles in the camp— Five Presidential aspirants opposed to a Bank 
—Mr Calhoun against a National Convention in 1834— Calhoun going 
for Harrison in 1835— The Richmond Enquirer's opinion of Calhoun 
in 1833— "Turn about and wheel about" Calhomi— Jackson's Procla- 
mation against South Carolina— Mr. Van Buren's principles— His 
Standing Army, Abolition notions, &c, .... 166 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The o-rand result of the Tennessee Elections— Causes thereof— Suc- 
cess of the Whigs— The true state of the case, . . . 198 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Sketch of the Life and Public services of Gov. Jones, . 217 



INDEX. 347 

CHAPTER XVIIL 

The last Will and Testament of James K. Polk, . . 228 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Electoral Votes for President and Vice President in 1840— New and 
Old Ratio— Causes of Van Bureii's defeat-Tlie Calhoun papers against 
the Van Buren Organs— Opposition meetings in Neiv York . 229 

CHAPTER XX. 

Snynopsis, showing the year in which each State of the Union was 
settled and by what people— The number of square miles— Time of 
holding elections— Qualitiications of Voters, and number of Represen- 
tatives and Electors of each State— A list of Officers of the United States 
Government from 1789 to 1841, 235 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HENRY CLAY. 

CHAPTER I. 

Introtrodtictory remarks— Mr- <^^iay'3 present position— Prospects of 
the V^hig Party- Periodical discomfiture of the Whigs— Causes of these 
d'wcomfitures- Different pursuits of the Whigs and Locofocos in life- 
Present condition of the Whig party compared to what it was in 1839— 
Whig opinion in Georgia, Ohio and Pennsylvania— Lafayette's opinion 
of Mr Clay— Benton's'opinion of Mr Clay— Jefferson's opinion of Mr 
Clay — Judge McLean's opinion of Blr Clay, . : . 241 



CHAPTER II. 

■Birtli and Parentage— His early days— The Mill boy of the Slashes- 
studies Law— Hears Patrick Henry— Removes to Kentucky— Debut 
ai a Debating Society— Beconies a successful Practitioner-He advocates 
t^e policv of gradually Emancipating the Slaves of Kentuck}' — Opposes 
the Alien and Sedition Law— Is elected to the General Assembly-Instan- 
ces of his eloquence— Affair with Col. Daviess— 4ppeais at the Bar for 
Aaron Burr — Subsequent interview with Burr in N. York, . 250 

CHAPTER III. 

, Elected to the Senate of "the United States— His first speech in favor 
of Internal Improvement — Is chosen speaker of Kentucky House of 
Assembly— Duel with Humphrey Marshall— His seDtiraents in regard 
to duelling-Takes his seat a second time in the U. S. Senate — Speaks 
ia behalf of domestic manufactures — Lays the foundation of the Amer- 
ican system — The United States Bank — He becomes a member of the 
United States House of Representatives— Is chosen Speaker on the first 
baUQt--Critical stateof Affairs— Is in favor of a war with great Britain- 
Speech on the bill for raising troops— On a Naval establishment — Carries 
his measures — Our naval successes, 257 



348 



CHAPTER, IV. 



Mr. Clay prefers a seat iu the House to one in tlie Senate-Reasons for 
making him speaker — His intercourse with Randolph — War declared — 
Madison re-elected President — Mr. Clay resigns the Speakers chair, be- 
ing appointed Commissioner to Ghent— His service during the war, 265 

CHAPTER V. 

Meeting of the Ghent CoBimissioners— Mr Clay visits Brussels — An- 
ecdote — Controversy between Messrs Adams and Russel— Mr. Clay's 
letter;.Goes to Paris; Introduced to the duke of WeUington by Madame 
de Stael — Hears of New Orleans — Visits England — Waterloo and Na- 
polean— Mr. Clay's reception in England— Declines going to court-iSir 
James Mackintosh — liOrd Gambier — Mr Clay's return to New York — 
Keception — Re-elected to Congress — Vindication of the war — Internal 
improvements — His countiy, his whole country, . . 269 

CHAPTER VL 

Recharter of the United States Bank-Mr. Clay's views in 1811 & 1816 
— Scene in the House with Randolph — Mr Clay's relation with Mr. 
Madison — Intention of Madison at ono (ime to appoint him Comander 
in-Chief of the army — Election of James Monroo — Mr. Clay carries his 
measures in behalf of the South American State&— Letter from Bolivar 
and Mr. Clay's reply, 274 

CHAPTER VII. 

Internal Improvement — Mr. Monroes constitutional objections— Mr. 
Clay replies to them — Discussion of Gen. Jackson's conduct in the 
Seminole Campaign — Mr. Clay's opinion of that chieftain in 1819 — 
A phrophetic glimpse — Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson — The Father of 
the American System-Bill to regulate duties — Mr. Clay's speech in 
behalf of the protective policy — Voice of the country — His unremitted 
exertions — Randolph's sarcasms — Anecdote, . . . 280 

CHAPTER VIIL 

The Missouri Question — Mr. Clay resigns the Speakeiship-The 
Union in danger — He resumes his seat in Congress — Unparalleled ex- 
citement — His compromise of the Question — Pacification of parties — 
Character of his efforts— Reception of Lafayette in the House — Wel- 
comed by Mr. Clay — Lafayett'e's leply — Clay and Monroe, 285 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Piesidential question —Nomination of Mr Clay — His qualifica- 
tions set forth— General Harrison in favor of Henry Clay — Slanders 
in the House— Kremer's letter — Monstrous nature of the charges against 
Mr. C— His course in regard to tliem— Appointment of a committee of 
<'xamination — Complete refutation of the calumny— Mr. Clay's address 
to his conctitucnts — Election of John Q. Adams by the House — Exas- 



INDEX- 349 

peratjon of Gen. Jackson's friends — Mr. Clay's independence of spirit— 
.Motives of his preference, 291 

CHAPTER X. 

Account of Mr. Clay's intercourse with Gen. Jackson — Carter Bever- 
ly's letter charging bargain, corruption and intrigue-- Gen. Jackson the 
accuser of Mr. Clay — Mr. Buchauan of Pennsylvania, giving the lie to 
-<jien. Jackson— Final refutation of the slander by a cloud of witnesses, 
' ' ... 295 



APPENDIX, 

The last Jonesborough Card, . . ... 323 

"Murder will out"— Attempted assassination, . . 332 

Our late rcncountre-— Concluding Remarks, . . 339 



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